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Rosario, Argentina, a city of more than one million people strategically located on the Paraná River in the heart of a fertile agricultural region, is home to a significant industrial corridor where ongoing urbanization for industry, including that associated with the port complex and agroexport industries, vies for real estate space with peri-urban and urban farming production. The city is also the site of thriving municipal programs seeking to change food production and consumption outcomes through urban and peri-urban agriculture projects rooted in agroecology. This paper identifies the socio-natures critical for the formation and endurance of these agroecology assemblages. Based on interviews with 30 stakeholders in government, civil society, and agricultural production, we describe the integrated approach to environmental, social, and economic sustainability embedded in Rosario's institutional agroecology programs. In particular, we discuss the actors and strategies (which seek to preserve land for agricultural uses), discursive renderings of socio-natures (as valuable biodiverse territories and productive diverse bodies), and the marketing of agroecological materialities (through production for public markets) that form and are formed by these assemblages. We also discuss the power dynamics embedded in sustaining urban and peri-urban agroecological projects through institutional means. This research contributes to literature on agroecology, urban agriculture, and the urban metabolism through providing empirical examples of socio-natural entanglements in urban agroecological assemblages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the processes of class formation and workers’ organization in the cities of Rosario and Santa Fe, Argentina, between 1870 and the first decade of the twentieth century. An analytical perspective of local-regional and comparative history was chosen, seeking to observe how these processes operated between both cities beyond the links with the Federal Capital, paying attention to the ideological current that hegemonized the working-class world at that time, anarchism, as well as the workers’ federations. A heuristic analysis and the triangulation of workers’ sources with official documents were carried out and, through the comparative method, an attempt is made to account for the close links and repertoires of collective action shared and used by the workers in their process of union organization, showing the regional organizational capacity beyond the links with Buenos Aires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the distribution of cinema in the city of Rosario (Argentina) during the interwar period, focusing on the construction of cultural discourses, practices and relations. The paper explores representations, made by various agents, of cinema and the strategies of social and cultural discipline set regarding the films and the audience. Censorship and the disciplinary mechanisms are studied in light of their forms of production and reproduction in the urban social space, trying to (r)establish its sociological historicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of EURE is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on the use of participatory budgeting (PB) in urban politics has, perhaps not surprisingly, found that PB participants are often coopted by the government. From a realist perspective, however, it is more surprising that cooptation does not always occur and the mechanisms of non-cooptation are still not well understood. Previous research has often explained successful outcomes in terms of the ideology of incumbents or the strength of social movements demanding participation. In contrast to both these explanations, this article suggests that an important part is played by the political interest of political elite actors in the independence of PB participants from the government. Presenting the case of PB in Rosario, Argentina, the article finds that three conditions made it rational for political actors not to coopt participants. First, a legitimacy crisis created incentives to invest in a new field of state-civil society interaction. Second, state actors involved in the creation of the field came to invest in the meanings and values of the field. Third, the field of PB could produce legitimacy for the government by being perceived as independent. The article reasons that we can expect these mechanisms of non-cooptation to be at work in much the same way in other places under similar circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]