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The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the "enemy" narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the "enemy" narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as "communal" and "unpatriotic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideology and cinematic representation are crucially linked even though a film's positioning of itself with respect to dominant state ideology may differ thus contesting the idea that films always serve as ideological state apparatus. In this context, the paper reflects on the complex ways in which the ideological positioning – advertently or inadvertently – of cinematic representations of Partition in Hindi films of the 2000s interacts with dominant state ideology to frame the relationship between self and other with the terms denoting India/Hindu and Pakistan/Muslim, respectively. Through an analysis of the representation of the India–Pakistan border in four films – Pinjar (2003), Veer-Zaara (2004), Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019) and Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (2014) – the paper argues that mainstream Hindi films are largely reflective of the state ideology, although to varying degrees and at times in spite of themselves. In contrast, a low-budget film as Kya Dilli Kya Lahore completely subverts the dominant ideology through its sensitive but incisive critique of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are growing numbers of business—development hybrids that combine a commercial orientation with an intent to deliver development goals. Yet, within development studies research to date, there has been limited conceptualization of these organizations. Borrowing from the extensive literature in other disciplines, this paper argues that the concept of institutional logics can be used as a basis for understanding business—development hybrids. The lens of institutional logics is used to analyze two hybrid case studies of 'impact sourcing' that outsource IT work to disadvantaged groups in Pakistan and India. Synergies between business and development logics were managed by combining those logics, but tensions between the two required techniques of compromising or decoupling the logics. Organizations also managed the logics by presenting a more business-oriented face to clients and a more development-oriented face to workers, by protecting their development logic from commercial pressures, and by seeking to institutionalize both logics. Implications are considered for practice and for future development research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries' official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan's stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outlines the contents of papers on nuclear deterrence, from the University of Pennsylvania, Institute for the Advanced Study of India, presented during a conference in New Delhi, India held in August 2005. Argument of E. Sridharan regarding nuclear deterrence; Association between international relations theory and nuclear deterrence, according to Rajesh M. Basrur; Issues raised by Rasul Bakhsh Rais relating to Pakistan's nuclear stability; View presented by Bharat Karnad regarding nuclear deterrence theory.

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This paper explores the response of the international press to the co-hosting of the 1996 Cricket World Cup by India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The event had a troubled background: the shift of power within cricket towards the subcontinent and the consequential commercialisation of the sport were causing some dissension among traditionalists. At the same time there was some instability in South Asian politics, especially between India and Pakistan and because of the civil war in Sri Lanka. While these issues overshadowed the event, some aspects of its organisation were unsuccessful, leading to some negative press coverage. It is argued here, however, that the problems faced by South Asian countries in trying to use this sports event to promote a positive image were further exacerbated by underlying stereotypes and criticisms of South Asian cultures. As such, the paper addresses several important themes relating to major sports events and 'semi-peripheral' countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents abstracts of papers on international relations. "International Relations Theory and the India-Pakistan Conflict," by E. Sridhara; "International Relations Theory and Minimum Deterrence," by Rajesh M. Basrur; "Conceptualizing Nuclear Deterrence: Pakistan's Posture," by Rasul Bakhsh Rais; "South Asia: The Irrelevance of Classical Nuclear Deterrence Theory," by Bharat Karnad.

Objectives: Our paper reviews current teaching practices used to support students with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) in the South Asian region, and to what extent these teaching practices reflect key research based effective practices. We have focused our attention on teaching practices at a time when we are witnessing a greater thrust towards achieving inclusive education at both, regional and global levels. Methods: We have used an eclectic approach for the study by employing a scoping review methodology to identify peer reviewed journal articles from South Asian countries. Having identified 10 articles and three dissertations in total from India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, we have used a matrix method to present our data against nine best teaching practices for students with ASD. Results: Results from the review indicate three practices (of the nine best teaching practices) were most frequently used. These are assessments, alternative, and augmentative communication systems, and parent-implemented instruction/program. The other six teaching practices were not widely reported. Conclusions: We identify significant implications for practitioners, educators, and teacher education programs within the Asian region and beyond. The use of an eclectic approach in making choices regarding teaching strategies, incorporating varied research based effective teaching practices, and following a systematic and informed approach of assessments – teaching interventions – ongoing evaluation are key to supporting students with ASD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In rural and low-income urban households, energy is 'women's business': women are responsible for providing energy, and use it for domestic chores and productive activities. However, the poor quality fuels many women use contribute to their time poverty, ill health, and level of drudgery. Despite these negative impacts, energy policy remains gender-blind. This can be attributed to the invisibility of women's needs to energy planners, stemming from a lack of appropriate gender-analysis tools to meet the particular data requirements of the energy sector. This article analyses why standard gender tools do not provide appropriate gender-disaggregated energy data, and describes a set of tools that have been developed for that purpose. The paper concludes with an evaluation of recent experiences testing the tools in Pakistan, India, and Nepal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear deterrence theory, featuring near equal powers and positing symmetrical consequences of nuclear hostilities, is based principally on the US-USSR confrontation during the Cold War. Except for the theorizing by the French Army Generals Pierre Gallois and Andre Beaufre to provide a rationale for France's force de frappe, there has been little thinking about nuclear deterrence between two states differing vastly in size and resources. This paper analyzes the weaknesses in the classical nuclear deterrence concepts and the Gallois-Beaufre theories generally in terms of their inapplicability to India-Pakistan wars, crises and nuclear conflict scenarios. It argues that factors other than deterrence are at work, like the sentiments of a partitioned Muslim community, kinship ties, shared ethnicity and culture, and the growing clout of the Indian Muslim voter. What has evolved is a unique system of restraints and conflict containment despite gross disparities between India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gradual elevation of India-US relations over the past few decades highlights a significant convergence of interests, a similarity in dominant political discourse and a converging geopolitical environment that has aided this elevation. This article explores engagements between India and the US within the Af-Pak arena, reflected in policy discourse and public pronouncements in both countries. It does so through a critical discourse analysis and examination of personal, national interest, and broader structural calculations that have driven Indian and American policy engagement reflected in their policy positions with regards to Afghanistan and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global population is ageing rapidly, with low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) undergoing a fast demographic transition. As the number of older adults in LMICs increases, services able to effectively address their physical and mental health needs will be increasingly important. We review the health and socioeconomic resources currently available for older people in South Asian countries, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, to identify gaps in available resources and assess areas for improvement. We conducted a search of grey and published literature via Google Search, Compendex, EBSCO, JSTOR, Medline, Ovid, ProQuest databases, Scopus and Web of Science. Data on population demographics, human resources, health funding and social protection for older people were extracted. Local informants were consulted to supplement and verify the data. In the study countries, the number of health professionals with expertise in elderly care was largely unknown, with minimal postgraduate training programmes available in elderly medicine or psychiatry. Older adults are therefore cared for by general physicians, nurses and community health workers, all of whom are present in insufficient numbers per capita. Total average healthcare expenditure was 2.5–5.5% of GDP, with 48.1–72.0% of healthcare costs covered by out-of-pocket payments. Pakistan did not have a social pension; only India and Nepal offered financial assistance to people with dementia; and all countries had disproportionately low numbers of care elderly homes. Inadequate healthcare funding, a shortage of healthcare professionals and insufficient government pension and social security schemes are significant barriers to achieving universal health coverage in LMICs. Governing bodies must expand training programmes for healthcare providers for older adults, alongside increasing social protection to improve access to those in need and to prevent catastrophic health expenditure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nepal, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan, policy focused on improving access to maternity services has led to measures to reduce cost barriers impeding women's access to care. Specifically, these include cash transfer or voucher schemes designed to stimulate demand for services, including antenatal, delivery and post-partum care. In spite of their popularity, however, little is known about the impact or effectiveness of these schemes. This paper provides an overview of five major interventions: the Aama (Mothers') Programme (cash transfer element) in Nepal; the Janani Suraksha Yojana (Safe Motherhood Scheme) in India; the Chiranjeevi Yojana (Scheme for Long Life) in India; the Maternal Health Voucher Scheme in Bangladesh and the Sehat (Health) Voucher Scheme in Pakistan. It reviews the aims, rationale, implementation challenges, known outcomes, potential and limitations of each scheme based on current available data. Increased use of maternal health services has been reported since the schemes began, though evidence of improvements in maternal health outcomes has not been established due to a lack of controlled studies. Areas for improvement in these schemes, identified in this review, include the need for more efficient operational management, clear guidelines, financial transparency, plans for sustainability, evidence of equity and, above all, proven impact on quality of care and maternal mortality and morbidity. Au Népal, en Inde, au Bangladesh et au Pakistan, la politique centrée sur l'élargissement de l'accès aux services de maternité a débouché sur des mesures de réduction des obstacles financiers qui empêchent les femmes d'avoir accès aux soins, plus précisément des transferts de fonds ou des chèques conçus pour stimuler la demande, notamment de soins prénatals, obstétricaux et du post-partum. Pourtant, en dépit de leur popularité, on sait peu de choses de l'impact de ces programmes. L'article décrit cinq interventions majeures : le programme Aama (des mères) (élément de transfert de fonds) au Népal, le Janani Suraksha Yojana (plan de maternité sans risque) en Inde, le Chiranjeevi Yojana (plan pour une longue vie) en Inde, le projet de chèques de santé maternelle au Bangladesh et le système de chèques Sehat (santé) au Pakistan. Il examine les objectifs, les justificatifs, les obstacles à l'application, les résultats connus, le potentiel et les limites de chaque projet, avec les données disponibles. Un recours accru aux services de santé maternelle a été enregistré depuis le début des projets, mais sans qu'il soit possible de déterminer les améliorations de la santé maternelle, faute d'études contrôlées. L'étude recense les domaines d'amélioration des projets qui ont besoin d'une gestion opérationnelle plus efficace, de directives claires, de transparence financière, de plans de viabilité, de preuves d'équité et, surtout, de confirmer leur impact sur la qualité des soins, et la mortalité et morbidité maternelles. En Nepal, India, Bangladesh y Pakistán, debido a políticas centradas en mejorar el acceso a los servicios de maternidad, se ha intentado reducir las barreras de costo que impiden el acceso de las mujeres a los servicios: específicamente, transferencias de dinero o programas de cupones diseñados para estimular la demanda de los servicios, incluida la atención antes, durante y después del parto. Pese a su popularidad, no se sabe mucho acerca de su impacto o eficacia. En este artículo se resumen cinco intervenciones importantes: el Programa de Madres (transferencias de dinero) en Nepal; el Plan por una Maternidad sin Riesgos y el Plan por una Vida Larga, ambos en India; el Programa de Cupones para Servicios de Salud Materna en Bangladesh; y el Programa de Cupones para servicios de salud, en Pakistán. Se analizan los objetivos, la justificación y los retos de la implementación, los resultados, el potencial y las limitaciones de cada plan según los datos. Desde el inicio de estos planes, ha aumentado el uso de los servicios de salud materna, aunque por falta de estudios controlados no hay evidencia de mejoras en los resultados. Entre las áreas a mejorar figuran: la eficiencia de la administración operativa, directrices claras, transparencia financiera, planes de sostenibilidad, evidencia de equidad y, sobre todo, un impacto comprobado en la calidad de la atención y en las tasas de mortalidad y morbilidad maternas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the nuclear deterrence relationship between India and Pakistan in the context of a larger political conflict, and in the light of contemporary international relations theory. It finds mainstream deterrence theory and neorealist theory defective as the behavior patterns of India and Pakistan do not fit them in three important ways. It then examines the critiques of neorealist theory applied to the developing world and finds that a combination of a subaltern realist perspective and regional security complex theory best fits the India-Pakistan conflict, including its nuclearization. Lastly, it explores the conditions under which nuclear deterrence in South Asia can lead to a broad-based peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postage stamps are a significant visual text of an issuing state. In 1947, British India was divided into independent states of India and Pakistan. The successive new regimes in both countries got the freedom to design, print, and circulate the official visual iconography through postage stamps as a symbol of sovereignty for its citizens and the world community. This article explores how India and Pakistan visualized the narrative of national identity and discourse on development through postage stamps in the first two decades of their independence. The article does not intend to retell the narrative of the postcolonial nation-building process in the subcontinent. Instead, the objective is to introduce postage stamps as a primary visual resource for exploring the contours of public history of India and Pakistan by arguing that stamps retain its importance as excellent visual archives for postcolonial scholarly analysis in the age of new media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents statistical evidence, which seems to be conclusive, that there exists a particular pattern of mortality in Ceylon, India and Pakistan where, contrary to general experience, female mortality is higher than that of the males. The sex ratios of the enumerated population in these three countries are among the highest in the world, and the age pattern of the sex ratios is such that they increase from childhood to adulthood to the old ages. Abnormally high sex ratios and selective migration cannot account for this particular pattern, but there is evidence of a higher degree of under-enumeration of females than males. The main responsible factor, however, seems to be higher female mortality, in the ages of maternity as well as in childhood. This shows the need for a regional or local approach to some demographic problems. In this case, for instance, model life tables based on average international experience are not representative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political relationships and not the economic benefits of cooperation, guides India and Pakistan to take their respective stands on the hydroelectricity projects on the Indus River System. Therefore, almost all hydroelectricity projects on their shared river system have been strongly contested by one or the other riparian states. In recent years, the two countries have engaged in disputes on the Kishanganga Hydroelectricity Project on the Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir. Despite clearance by the Court of Arbitration in 2013, Pakistan raised other technical objections with the project. This article looks at India-Pakistan hydroelectricity issues, examines politics over the water and hydroelectricity projects, and analyzes difficulties in moving to a non-state centric approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on speculations of nuclear test preparations in India. Development of nuclear programs in India and Pakistan; Role of the United States in reacting to the nuclear test preparations; Possible development of a fission weapon in India; Pakistan's reaction to India's alleged nuclear test plans.

The article presents abstracts of essays on India and Pakistan. They include "The Impact of Affirmative Action in India: More Political Than Socioeconomic," "Risk and the City: Bombay, Mumbai and Other Theoretical Departures" and "Identity, Institutions, and War: A New Look at South Asian Rivalry."

This article argues that most analyses of the Kargil conflict concede the important role played by the United States in understanding how India regained control of the Kargil heights, but fail to explain how India's intra-war compellent threat forced Washington to bring irresistible pressure to bear on Islamabad. The Indian decision to threaten asymmetrical escalation was the result of domestic pressures and military difficulties facing the Vajpayee-led caretaker government. The article shows that Washington pursued an 'impartially' interventionist strategy until it came under Indian pressure to forsake its 'balanced' approach towards ending the conflict. The article also shows how the 'asymmetry of motivation' between New Delhi and Washington was an important factor in terminating hostilities in India's favor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an exploration of India's foreign policy regarding assistance to Afghanistan during the early 21st century. Discussion is offered outlining the major features of Indian-Afghan relations, particularly in regards to Pakistan. The foreign policy framework of "relational control," first proposed by political scientist Maya Chadda, is defined and applied to India's initiatives in the region. An evaluation of India's strategy of relational control regarding Pakistan is included. A survey of India's historical relationship with Afghanistan is also cited. Conclusions suggest India's major policy aim is to deny similar beneficial relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

A review of two decades of the India-Pakistan nuclear relationship shows that, like all nuclear rivalries, deterrence works at a minimal level regardless of beliefs about the requirements of deterrence. Also, like other nuclear rivalries, it displays a fundamentally schizophrenic behaviour pattern. When conflict draws close, India and Pakistan completely reject the usability of nuclear weapons and ignore the tenets of deterrence theory and doctrine; but when conflict is distant, they tend to behave as if the weapons are usable, which influences their doctrines and weapons acquisitions. The India-Pakistan case reveals a relatively cost-effective and risk-resistant minimalism, but is distorted by powerful elements of thinking—typified by the writings of Albert Wohlstetter—that has produced an arms race and a significant element of instability into the relationship [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of arms control has hardly taken root in South Asia. The existing nuclear arms control measures between India and Pakistan are patently inadequate for addressing the pressing nuclear concerns of the region. Although there are compelling reasons for nuclear arms control, India and Pakistan are reluctant to undertake worthwhile arms control initiatives. There are three key reasons for this: India and Pakistan are currently at the formative phase of their nuclear force-building and at this stage they are unlikely to undertake arms control measures fearing that it may affect their future force-building plans; their intense political rivalry is unfavorable for successful arms control; the extra-regional links—the China factor—of South Asia's security dilemma hinders prospects for arms control in the region. Owing to these factors, the prospects for successful arms control between India and Pakistan are not great in the foreseeable future, although the question remains as to how long they can ignore the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been a nuclear weapon power since October 1964 and India and Pakistan openly since May 1998. Each had its own reason to acquire nuclear weapons—Pakistan to counter India, India to counter both Pakistan and China, and Beijing has always viewed the U.S. and for some time the former Soviet Union as possible nuclear threats. Within Asia, no meaningful dialogue has ever been carried out between China, India and Pakistan on nuclear issues: either on confidence building, doctrine and safety, or on each other's perception of the nuclear threat. Even necessary risk reduction measures have not been attempted. However, some Track Two level dialogues have taken place and this has contributed to some understanding of nuclear policies, strategies and doctrines. In this backdrop, the present study examines the doctrine, strategy and command, and control arrangements prevailing in these countries and recommends the necessary confidence-building measures. These include greater transparency on doctrine, clearer examination of likely strategy and means to universalize “no first use.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how it became possible for the former Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, to make a major trust-building initiative with his Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, at the 1999 Lahore Summit. Building on security dilemma theorizing in the field of International Relations, the present article develops the concept of a “leap of trust” as a way of understanding how decision-makers trapped in security dilemmas might break through the psychology of distrust by a frame-breaking conciliatory move. This framework is then applied to the moves that led to the development of a trusting relationship between Sharif and Vajpayee. A few months later, Pakistan launched an attack across the Line of Control (LoC) and Vajpayee felt betrayed. I explore how far Sharif knew about his army's plans to attack at Kargil and ask whether he was prisoner of a Pakistani military machine that was intent on pursuing a military solution in Kashmir irrespective of any peace process that might be developing. The article examines the lessons that Vajpayee drew from Kargil and discusses his two further attempts to recover the trust that had developed at Lahore. I conclude with an analysis of the wider lessons of this case for the success of any future leaps of trust that Indian and Pakistani leaders might take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the latest trends in India-Pakistan relations. It begins by justifying the assumption of one coherent Indian strategy towards Pakistan and, while focusing on the debate in India, argues that this strategy can best be described as one of "hedging." It then analyzes three sources of cooperation and six sources of competition—including one in Afghanistan. Next it argues that India should preferably follow an engagement strategy instead of its current hedging or the alternative containment strategies. At the same time, it acknowledges that an engagement strategy is unlikely, while there are recurrent terrorist attacks in India, especially those that have their roots in Pakistan. In the penultimate section, it examines the sort of political decisions that are needed in following this engagement strategy that should, ideally, lead toward a normalization of relations. However it concludes with the assessment that, despite the erratic composite dialogue, "ugly stability" continues to characterize the bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use data from the 1931, 1941, and 1951 censuses of India and the 1951 census of Pakistan to examine the demographic consequences of Partition in the Punjab in 1947. Had growth rates for the period 1931-41 for the Punjab as a whole continued to 1951, the population of the Punjab would have been 2.9 million larger than that recorded in 1951. Population losses from migration and mortality above age 20 were approximately 2.7 million greater between 1941 and 1951 than would have been predicted by loss rates between 1931 and 1941. We estimate a net Partition-related population movement out of the combined Punjab of about 400,000. We conclude from several lines of analysis that Partition-related population losses in the Punjab, either from deaths or unrecorded migration, were in the range 2.3-3.2 million. Partition was also marked by a dramatic religious homogenization at the district level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the first Kashmir war between India and Pakistan on the basis of previously unavailable secret documents from the headquarters of the Pakistan Army to explain the thinking behind the initial tribal incursion into Kashmir and the subsequent prosecution of the conflict between the Pakistan and Indian armies. It then analyzes the effects of this war on the officers involved and its contribution to the emergence of a praetorian tradition in Pakistani politics, as evidenced in the attempted coup d'état of 1951. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of India's growing involvement with the Muslim countries in Pakistan's neighborhood—Iran, the Central Asian republics, and Afghanistan—on the contemporary U.S.-Pakistan strategic alliance, in particular the cooperation of these two allies in waging the war in Afghanistan. Driven largely by its need for expanded access to the region's energy resources, India has been moving rapidly to cement its ties with these countries. This article argues that U.S. and Pakistani objectives in Afghanistan are far from fully convergent, and that they are perhaps least convergent when it comes to India. India's lengthening strategic shadow in the region, it maintains, especially when coupled with its growing strategic partnership with the United States, is bound to have an important bearing on the evolution of the war in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian subcontinent remains a chronically under-studied area of the world in US academic circles. This inattention is curious, since both Pakistan and India are emerging as critical partners in US policy, both states possess nuclear weapons, and the entire region is an enormous generator of violent religious and ethno-nationalist non-state actors. T. V. Paul's The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry and Rajesh Basrur's Minimum Deterrence and India's Nuclear Security both make important contributions to current scholarship. Each book applies broad theoretical frameworks--enduring rivalries and deterrence theory, respectively--to the specific conditions of the subcontinent, buttressed by compelling empirical evidence and a rich dose of regional and cultural context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proliferation pessimists argue that the threat of nuclear weapons use between India and Pakistan encompass not only the possibility of these weapons being used deliberately, but also of their inadvertent use. This includes several contingencies, including the possibility of nuclear weapons being used due to inadvertent escalation of conventional military crisis or war, of use without proper authorization from the political leadership, the theft of nuclear weapons by a terrorist group or disgruntled elements within the military, and of nuclear accidents. Several features of the India-Pakistan nuclear dyad add to these dangers: the proximity of the two adversaries, the state of civil-military relations (particularly in Pakistan), the nature of the command and control systems in the region and the presumed weaknesses of the safety system on Indian and Pakistani nuclear devices. This essay argues that such arguments overlook the importance of nuclear doctrines in the region, which minimizes the effect of many of these concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the sources of conflicts in South Asia. Influence of the United States policy towards the region; Sources of regional conflicts in the region; Principles to consider in the creation of a military policy; Factors which triggered the cold war between India and Pakistan.

Discusses relevant issues in the Kashmir problem. Kashmir problem as legacy of partition of India; Pakistan's case in relation to Muslim majority in Kashmir; Pakistani claim on Kashmir's right to self-determination; Pakistan's subversion in Kashmir; Human rights abuses in the region; Conflict resolution.

Focuses on the Kashmir dispute. International attention to the dispute in 1948; India's charges against Pakistan; India's case before the United Nations Security Council; Indian-Pakistani war over Kashmir; Notorious complexity of the dispute; Search for a resolution to the conflict.

Moringa oleifera is a small to medium-sized, evergreen or deciduous tree that native to northern India, Pakistan and Nepal. In this study, we report the complete chloroplast genome sequence of M. oleifera for the first time (accession number of MH778650), and it is also the first reported chloroplast genome of Moringaceae. The chloroplast genome is 160,599 bp long and includes 113 genes. Its LSC, SSC and IR regions are 88,933, 19,482 and 26,092 bp long, respectively. Phylogenetic tree analysis exhibited that M. oleifera was clustered with other Moringaceae species with 100% bootstrap values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Violence against women is driven by gender norms that normalize and justify gender inequality and violence. Gender norms are substantially shaped during adolescence. Programs offered through schools offer an opportunity to influence gender attitudes toward gender equity if we understand these to be partly shaped by peers and the school environment. Objective: We present an analysis of the baseline research conducted for a randomized controlled trial with 1752 grade 6 boys and girls and their attitudes toward gender roles, VAWG, and associated factors. Methods: We used baseline data from a  cluster randomised control study. Interviews were conducted in 40 public schools in Hyderabad, with 25–65 children per school. Questions were asked about attitudes toward gender roles, peer-to-peer perpetration, and victimization experiences, and family life, including father- or in-law-to- mother violence and food security. Multiple regression models were built of factors associated with gender attitudes for boys and girls. Results: Our result have shown youth attitudes endorsing patriarchal gender beliefs were higher for boys, compared to girls. The multiple regression model showed that for boys, patriarchal gender attitudes were positively associated with hunger, depression, being promised already in marriage, and being a victim and/or perpetrator of peer violence. For girls gender attitudes were associated with hunger, experiencing corporal punishment at home, and being a perpetrator (for some, and victim) of peer violence. Conclusion: Youth patriarchal attitudes are closely related to their experience of violence at school and for girl’s physical punishment, at home and for boys being promised in early marriage. We suggest that these variables are indicators of gender norms among peers and in the family. The significance of peer norms is that it provides the possibility that school-based interventions which work with school peers have the potential to positively impact youth patriarchal gender attitudes and foster attitudes of gender equality and respect, and potentially to decrease youth victimization and perpetration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]