Search

Addressing climate change requires societies to transition away from fossil fuels toward low-carbon energy, including renewables. Unfortunately, large wind projects have proven politically controversial, with groups opposing them across advanced economies. To date, there are few large-scale, systematic studies to identify the prevalence and predictors of opposition to wind energy projects. Here, we analyzed a dataset of wind energy projects across the United States and Canada between 2000 and 2016. We found that during this period, in the United States, 17% of wind projects faced significant opposition, and in Canada, 18% faced opposition, with rates in both countries growing over time. Opposition was concentrated regionally in the Northeastern United States and in Ontario, Canada. In both countries, larger projects with more turbines were more likely to be opposed. In the United States, opposition was more likely and more intense in areas with a higher proportion of White people, and a smaller proportion of Hispanic people. In Canada, opposition was more likely and more intense in wealthier communities. The most common tactics used to oppose wind energy were court cases, legislation, and physical protests. The number of people engaging in opposition to wind projects is likely small: Across articles that cited the number of individuals engaging in protests, the median number was 23 in the United States and 34 in Canada. When wealthier, Whiter communities oppose wind projects, this slows down the transition away from fossil fuel projects in poorer communities and communities of color, an environmental injustice we call energy privilege.

The climate emergency increasingly threatens our communities, ecosystems,food production, health, and economy. It disproportionately impacts lowerincome communities, communities of color, and the elderly. Assessments sincethe 2018 IPCC 1.5 Celsius report show that current national and sub-nationalcommitments and actions are insufficient. Fortunately, a suite of solutionsexists now to mitigate the climate crisis if we initiate and sustain actionstoday. California, which has a strong set of current targets in place and ishome to clean energy and high technology innovation, has fallen behind in itsclimate ambition compared to a number of major governments. California, acatalyst for climate action globally, can and should ramp up its leadership byaligning its climate goals with the most recent science, coordinating actionsto make 2030 a point of significant accomplishment. This entails dramaticallyaccelerating its carbon neutrality and net-negative emissions goal from 2045 to2030, including advancing clean energy and clean transportation standards, andaccelerating nature-based solutions on natural and working lands. It also meanschanging its current greenhouse gas reduction goals both in the percentage andthe timing: cutting emissions by 80 percent (instead of 40 percent) below 1990levels much closer to 2030 than 2050. These actions will enable California tosave lives, benefit underserved and frontline communities, and save trillionsof dollars. This rededication takes heed of the latest science, acceleratingequitable, job-creating climate policies. While there are significantchallenges to achieving these goals, California can establish policy now thatwill unleash innovation and channel market forces, as has happened with solar,and catalyze positive upward-scaling tipping points for accelerated globalclimate action.

Retrospective voting studies typically examine policies where the public has common interests. By contrast, climate policy has broad public support but concentrated opposition in communities where costs are imposed. This spatial distribution of weak supporters and strong local opponents mirrors opposition to other policies with diffuse public benefits and concentrated local costs. I use a natural experiment to investigate whether citizens living in proximity to wind energy projects retrospectively punished an incumbent government because of its climate policy. Using both fixed effects and instrumental variable estimators, I identify electoral losses for the incumbent party ranging from 4 to 10%, with the effect persisting 3 km from wind turbines. There is also evidence that voters are informed, only punishing the government responsible for the policy. I conclude that the spatial distribution of citizens' policy preferences can affect democratic accountability through ‘spatially distorted signalling’, which can exacerbate political barriers to addressing climate change.

Background: Osteoporotic fractures are important causes of morbidity, mortality, and increased health care costs. However, the risk of osteoporotic fractures can be decreased, with clinical studies supporting the use of calcium and vitamin D supplements to promote bone health. Vitamin D insufficiency is widespread, particularly among postmenopausal women with osteoporosis, and this indicates that dietary intake is suboptimal, even though vitamin D supplements are widely available. Methods: We conducted an observational study, using telephone surveys, to estimate vitamin D and calcium intake and the use of prescription osteoporosis medications in Spanish women aged ≥ 50 years with osteoporosis. Results: Among the study participants, mean dietary calcium intake was 1239 mg/day and generally appeared sufficient in terms of the recommended daily intake guidance documents. Participants aged ≥ 75 years had a significantly lower mean dietary calcium intake (988 mg/day), thus one-half were below the level advised by the World Health Organization. Daily calcium intake was also lower in participants who were not taking prescription medications for bone health. Dietary vitamin D intake was 167 IU/day, which is well below both the established target dose (400 IU/day) and the more recent, higher guideline recommended for postmenopausal women (800–1300 IU/day). Dietary vitamin D intake was even lower for participants aged ≥ 75 years (120 IU/day) and was not related to the use of bone health prescription medications. Conclusion: These results support the need for greater promotion of the benefits of higher vitamin D intake in Spanish women with osteoporosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Osteoporotic fractures are important causes of morbidity, mortality, and increased health care costs. However, the risk of osteoporotic fractures can be decreased, with clinical studies supporting the use of calcium and vitamin D supplements to promote bone health. Vitamin D insufficiency is widespread, particularly among postmenopausal women with osteoporosis, and this indicates that dietary intake is suboptimal, even though vitamin D supplements are widely available., Methods: We conducted an observational study, using telephone surveys, to estimate vitamin D and calcium intake and the use of prescription osteoporosis medications in Spanish women aged ≥ 50 years with osteoporosis., Results: Among the study participants, mean dietary calcium intake was 1239 mg/day and generally appeared sufficient in terms of the recommended daily intake guidance documents. Participants aged ≥ 75 years had a significantly lower mean dietary calcium intake (988 mg/day), thus one-half were below the level advised by the World Health Organization. Daily calcium intake was also lower in participants who were not taking prescription medications for bone health. Dietary vitamin D intake was 167 IU/day, which is well below both the established target dose (400 IU/day) and the more recent, higher guideline recommended for postmenopausal women (800-1300 IU/day). Dietary vitamin D intake was even lower for participants aged ≥ 75 years (120 IU/day) and was not related to the use of bone health prescription medications., Conclusion: These results support the need for greater promotion of the benefits of higher vitamin D intake in Spanish women with osteoporosis.