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In response to calls for greater interdisciplinary involvement from the social sciences and humanities in the development, governance, and study of artificial intelligence systems, this paper presents one sociologist's view on the problem of algorithmic bias and the reproduction of societal bias. Discussions of bias in AI cover much of the same conceptual terrain that sociologists studying inequality have long understood using more specific terms and theories. Concerns over reproducing societal bias should be informed by an understanding of the ways that inequality is continually reproduced in society—processes that AI systems are either complicit in, or can be designed to disrupt and counter. The contrast presented here is between conservative and radical approaches to AI, with conservatism referring to dominant tendencies that reproduce and strengthen the status quo, while radical approaches work to disrupt systemic forms of inequality. The limitations of a conservative approach to racial bias are discussed through the specific example of biased criminal risk assessments and Indigenous overrepresentation in Canada's criminal justice system. This illustrates the dangers of treating racial bias as a generalizable problem and equality as a generalizable solution, emphasizing the importance of considering inequality in context. Societal issues can no longer be out of scope for AI and machine learning, given the impact of these systems on human lives. This requires engagement with a growing body of critical AI scholarship that goes beyond biased data to analyze structured ways of perpetuating inequality, opening up the possibility for interdisciplinary engagement and radical alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows analytically how (a) the long-run growth rate and (b) the long-run proportional distribution of an interregional population system with a time-homogeneous structural matrix are affected by small changes or errors in (a) the natural growth rates of individual regions and (b) the interregional migration rates. Furthermore, the analytic results are applied to an eight-region Canadian population system. Finally, it is claimed that the method introduced here can be easily applied to sensitivity analysis of both the intrinsic growth rate and the "stable" age-composition of the Leslie model with respect to changes in age-specific birth and survival rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores inherent tensions between two democratic ideals: citizen representation and accountability of the state. Specifically, I argue that the method by which state officials make themselves accountable-through their creation of the appearance of transparency-results in the exclusion of alternative, non-scientific ways of knowing, including those that are gendered, local and indigenous, because these ways of knowing often employ non-standardized methods which are not 'transparent' in the same way as science and therefore easily dismissed by state officials as indefensible to citizens' questioning. I explore this tension by drawing on examples from ethnographic work I completed with two groups of knowledge practitioners, Kwakwaka'wakw First Nations (Native American) traditional marine harvesters and government biologists, both of whom work with clams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the modern face of filial piety enactment among Chinese families living away from their homeland. It empirically assesses filial piety practices among a random sample of diasporic Chinese Canadians, by studying the role of sons, daughters and spouses in providing assistance with basic activities of daily living, instrumental activities of daily living and perceptions of support; the relative contribution of the traditional Chinese caring unit (son plus daughter-in-law) with assistance provided; whether source of assistance changes when amount of care is taken into account, when the gendered nature of tasks is taken into account and when controlling for other factors in multivariate analyses. N = 2,272 Chinese seniors (age 55+) living in seven cities across Canada. The findings reveal that, among these diasporic Chinese, patterns found in other Chinese societies are evident in their tendency to live with children, even when the spouse is still living, and the involvement of sons and the son/daughter-in-law unit in providing care. However, similar to recent findings for China, daughters and spouses are involved in all 3 areas of support examined and importantly, their involvement increases as more assistance is provided while that from sons decreases, notably in terms of IADL. The participation of daughters-in-law tends to be lower than that of either sons or daughters. The involvement of spouses increases for perceived or emotional support. The findings suggest a blending of Chinese and Canadian patterns of care and are discussed in terms of the changing but still gendered nature of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section introduces the articles featured in the spring 2002 issue of The American Sociologist. The half-dozen articles here, along with Brym's engaging introductory essay, help us regain a sense of sociology as an unfolding international movement and also of the distinctive experiences of sociologists in particular national contexts. Rather ironically, in light of the sweep of the paradigms and macro-level theories that are sociology's coin of the realm, there are strong parochial tendencies in the field. In the United States, for instance, many departments of sociology tend to relegate international and cross-cultural matters to anthropologists, and many textbook writers produce analyses that focus overwhelmingly on their home country. One consequence of such tendencies is to speak as though formulas that fit one context have a general or universal applicability. As the papers here inform us time and again, sociology in Canada has struggled with the Anglo-French division of society and culture, which has generated two separate and largely unengaged spheres, and has segregated even the respective social sciences. Meanwhile, Canadian sociologists have worked to develop a voice of their own that is not distorted by the influence of sociology produced in the United States or in Europe.

Copyright of Canadian Studies in Population is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The journey following migration for adolescent youth can consist of psychosocial and sociocultural difficulties with acculturating and integrating into the new host society. The family unit, however, has been identified to be a source of strength and wellbeing for youth during the integration process. This study explores factors that are suggested to make the home environment more supportive after migration. Newcomer youth between 15 and 18 years of age within a medium-sized Canadian city, living in Canada for no more than 2 years were interviewed in a group setting. Mixed methods were utilized and collected data was analyzed using concept mapping. Participants stated wanting more positive feedback from and increased communication with parents, in addition to having a home that is more open and welcoming to friends. The needs of youth can be sourced in the effects of the migrant journey and acculturation process. By improving the degrees of understanding, warmth, communication and cultural integration in the home, youth and their families can develop a greater sense of cohesion which can assist with supporting their migrant experience. Implications for practitioners working with newcomer youth and their families are provided, in addition to research and policy-related implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the courses and faculties at University of British Columbia's graduate department of sociology, Vancouver, British Columbia. The acting head is Cyril S. Belshal, Department of Anthropology and Sociology and graduate degrees offered in sociology are, MA, PhD. Staff: David F. Aberle. PhD, Prof.; Braxton M. Alfred, PhD, Asst. Prof.; Michael M. Ames, PhD, Assoc. Prof.; Cyril S. Belshaw, PhD, Prof.; Carl E. Borden, PhD, Prof.; Wilson Duff, MA, Assoc. Prof.: Mrs. A. E. Hawthorn, MA, Lect.; Harry B. Hawthorn. PhD, Prof.; Helga Jacobson. MA. Asst. Prof.; Robert D. McDougall, BA, Asst. Prof., Robin Riddington, BA, Asst. Prof.: Lionel Tiger, PhD, Asst. Prof. and William E. Willmott, PhD, Assoc. Prof.

Community empowerment can be a powerful determinant of HIV risk among sex workers (SWs). This study modeled the impact of social cohesion on client condom refusal among SWs in Vancouver. Longitudinal data were drawn from a prospective cohort of SWs (2010-2013). Lippman and colleagues' Social Cohesion Scale measured SWs' connectedness (i.e., perception of mutual aid, trust, support). Multivariable logistic regression examined the independent effect of social cohesion on client condom refusal. Of 654 SWs, 22 % reported baseline client condom refusal and 34 % over 3 years. The baseline median social cohesion score was 24 (IQR 20-29, range 4-45). In the final confounding model, for every one-point increase in the social cohesion score, average odds of condom refusal decreased by 3 % (AOR 0.97; 95 % CI 0.95-0.99). Community empowerment can have a direct protective effect on HIV risk. These findings highlight the need for a legal framework that enables collectivization and SW-led efforts in the HIV response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary & Nonprofit Organizations is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a commentary on a paper by Robert A. Stebbins in a previous issue of The American Sociologist which provided an account of professional and amateur sociology in the U.S. The British organization, Mass Observation existed in a relatively nonintrusive society with (as compared to the U.S.) greater concern for one's own and other people's privacy. Canada and Great Britain may in this respect have more built-in defenses against the risks of some kinds of amateur sociology that the U.S. would have. However, according to the commenter, Stebbins already anticipates this objection by requiring amateurs to be supervised and to start with a certain amount of instruction and proper cautionary comments. By engaging primarily in the use of unobtrusive measures and observations, the amateur will avoid the risks of harm to which Stebbins is already sensitive. The commenter relates that one of the public areas in which he has encouraged such unobtrusive observations is in churches, where the observer in outward appearance is similar to the congregation and hence not seen as an intruder. According to him, he has had a fair amount of experience with undergraduate amateurs of the sort described.

Arthur K. Davis was President of the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association in 1975–1976 and in 1995 received the association's Outstanding Contribution award. In Canada, he was particularly known for his article on “Canadian Society and History as Hinterland Versus Metropolis,” originally published in Ossenberg's anthology of 1971. This article was frequently cited from 1972–1994 and was reprinted a number of times. Davis was also known for his articles on Thorstein Veblen, which continue to receive citation. Davis' career merits careful study for at least two reasons. The first is that he was a Ph.D. product of the early Harvard sociology graduate program, which has received much less attention than it deserves from sociological historians (unlike the Chicago School). As such, Davis studied under of Talcott Parsons, Pitirim Sorokin, and Robert K. Merton. The second reason is that Davis' career clearly illustrates the usefulness of Robert W. Friedrichs' distinction between the priestly and prophetic roles that sociologists may fulfill. Davis' career started under the influence of a priestly orientation (as symbolized by his doctoral supervisor Talcott Parsons) and then gravitated to a prophetic stance as influenced by Pitirim Sorokin, Paul M. Sweezy, and, more distantly, by Marx and Veblen. Since this transition took place just when the Cold War was falling, his career reveals some of the pitfalls that await the prophetic sociologist in times that favor security and conservatism rather than activism and change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article features Canadian sociologist John Porter. Each year between 1956 and 1968 at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association they announced the winner of the MacIver Award, the honor given to the author of the book judged to be the most important work published during the previous year. In 1966, something happened at the announcement ceremony that had never occurred before and did not happen again for the duration of the award: it was given to a Canadian author for a book written about Canada. The author was John Porter of Carleton University in Ottawa, Ontario. The book was The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Class and Power in Canada. John Porter went on to become Canada's most famous English-language sociologist and TVM became the most important and famous book in the history of Canadian sociology. John Arthur Porter was born in Vancouver, British Columbia, in 1921, the second of three children of Arthur Porter, an accountant, and Ethel Cuffin, a former schoolteacher. Porter was a highly productive researcher who throughout his career focused his scholarly, political, and administrative attention on a handful of key questions. TVM is clearly the most famous and influential of the , but there were others as well: Occupational Prestige in Canada, Towards 2000, Does Money Matter?, the McInnis Lectures, Stations and Callings, and Ascription and Achievement.

In this article I focus on four major concerns in Canadian sociological analyses of the labour market: (1) the distribution of employment of varying quality among different groups; (2) aggregate trends in the quality of employment and the incidence of unemployment often associated with globalization and technological change; (3) the effects of the relative dependence of the economy on resource extraction; and (4) various comparisons of Canadian labour market performance with that of Sweden, usually to the disadvantage of the former. I argue that these concerns have generated useful research, to varying degrees, but have tended to produce needlessly pessimistic conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates have again resurfaced in Canada over the hiring of foreign academics to work in Canadian universities. Many are predicting a shortage of qualified Canadian graduates able to cope with the expected influx of echo generation students. In the face of such a crisis, some are calling for the elimination of the Canadians First policy now in place to limit the number of foreign academics taking jobs in Canada. This situation is not new. This article looks past traditional discussions of the Canadianization movement of the 1960s and 1970s, which tend to focus on epistemological issues, and examines it as a social movement. From this perspective, Canadian sociologists and anthropologists contributed significantly to the movement to Canadianization sociology and anthropology in Canada, as well as other disciplines. The hope here is that a proper historical understanding of the Canadianization movement, and its successes, will help us in evaluating possible solutions to the coming crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the sociological dimensions of the impact of feminism on Canadian sociology. Counter to the U.S. and Europe, sociology in Canada is still a young discipline. Hiller (1980) proposes a four-step periodization for understanding the development of Canadian sociology: first, a period of European transference, which ends about the time of World War 1. During the second period, which Hiller names the period of environmental adaptation (essentially the 1930s, 1940s, and early 1950s) sociology was taught in conjunction with economics and political science as part of an interdisciplinary approach. Hiller names the third period one of disciplinary differentiation and specialization (the late 1950s and the decade of the 1960s). The fourth period of consolidation, sarting in the 1970s, also involved the development of a truly Canadian sociology, stimulated and carried forward both by the Canadianization movement and the women's movement, which largely coincided timewise. In the middle to late 1960s the women's movement in Canada started to become a social force, kickstarted by the Royal Commission on the Status of Women. In 1972, the first session ever on women took place in the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association. It was organized by Marylee Stephenson, with three speakers: Lorna Marsden, Dorothy Smith, and Margrit Eichler.

This article provides information on an invitation made by the Program Committees of the American Sociological Association (ASA) for members to submit their suggestions for the 1974 program in Montreal, Quebec. President-elect Peter Blau has scheduled a meeting of his program committee on February 3 and 4. The VIII World Congress of the International Sociological Association will be held in Ontario the week before 1974 ASA meeting in Montreal.

This article presents the results of a survey administered to discover how much concern there is with teaching sociology at the introductory level in the U.S. and Canadian sociology departments. Findings indicate that sociology departments are grappling with the problem of making beginning sociology a more relevant intellectual experience for students with an ever-growing range of interests and expectations. In the survey, 71.1 percent of the U.S. sociology departments had the conventional one-course format in the 1971-72 academic year while 28.9 percent had some other format. Because sociology is undergoing such rapid growth, the authors wanted to find out the degree to which schools were contemplating change in the future. Some critics feel that sociology departments have failed to adapt their course formats to changing student needs. Baker and Behrens feel this way and state that "it is imperative that we ... respond to the plurality of students' abilities, interests, and expectations." The survey indicates that this pessimism represents a metaphysical pathos and that, in fact, U.S. and Canadian departments of sociology are facing the demand for change. Perhaps the most telling evidence of departments' commitments to deal with changing student needs is in the departmental responses.