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One of the most valuable features of Capital and Ideology is its concern to take history seriously and consider how the emergence of different political and economic regimes relate to discourses about fairness and justice across time. This paper pushes this agenda further by acknowledging that the experience of a few developed nations should not be taken as the template for the generalized study of inequality dynamics across time and space. In this paper, we interrogate Piketty's analysis and policy proposals against specificities that are central to understanding the production and reproduction of inequalities within South Africa. We reflect on the South African case, the structure of inequality and its changes since 1994. We review a battery of policy interventions that have been implemented to address inequality in the last 25 years. We emphasize that the long shadow cast by centuries of colonialism and various forms of apartheid strongly affirm Piketty's emphasis on understanding history. But this is both affirmation and critique given the foundational, imbedded impact that this specific legacy has had on post-apartheid society and its policies. Piketty is aware that the levels of inequality in South Africa are so high that this is "unknown territory." We map out some of this territory to reveal how these extreme initial wealth and racial inequities inform the reproduction of inequalities in all dimensions and undermine well intentioned policies. We claim that understanding extractive histories, imbedded wealth inequalities, and complex social and political institutions allows us to understand and confront some of the reasons why even in light of progressive policies, many of which are in line with the proposals from Piketty, government interventions have thus far failed to reduce inequality., (© 2021 London School of Economics and Political Science.)

Since the ending of apartheid, the state, political parties, civil society and ordinary people in South Africa have attempted to deal with the traumatic legacies of the past to engender a common sense of nationhood. This paper examines this process of dealing with the past through the theoretical lens of post-colonialism, focusing, in particular, on attempts to establish historical truth and collective memory for black women, who have often been most marginalised by colonialism and apartheid and excluded from dominant accounts of history. It argues that if black women are denied a presence and agency in the construction of collective memory, their belonging and citizenship is consequently mediated in the process of nation building. It considers how exclusionary and discriminating patterns are reproduced through attempts to construct national memory-archives, focusing on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). It then explores the measures being taken to create a more inclusive process of restoring collective memory. In particular, it discusses the importance and possibilities of creating a postcolonial archive, where the voices and texts of historically marginalised people can be incorporated into national projects of remembering and notions of belonging. The paper focuses specifically on recent attempts to archive black women's pictorial and written testimony in a memory cloths programme. It concludes that representations of the past by women are a valuable tool in tracing the ways in which the legacy of their belonging and social standing shapes their contemporary citizenship. The radical potential of postcolonial archives lies in the fact that they can work against more sanitised representations of contemporary South Africa and towards the requirements for social justice (especially for black women) that are embodied within, but were arguably not met by, the TRC and broader nation building processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the brutal tactics used by security forces in the early days of the COVID-19 lockdown in South Africa. Key questions raised relate to the philosophical (dis)connectedness of their actions. The paper posits that the way in which some police and soldiers conducted themselves in black communities is reminiscent of colonial-apartheid hermeneutics. Their conduct, devoid of Ubuntu, relegates the culprits to "mere symbols with no substance," in a deeply conditioned state of mental subjugation. Though black, the culprits remain largely unAfrikan in thought. The paper concludes that training for security forces needs to inculcate philosophies of Afrikanism. Furthermore, the paper highlights key lessons to be embraced. Recommendations made include the professionalisation of the security forces, enabling public dialogue, and bringing the culprits to book faster to restore the image of the country, the government, and the security agencies. This paper used a qualitative desktop design that applied inductive analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary South Africa, racism, economic exclusion, and spatial segregation remain trenchant features of everyday life 25 years after the end of apartheid. In this article, I show how therapeutic practices by black South Africans in one of the country's largest townships address the ongoing legacies of this history. Rather than treat individual psyches, therapists' practices are oriented toward the relational space between generations, a political therapeutic driven by the affective force of the therapists' own history of struggle toward a different future for black youth, who continue to be marked by the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. In the process, I track how this political therapeutic confronts the normative demands of psychiatric knowledge. Overall, I argue that rather than solely focusing on the violence of care in clinical settings, we should interrogate political generation and embodied history as forms of expertise and their constitutive potentialities., (© 2019 by the American Anthropological Association.)

Scholars examining racial stereotyping and prejudice in racially organised social systems have largely focused on how non-White ethnic and racial groups experience racial stereotyping in White-majority national contexts such as the US, Australia and European countries. There is only scant scholarship on experiences of ethno-racial communities in Black-majority countries such as South Africa, a country where Whites are a minority. Even though there is ample scholarly work on racial stereotyping of racial groups in South Africa such as Coloured people, much of it is focused on their experiences during colonial and Apartheid eras. Little is understood about how Coloured people experience racial stigmatisation in post-Apartheid South Africa. This paper addresses this gap. Based on interviews with fourteen Coloured participants from Westbury, Johannesburg, this study found that many interviewees claimed that Coloured South Africans were negatively racially stereotyped as people who use drugs, as aggressive and violent people, as alcoholics and as criminals. Many participants also resisted and countered the negative stereotypes by talking about Coloured people in positive ways, which shows their agency. The negative stereotyping of Coloured people which prevailed during colonial and Apartheid times is still deployed by society to describe Coloured people in post-Apartheid South Africa. To capture the continuity of negative stereotyping in South Africa about Coloured people, I developed the analytical term of 'perpetual racial stereotyping'. Many decades after the end of the Apartheid system, negative racial stereotyping of Coloured South Africans still continues in everyday life, and Coloured people are still associated with racist prejudices, narratives, discourses and stereotypes that were invented many decades ago by settler colonialism and Apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the colonial and apartheid regimes utilised draconian, arbitrary, segregated, discriminatory, and exclusive anti-black social-socioeconomic policies and laws to deny the majority of black South Africans access to and participation in various economic activities, post 1994 democratic South Africa has strategically introduced progressive policies and laws to ensure that black South Africans play active productive roles in socio-economic activities in all sectors. While this is commendable, various corporations and businesses owned by white companies are supposed to ensure that black people become part and parcel of the businesses, and companies are being denied active participation, using fronting purposefully to circumvent the requirements of the anti-fronting laws. Against this backdrop, this paper seeks to analyse the post-apartheid anti-fronting interventions that foster the mainstreaming of black South Africans into the corporate sector. The paper uses a literature review methodology to find and analyse primary and secondary sources of data relating to equality, BEE, and fronting. This paper presents the historical exclusion of blacks through the instrumentality of colonial and apartheid apparatuses and laws brutally utilised to exclude blacks from economic activities. Post 1994 democratic transformative interventions—laws—have been enacted to redress the segregated and exclusive laws; however, fronting activities and practices continue to undermine and circumvent successful implementation. This said, the post 1994 government continues to tackle impunity through the exploration of civil and criminal responsibilities and accountability of perpetrators and use the rule of law-judicial means to hold perpetrators accountable. This paper found that fronting is a persisting issue in South Africa despite anti-fronting legislative measures developed over the past years when the B-BBEE Act was amended. This paper advises more on pro-active anti-fronting measures to pro-actively foster the mainstreaming of black South Africans into the corporate sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which apartheid has and continues to shape the agricultural sector in South Africa. The paper employed the Sustainable Livelihood Approach (SLA) as a theoretical lens. This approach helped to understand the long-lasting legacies (and their subsequent effects) of apartheid in the agricultural sector and how the government has, since post-1994, approached the process and need for land redistribution in South Africa. This paper relied on secondary data to gather the relevant literature that speaks to what the paper aims to achieve. Findings revealed that apartheid introduced systemic policies to segregate and deprive black South Africans of owning land and restricted their participation in the agricultural sector. While the South African government post-1994 has undertaken an array of steps to address the need for land reform, these approaches have yet to achieve their desired results, albeit never-ending challenges have characterized them. Moreover, there needs to be a consensus from a political perspective to reflect how land reform should be undertaken while at the same time protecting proprietary rights and the economic development of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apartheid had been enduring before the United Nations (UN), since its adoption as a state policy in South Africa. But in the early years of the global organisation, the UN's members responded to apartheid in very different ways from one another. The UN anti-Apartheid regimes arose and then evolved with particulars that had an impact on South Africa's race relations. The impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations is obscured and creates a gap that has yet to be scrutinised in the country's relations with the world. To learn about this impact, it is proper that the paper examine UN resolutions with a special focus on adopted decisions of the General Assembly (GA) about racial conflict in South Africa during the period between 1952 and 1974. An analysis of GA decisions is critical because it reveals the persistence and intensifying international unacceptability of racial discrimination and the desirability of applying sanctions to South Africa, and it makes the UN a focus for anti-apartheid lobbying. It is also critical because they provided a conduit for the UN to disseminate information about apartheid, monitor member state actions related to the matter, and address South Africa's denial of the UN's authority to address the issue. The period under study is important because it exposed the contradiction with which white South Africans lived and had lived over the centuries, that their sense of right and justice had driven them to give with one hand; and that their fears had made them take away with the other, and it marked the beginning of increased international opposition to South Africa's apartheid policy action, which led to an eventual suspension of the country from participating in the work of the GA. This paper concerns the impact of the UN's anti-apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. It reveals that the UN body has, over the years, sought solutions rather than merely engaging in rhetoric in a setting in which South Africa's policy of apartheid provided a concrete precedent. The paper used qualitative research methods to analyse the impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. Sources used for analysis included published books, journals, and internet sources. The article sheds light on international policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All over the world, individuals rely on forests for food security, nutrition, and the sustenance of their livelihoods. Forests serve as a source of personal and economic consumption, where harvested products are used directly or sold for profit. Consequently, forests play a crucial role in ensuring food security and supporting the livelihoods of people worldwide. In South Africa, natural forests and woodlands hold particular significance for the well-being of rural communities. These ecosystems provide a variety of socio-economic and ecological benefits to communities residing within or near such forested areas. The Dukuduku forest is an integral part of a sensitive ecosystem at both national and continental levels. It is intricately connected to the iSimangaliso Wetland Park, contributing to the economic development and natural diversity of South Africa. Thus, discussing one area without considering the other is impossible. This paper relies on a combination of archival sources, including newspapers, research reports, and various written and oral accounts gathered from interviews with land claimants, community leaders, traditional leaders, local farmers, and residents of the area. The central argument posited is that the primary source of conflict in the Dukuduku forest arises from the state's efforts to displace forest residents whose livelihoods have historically depended on the forest. The paper aims to illustrate that the racialization of the destruction of this indigenous forest has not served the interests of either the state or environmentalists. Forest residents have employed diverse strategies to resist evictions, resulting in the substantial destruction of the forest and at least sixty percent of the flood plain along the uMfolozi River. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes the form of a deeply personal narrative, relating the story of how early community activism prompted a career of over two decades in urban planning in a post-apartheid metropolitan Council in South Africa. It shows how a sense of frustration with a system that was unable to facilitate the spatial restructuring of an unequal urban form, prompted the transition towards becoming a critical researcher within the local state apparatus. It reveals how attempts to speak truth to power through research that could uncover unexplored complexities, contestations and dubious local state practices, whilst still in the employ of the institution was at best, challenging. Through the use of real examples from planning practice, the paper unpacks and carefully documents four key considerations that make such embedded research difficult. In sharing the lessons learned from the aborted research project, it then suggests what type of research is possible by picking up the story of a second attempt at "safer research". It wraps up the story with new insights, this time from a perspective as a recent-outsider — not as a stranger though, but as one of the local state's own. Whilst appreciating the value of distance in undertaking research, it speaks to the power of familiarity and trusted ties, and the legitimacy that comes with being a credible outsider. At the same time, it also reflects on the possible challenges associated with being such an outsider. Through critical reflection on the process of doing research inside and outside of the local state, the paper suggests that differential positioning can significantly affect the depth of insights around state practices in urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I consider a selection of photographs of a man of color from a luxury book of male nudes, Images (1982), aimed at white gay men and published in South Africa by Alternative Books (AB) in the late apartheid period. Given the exclusive association of assimilable homosexuality with whiteness in the national gay press and other homoerotic commodities available in South Africa at the same historical juncture, I propose that these photographs, which interrupted longstanding, racist homoerotic iconographies, elicited experiences of ambivalence (and thus critical reflection) amongst their historical audiences. To this end, I analyze the editorial and commercial content of the newspapers Link/Skakel and Exit for the period that AB was active (1981-1991), anticipating an overlap of readership between these papers and the publisher's titles. More precisely, I discuss the prevalence of the figure of the "good homosexual" and representations of classical (that is, white) male beauty in these papers to plot how apartheid logic was broadly reproduced (and same-sex desire disciplined according to such dictates) in mainstream South African gay movements, institutions, and print cultures during this time, but, notably, not in Images .

The article focuses on an interdisciplinary conference organised by the Kent Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities in April 2004. The title of the conference, Connecting Cultures attracted an extraordinarily diverse range of papers covering subjects from Caribbean narratives to translating India, to representing terrorism, and included papers on British Asian cinema and television, narrative and memory in South Africa, post-apartheid prose writing and culture contact in Border Zones. The paper of Terence Ranger, a speaker at the conference, considers a mode of translation as he explores the dynamics of the postcolonial interactions that exist in the system of Zimbabwe asylum appeals. He assesses the usefulness of examining asylum narratives both with the grain and against the grain to debate issues surrounding postcolonial assumptions both in Zimbabwe and in Britain. The papers that follow expand on various themes of the conference, commencing with a group of papers that discuss narrative and memory in South Africa and Zimbabwe.

Provides an overview of approaches to quality assurance in South African higher education up to 2000, with specific reference to the impact of the historical legacy of apartheid and the university-technikon divide. Examines the establishment in 2001 of the country's first sector-wide external quality agency, the Higher Education Quality Committee. (EV)

Ubuntu has been defined as a moral quality of human beings, as a philosophy or an ethic, as African humanism, and as a worldview. This paper explores these definitions as conceptual tools for understanding the cultural, educational, and philosophical landscape of post-apartheid South Africa. Key to this understanding is the Althusserian concept of state apparatus. Louis Althusser divides the state apparatus into two forces: the repressive state apparatus (RSA); and the ideological state apparatus (ISA). RSAs curtail the working classes, predominately through direct violence or the threat of violence, whereas ISAs function primarily by ideology, including forms of organised religion, the education system, family units, legal systems, trade unions, political parties, and media. This paper discusses the link between increasing inequality in post-apartheid South Africa and education, with specific reference to Althusser's ISAs and the abuse of Ubuntu as a subterfuge for socio-economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xenophobia in South Africa is often depicted as anti-immigrant sentiments and stereotypes that emanate from social, political, and economic misconceptions. This paper argues that though the causes of xenophobia are many and complex, they stem from the dashed hopes of independence and the legacy of apartheid. This narrative has over the years been overshadowed by the view that xenophobic attacks in South Africa are a product of hate and anti-migration. We argue that the failure of successive governments of the ANC to correct the wrongs of the apartheid past and make the economy inclusive has stoked the tensions between citizens and foreign nationals. To underscore this point, this paper undertakes a discussion on the pertinent implications of the political trajectory of xenophobia in South Africa and makes some recommendations on what can be done to reduce incidences of xenophobic attacks in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins with historical remarks about general education in South Africa and then discusses the relevance and applicability of special education services for African Americans there. It outlines the need for equal special educational opportunities and implications for addressing inequality in education. (Author/JDD)

Contains a speech from the 1992 American Library Association annual conference where the author and editor, Hazel Rochman, draws upon memories of her South African childhood to describe the effects of apartheid on white South African children and how this provided the motivation for several books created around a multicultural theme. (seven references) (EAM)

The paper examines the consolidation and implications of tribalism and ethnophobia among black South Africans. South Africa is considered a xenophobic country. With the demise of apartheid and the subsequent increase in undocumented migration, tensions began to develop, not only against black foreign nationals but also among black South Africans themselves. This paper focuses on how tribalism and ethnophobia have divided black South Africans and removed the need for unity and social cohesion in a post-apartheid era. This paper employed a qualitative research approach where a literature review was undertaken. The othering theory was used as a theoretical lens. Findings reflect that although South Africa is recognized as a rainbow nation because of its many different cultures and customs, it is hidden beneath ethnic and tribal emotions that have stifled the idea of unity and social cohesion. South Africa is still far from eradicating tribalistic and ethnophobic sentiments amongst its black population. Apart from ethnicity and tribalism, race continues to divide South Africa. The political transition of 1994 lacked effective frameworks to unite the various ethnic groups that were for decades segregated by apartheid; instead, the focus was on building a new South Africa. However, this approach missed the mark by not focusing on the importance of ethnic unity and tolerance among black South Africans. Unless these tribalistic and ethnophobic sentiments are addressed, unity and social cohesion in the South African black community is unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses relations between South Africa and Southern Rhodesia from 1939 to 1948. The article begins in 1939 when the outbreak of the Second World War brought mixed fortunes for the two neighbours. For Southern Rhodesia, which relied mainly on imported manufactured goods from the United Kingdom, the war induced shortages resulting in huge domestic demand. Shortages stimulated calls for local industry to fill the vacuum. Consequently, an import substitution industrialisation (ISI) drive developed. In addition to the ISI, South Africa, which had a comparatively established secondary industry by the time the war broke out, increasingly became an essential source for Southern Rhodesian imports. This, however, was not without its challenges. Southern Rhodesia's economic interest groups often raised complaints against South Africa's economic competition and its threat to the Rhodesian economy. Nonetheless, Pretoria and Salisbury worked closely and found ways to ease the challenges. By 1948, the end date of the paper, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa's relationship had resulted in the signing of a Customs Union Agreement. Thus, the article demonstrates, thematically and chronologically, that relations between the two countries evolved through cooperation and competition during the Second World War until the onset of Apartheid in South Africa and the Customs Agreement. The paper relies on primary material from the Zimbabwean and South African archives comprised of correspondences of Customs Agreements negotiations, economic policies and relations, and Parliamentary debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Redressing the wrongs of the past has been a central theme in democratic South Africa. The land restitution programme was specifically intended to foster the process of redressing the loss and pain inflicted through racially motivated and violent dispossession of land. After more than two and half decades of implementing the land restitution programme, there are serious questions around how far this programme has contributed to redressing the injustices of the past. This paper, drawing from three land restitution case studies, illustrates that while many victims of colonial and apartheid land dispossession have been compensated, the land restitution process has scored limited success in redressing past injustices. The paper argues that the failure to substantively redress colonial and apartheid land dispossession is partly due to the narrow conceptualization of the restitution programme, which has emphasized procedural aspects, ignoring the need for meaningful redress of the victims of land dispossession. As a result of this, the land restitution programme has not fulfilled its transformative objectives of reconciliation, reconstruction, and reducing land inequalities in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) school history curriculum of post-apartheid South Africa is littered with sensitive and controversial topics. Many history teachers and their learners do not know how to confront these topics, especially in multiracial, multicultural, and diverse classrooms. Therefore, this paper explores how the idea of decolonial love (Sandoval, 2000; Maldonado-Torres, 2006) could inform alternative creative pedagogies or contribute to existing pedagogical frameworks that history teachers and their learners employ when engaging sensitive and controversial topics. In this paper I argue that decolonial love has the potential to enable both history teachers and their learners to engage with sensitive and controversial topics in history in ways that promote empathy, cognitive, social and epistemic justice, inclusivity, critical thinking, respect, love, and tolerance for others as envisioned in the CAPS document. This would, in turn, promote the transgression of knowledge boundaries for knowledge co-construction (Keating, 2013) and thus, enable a way of doing history that promotes pluriversal (situated) knowledges (Santos, 2014). Lastly, I argue that decolonial love can provide a useful pedagogical framework for teaching sensitive and controversial topics since it ties together different approaches to teach such topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reads contemporary South Africa through the lens of melancholia and situates the experience of loss at the heart of social entanglements in the country. It argues that the purchase of melancholia lies partly in the fact that the problem of disarticulated and disenfranchised loss is common to post-apartheid modernity in general. It suggests that post-apartheid melancholia is a resultant effect of the country's fraught engagement with loss and (be)longing. It also notes that post-apartheid melancholia is a result of structural traumas and moral anguish that have not been worked through. This paper shows how melancholia manifests in the different modes of attachments to, and identifications with victimhood; it explains why each identity group lays il/legitimate claims to victimhood in South Africa. In addition, this paper conceptualises post-apartheid melancholia along racial and generational lines. That is, it examines the ways in which personal testimonies and meditations shed light on the prospects of white, black and intergenerational melancholia in post-apartheid South Africa. In all, this paper argues that melancholia is an affective structure of the everyday life in post-apartheid South Africa which – if we are not quick to pathologise it – may help combat hurried attempts at closing the door on the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs the race formation theory to trace the historical origins of the idea of Orania, an exclusively White town in post‐apartheid South Africa. A key finding is that Orania is a historical product of the centuries‐old, racist idea of a White homeland in South Africa which is referred to as The Boer Republics in South African historiography. Throughout South African history, White separatist ideas have always served as the foundation for the Afrikaner White homeland narrative. This paper uses the concept of White identity politics to frame the discourse of the "vulnerable White minority" that White residents of Orania deploy to conceal their White separatist ideas under the aegis of culture. This article demonstrates that the practice of White identity politics in Orania offers learning opportunities for anti‐racist academics who research new forms of racism in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of democracy on poverty and intergenerational inequality in South Africa. The authors used secondary data and published literature to unpack the nexus of the problem, and to further broaden understanding of democracy, intergenerational inequality, and poverty in South Africa. The authors establish that unemployment, lack of property ownership and a poor educational system are the main contributors to poverty and intergenerational inequality in South Africa. However, we found that the government's propoor policies have not adequately addressed the problems. As recommendations, this paper submits that it is essential to increase the redistribution of assets, especially land, to allow land ownership by the poor, which will open many other economic opportunities, such as access to capital. Also, government policies need to be revisited for quality job creation, closing the unemployment gap in the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore relations between race, capital and wildlife conservation in the town of Hoedspruit and its surroundings, which has developed into one of the main centres of the lucrative and rapidly growing 'wildlife economy' in South Africa. Behind its image as a shining 'green' example of wildlife-based development is a highly unequal and racialised state of affairs that is deeply unsustainable. At the core of these dynamics are private wildlife reserves, high-end nature-based tourism and gated 'wildlife estates', which have further consolidated land into private, mostly white, ownership. In addition to contestations about the building of a shopping mall and land claims, Hoedspruit's wildlife economy is dependent upon black labourers who commute daily from former homeland areas. Municipal efforts to mediate this situation by building affordable housing, have been thwarted by several wealthy inhabitants and property developers. We build on Mbembe's 'logic of enclosure' to argue that the wildlife economy and its 'green' image perpetuate and reinvent older forms of colonial and apartheid geographies of segregation, in effect creating a form of 'new green apartheid'. While physical-geographical enclosures are at the centre of the wildlife economy, we show that they are reinforced by class and racial enclosures and ideological enclosures, the latter consisting of both the belief in the market as a natural solution for social and environmental causes and apartheid as an historical era that has now ended. We conclude that Hoedspruit serves as an important example of the regressive and unsustainable forms of development that the wildlife economy in South Africa can create. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this paper adopted a transformative framework in this article to examine how the legacy of apartheid continues to manifest within higher education in South Africa. In particular, the authors analyzed (a) how mainstream mentoring knowledge of 'black' and 'marginalized' people have influenced mentoring in post-apartheid South Africa; (b) varied ways in which mentoring initiatives and programs have been silenced and ignored previously marginalized voices through the application of apartheid mentoring knowledge, and (c) shared how the mentors/lecturers and students show and tell their stories about the demands of mentoring and the emphasis of contextual and responsive mentoring for the previously marginalized people in higher education in South Africa. The shortage of mentoring has been cited as a crucial reason for women's lack of advancement in leadership. Implications for advancing transformation through mentoring in higher education in South Africa are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation, migration trends and transformation in labour laws have changed the face of contemporary organisations' workforces from being homogeneous to one that is culturally diverse. In South Africa, the demise of apartheid in 1994 paved the way for culturally diverse workforces in most sectors of the economy, including schools that draw educators and learners from different cultural backgrounds. The paper investigated the implementation of cultural diversity management policies in uMzinyathi District Schools in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The paper is exploratory, and descriptive and adopts a qualitative approach. Thirty-six School Management Team members from ten uMzinyathi District Schools were interviewed after being purposively sampled. Content analysis was used to analyse data. The paper revealed that schools are implementing cultural diversity policies, although policies are adequate, they rely on national policies in redressing past imbalances. Evidence shows that School Management Teams were divided regarding the measures for and adherence to implementing diversity policies. The study recommends the formulation of a cultural diversity plan and strategy by the Department of Basic Education with short- and long-term goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an ethnographic exploration of working-class commuter cyclists on Rudolf Greyling (RG) Street in Bloemfontein, Free State, South Africa. The historical significance of this street/road is that it traversed a 'buffer zone'. In apartheid town planning, buffer zones were areas that, in the absence of physical or man-made boundaries, separated mono-racial areas designated as such under the Group Areas Act (Davies 1981). Today, these old buffer zones continue to map the distances that working people, living in low-income residential locations, cover to reach economic opportunities. For 3 weeks in the month of September 2018, we spent our mornings and evenings, walking, observing, and speaking, to the cyclists who rode along RG Street. Engaging with the stories cyclists of RG Street shared with us, we discuss how physical and metaphorical buffer zones of the past shape the experiences and concerns of working-class cyclists in the present. As much as the use of a bicycle to commute helped save money, riding along the roads decidedly not designed for cyclists exposed conditions of adversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Moses Kotane founded The African Defender in 1937, he did so with the intention to encourage African self-sufficiency through teaching and publishing in indigenous languages and through sharing information on how to survive in segregated South Africa. In doing so, he entered into public conversation with writers and editors of other independent publications such as The Anti-Fascist or occasional series by groups such as the South African Jewish Deputies Board. In the decade after Kotane and his peers began their own discussions, conversations about fascism and anti-fascism in South Africa moved from the margins among those deemed alarmist into spaces where anti-racist activists increasingly saw red flags connecting European oppression with the growing populist nationalism in their own country. This article examines this decade through the language and conversations of independent publications such as Kotane's, in the face of the proliferation of groups such as the Greyshirts, The People's Movement, the South African National Democratic Party ('Blackshirts'), The South African Fascists, and the Gentile Protection League. It argues that anti-fascist philosophies not only informed but served as cornerstones to a nascent anti-apartheid movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-apartheid government in South Africa has provided increased opportunities for public participation at the local government level. Local party politics tend to bedevil these local participatory processes. This paper discusses ANC party politics and how they impact on public participation. It draws on a case study of five municipalities in the Cape Winelands District of the Western Cape that was conducted through semi-structured interviews and secondary data analysis. Local ANC politics has a huge impact on local government structures and their participatory processes. The ANC is a unitary structure in its policy but there is a lack of uniformity in understanding, commitment, and implementation of participatory policies at different levels of the organisation and government spheres. Some deployed public representatives work to advance themselves and their factions, at the expense of the ANC and the communities they are supposed to be leading. The findings of this study have as much significance for civil society as for the local state and its representatives. They show that it is not always the case that the state is bad and civil society is good as leaders of civil society get involved in clientelist relationships and blatant corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Drama of the Peace Process in South Africa" by Sylvia Neame is a book that reflects on the author's experiences and writings during the late 1980s in South Africa. Neame, a South African historian and former member of the South African Communist Party and African National Congress, provides insights into the ANC's strategy and debates surrounding negotiations with the apartheid regime. The book includes extracts from her diaries, as well as papers she wrote during that time. While the book offers valuable perspectives on the ANC/SACP alliance and the author's efforts to shape the approach to negotiations, it may not appeal to a wide audience due to its length and lack of broader context. [Extracted from the article]

The Nelson Mandela Bridge is one of South Africa's monuments at the centre of the drive to foster urban transformation in the city of Johannesburg. It stands out as one of the monumental emblems of transformation after the disappearance of administrative and occupational apartheid. On the one hand, the bridge is used consciously and unconsciously, to rehearse the ideals of democracy by harping on the towering image of Nelson Mandela as a struggle hero. On the other hand, the bridge is 'one of the prestigious projects at the centre of city-marketing and branding'. This article explores three dimensions of representation of the bridge in terms of what Stuart Hall refers to as reflective, intentional and constructivist meaning. The paper does this by examining how these meanings are produced and ordered, as well as, the knowledge, norms and practices that structure the new system of meaning in South Africa. The main argument of the paper is that the South African post-apartheid development ideology of reconstruction embedded in the struggle memory has become a platform on which the sign value of the NMB has become a rhetorical device for the appropriation of commercial interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to create a theoretical link between land reform and development as a means to alleviate poverty in South Africa, particularly in rural areas. The then apartheid regime used unjust laws to violently dispossess the indigenous black South African landowners of their land and distributed the land to the whites who utilised them for different socio-economic purposes including farming. Methodologically this paper used a literature review (qualitative) research approach to assess the extent to which the redistributed land to the blacks have been put to use for productive purposes to alleviate poverty, create jobs and combat hunger in South Africa. The democratic dispensation which started in 1994-ushered in a black majority government, black South Africans are now clamouring for the return of all the land that was illegally acquired by the white South Africans during the apartheid regimes. To this end, previously dispossessed blacks were given back some of their lands for productive usage. Some of the findings include the following: various land reforms laws, policies, measures, strategies have dismally failed due to corruption, nepotism, charisma and patronage. In conclusion, the paper points out that land reforms were embarked upon to eradicate the land injustices and inequalities of apartheid and to alleviate poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the pragmatic stance that the United States adopted, during the Nixon era, regarding relations with Pretoria. The Nixon administration believed that Washington needed to prioritise the protection of its own strategic and commercial interests and not become overly concerned about the domestic agenda of its global partners. The vehement anti-communism of the National Party government combined with a profitable economic relationship and the abundant mineral resources of the apartheid state dictated a need on practical grounds for closer ties with South Africa. This stance was further reinforced by Nixon's contempt for sub-Saharan Africans and lack of interest in achieving racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to discuss South Africa's trajectory of socio-economic development since the advent of democracy a quarter century ago. This is done through a critical discussion and review of major policy interventions that have been implemented to achieve the goal of racial justice. The author argues that while the advent of democracy brought about significant opportunities for social justice, socio-economic development in South Africa has been characterised by increasing wealth and income inequality, which has undermined the cause of racial justice. The key argument the author advances in the paper is that the decline in the power resources of the working class and the poor accounts for the neoliberal turn in economic policy in South Africa. Design/methodology/approach: The paper relies on primary policy documents of the government and on primary political and policy documents of the African National Congress and its political allies such as the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African Communist Party. The author also reviews the extensive literature on the subject of development policymaking in the new South Africa. Findings: The main finding is that the advent of democracy a quarter century ago and the policy interventions by the government have brought about social progress in some areas. However, the colonial and apartheid domination still shapes access to social-economic opportunities in South Africa. In anything, income and wealth inequality has increased since 1994. The goal of racial justice appears far from being achieved. Research limitations/implications: The key implication arising from the research is that strengthening political organisations of the working class and the poor is critical to attaining the goal of social equity. This is particularly true in a context where elite interests in the state and the corporate sector have been ascendant for the past two decades. Originality/value: What is original about the paper is that it is one of the first papers that assess the progress that has made in bringing about racial justice 25 years after the advent of democracy in South Africa. Furthermore, the paper uses the power resources theory to explain the dearth of pro-poor social reform in South Africa. This is a departure from the dominant approach, which explains the adoption of neoliberalism in South Africa as either inevitable due to poor economic performance or an outcome of the sell-out by the ANC political elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes how the University of the Free State (South Africa) remedied educational disparities created by the apartheid system, through an academic bridge program that helps scholastically disadvantaged students succeed at tertiary institutions. (Author/VWL)

This paper engages issues of complicated femininity and the representation of such in South African telenovela Gomora. Set in South African township Alexandra, Gomora tells the story of contemporary life in post-apartheid South Africa, where people are forced to engage issues of poverty, inequality, racism, and more. In particular, the paper engages one of the main characters in the program, Nomasonto Mildred Molefe. Mam' Sonto is the matriarch of her family who is also the head of an established hijacking syndicate. Throughout the first season of this show, audiences are able to engage with a complicated woman who is good and bad, kind and cruel. Moving away from a moral reading of the character, this paper unpacks how the character comes to be and how she asserts her own power and agency in engaging a deeply racist and sexist society in order to survive and provide for her family. Engaging works of Pumla Gqola, Sisonke Msimang, Roxanne Gay, and more, the paper presents a reading of this character that enables a clear argument for the need for such depictions of complicated womanhood as part of pushing the reified boundaries of patriarchy that women are forced to exist within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the first Local Government Elections (LGEs) in post-apartheid South Africa, the voter turnout has been on the rise, from 47.33% in 2000 to 57.94% in 2016. However, in the 2021 LGEs, South Africa experienced the lowest voter turnout ever, with only 45.87%. Consequently, such a low turnout is a worrying norm, as most people do not exercise their democratic right to vote and participate in the political landscape. Therefore, the purpose of this paper was to explore factors that contributed to the voter's low turnout in the 2021 LGEs among young people in South Africa. The paper adopted a quantitative research design, and a simple random sample was employed to recruit the 101 participants. The article employed rational choice theory as a lens through which the findings were interpreted. Furthermore, the paper used questionnaires to collect data from the respondents. Additionally, the data were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics, and the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) was chosen. The result of the study shows that during the 2021 elections that were held in South Africa, the youth were not willing to register and vote. Voting was found to be the lowest as compared to previous years since the country gained independence. Among the reasons why youth were reluctant to vote, the following were highlighted, personal commitments on the day of elections; not in the voting ward in which the participants have registered for voting; not realising the value of voting; not having the right candidate to vote for; feeling disappointed by the party; being concerned by the corruption in the municipalities; and feeling that even if they vote for their party, it will not win. The conclusion indicated that there is low motivation to vote among the youth in South Africa. The study recommends comprehensive political and civic education, especially among young people, who do not see any significance in participating in the elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the relationship between the dual goals of equity and development for public higher education (HE) in post-apartheid South Africa. Without state intervention, globalization of the South African economy and HE provision may result in increased inequality in access to HE, information, and technology (and thus, productivity and income). Presents suggestions for reforming the public HE undergraduate curriculum. (SM)

Conservation and political ideology were closely interlinked in apartheid South Africa: forced removals in areas considered important for conservation was a common practice. Post-Apartheid reforms sought to address the injustices of the past, and at the level of policy, the Land Restitution Act of 1994 recognizes the injustices suffered by specific groups during Apartheid providing a framework to address their claims. However, the land claims process is still marked by various injustices. Drawing on life history interviews conducted with 31 members of the Likhayalethu Community, South Africa, as a case study this paper presents an analytical discussion of how the Land Restitution policy framework in South Africa attempts to address the epistemic injustices in the case of claims in protected areas. The paper raises concerns about the capacity of this policy framework to prevent epistemic injustices from continuing to occur through the current land restitution process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues that in the post-Apartheid South Africa there is an opportunity to redress the inaccessibility of the majority to higher education, and to encourage lifelong learning, by greatly widening access and providing programs to develop broadly applicable abilities such as computer literacy. Contends that new educational approaches are also needed to promote active citizenship. Contains 18 references. (VWC)

Defends a postmodern approach to philosophy of education which is argued to best provide guidance and context for dialogue in a culturally pluralistic society such as South Africa. The impetus for this defense of a postmodern approach is located in the challenge facing South Africa's education after the deligitimization of the Fundamental Pedagogies approach of the apartheid era. (SM)

Apartheid policies adversely affected the health and social status of South African children. South Africa adopted the conceptual framework of the health promoting schools network (HPSN) to address school health comprehensively. The HPSN emphasizes school environment, community involvement, policy development, and appropriate health and social services. This paper examines perceived barriers to establishing a HPSN and strategies to overcome barriers. (SM)

At the onset of the apartheid era, Jewish women across South Africa began to publish community cookbooks to raise money for Jewish schools, synagogues, and other organizations. Through their combination of recipes, titles, advertisements, prefaces, and guidelines, community cookbooks narrated the economic, social, and cultural successes of the women who compiled them. In the postwar period, South African Jewish women sought a place for themselves in Jewish communal life, and in the white middle class of the country's new apartheid order. By producing and consuming community cookbooks, these women armed themselves with the organizational platform and the cultural capital that would help them claim that place. In order to be able to step into the public sphere while meeting their domestic obligations, they came to rely on the invisibilized labor of the black women who worked in their homes and kitchens. The paper uses cookbooks to think critically about the position of South African Jews in the apartheid system, analyzing how Jewish women benefited from the privileges of whiteness in the intimate arena of their homes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the challenges of preparing English language teachers in South Africa's postapartheid society, describing what it means to educate teachers in a transforming society and how to handle students' changing lives as they shed their baggage of apartheid schooling, interact with fellow preservice teachers, and attempt to change the lives of the next generation of pupils. (SM)

Considers how to explain crimes against humanity to children, especially through literature. The focus is mainly on apartheid in South Africa but also discusses the Holocaust and slavery, and examines how to present a realistic view of history and events and still offer hope and encouragement. (LRW)

Describes the difficult experiences one black South African student had at a South-African university with its overt and covert racism, comparing them with her experiences at Manchester University, which welcomed her and encouraged her to think and grow. Notes how various people at Manchester University, both peers and teachers, nurtured her intellectual development. (SM)

An African counselor relates personal opinions about counseling and Apartheid. Asserts student counselors in South Africa are grappling with the process of extricating themselves from the "old order." As they do so, it is imperative to hear the voice of those who have borne the main brunt of oppression. (KW)

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