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Based on China's multilevel engagement strategy in Latin America and the Caribbean, this paper seeks to investigate Argentina's subnational strategies towards the Asian giant in terms of energy transition in two areas: the production of renewable energies and the production of lithium as a storage medium. The perspectives of asymmetric interdependence and structuralism are used to explain the pattern of links between the two countries; and studies of paradiplomacy are used to understand the international actions of Argentina's provinces. The analysis focuses on energy initiatives between 2014 and 2023, using a qualitative methodology with case studies. The initial argument maintains that the development of clean energy is a complementary interest between the Argentine provinces and China, as the Asian country builds its leadership in the field of energy transition, and the provinces diversify their local production matrices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papel Político is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper asserts that we are currently experiencing an epochal shift equal to that which inaugurated modernity. If the Caribbean was central to the production of modernity and the subsequent dominance of the West, it is also central to the current epochal shift. By exploring two dimensions of this shift as experienced in Jamaica – the growing influence of China globally, and the challenge contemporary feminist and sexual activism are posing to gendered notions of racial respectability that had previously served as the backbone of nationalism – the paper reflects on how we are being required to imagine sovereignty in new terms. If we are, in fact, witnessing the death of the West, or at least the destabilisation of the dominant parameters of Western liberal governance, what can the space of the Caribbean, and particularly Jamaica, tell us about what sovereignty might mean now and into the future? Résumé: Cet article soutient que nous vivons actuellement un changement d' époque égal à celui de l' entrée dans la modernité. Si les Caraïbes étaient au cœur de la production de la modernité et de la domination par conséquence de l' occident, ils sont également au cœur du basculement historique actuel. En explorant deux dimensions de ce changement d' époque tel que vécu en Jamaïque – l' influence grandissante de la Chine dans le monde et le féminisme et l' activisme sexuel contemporaines militantisme tels qu' ils posent défi aux notions genrées de respectabilité raciale qui étaient auparavant présentées comme la colonne vertébrale du nationalisme – cet article s' interroge sur la manière dont nous sommes invités à repenser la souveraineté dans des termes nouveaux. Si vous assistons effectivement à la mort de l' occident, ou tout au moins au bouleversement des paramètres de la gouvernance occidentale libérale occidentale, que peuvent nous dire les Caraïbes et plus particulièrement la Jamaïque au sujet de la souveraineté aujourd' hui et à l' avenir? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In contemporary world politics, Taiwan is, for different reasons, a subject of great contention. The constant conflict it faces with Beijing over the claim to fully integrate it into its sovereignty, in the conception of a single China, limits its expectations as a possible independent state. Given this, and in a long-standing dispute, the groups in power, both in Beijing and in Taipei, confront each other precisely because of these visions, which is the object of constant encounters and disagreements. Thus, and intending to firmly maintain international recognition through a low-profile strategy, Taiwan has maintained formal ties with different states in different regions of the world, including Latin America and the Caribbean. This has allowed the use of its official links in some countries in the area, which are exposed to pressure from the government of the People’s Republic of China, which appears as a counterweight to Taipei’s efforts. With this background, the purpose of this paper is to describe that the presence of Taiwan in Latin America and the Caribbean depends on the ability of its political leaders to materialize initiatives whose impact is not of great importance in the dynamics of regional politics and economics. This will allow you to avoid situations that jeopardize the achievements achieved so far and allow you to continue with this status quo created over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Area Development & Policy is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decade, the socioeconomic relationship between Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) and the People's Republic of China has increased massively. How has this new qualitative relationship between LAC and China affected inequality in LAC? This paper highlights the degrees of concentration of trade since the 1990s until 2011 and its technological content. Future research will have to deepen this relationship at the national, regional and even firm-level. Based on a brief critical review of the relationship between trade and equality/inequality, the document analyzes several of the outstanding features of the booming trade relationship between LAC and China. It concludes, among other issues, that both academics and policy makers have to overcome the bias against the agricultural sector and natural resources based on the concepts of global commodity chains, systemic competitiveness and territorial endogeneity. In addition, one of the most striking features of the new LAC-China trade is its increasing concentration, both compared with historical levels of LAC-China trade, as well as with the rest of the world, a development that will affect inequality in LAC substantially. It is not "old wine in new bottles," but rather a new socioeconomic relationship with dynamic and profound impacts in LAC that will have to be considered in more detail by scholars and policy makers in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the recent incursion by China (meaning both Beijing and Taipei) into the Caribbean and Pacific. The general contours of Chinese trade and investment are discussed to provide a background context for a more specific exploration of Chinese aid, especially to small islands across the two regions. A review of recent literature primarily from Western sources reveals that the main strategic use of aid by Beijing (People's Republic of China - PRC) has been to support the demands of its growing economy but secondarily to isolate Taiwan (Republic of China - ROC) diplomatically. This conclusion, illustrated with several case vignettes, is based on the focus of Chinese aid on those islands retaining diplomatic links with Taipei as well as on the political manoeuvreing this Cross-Strait rivalry has spawned. The paper further suggests that the types of projects Beijing and Taipei have funded, like those of their Western counterparts before them (Australia, Japan, United States), yield limited long-term island development gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The field of global international relations remains to a great extent aspirational and focussed on the critique of Western-centric perspectives or the appraisal of non-Western theories within their specific geographical and historical contexts. In this essay, we go a step further and transpose a set of Caribbean-based theories that gained prominence in the 1960s and 1970s to apply it to the study of China's contemporary relations with the Caribbean Community, drawing broader implications for China's Belt and Road Initiative. The Caribbean's tradition of critical and radical thought raises important questions about continuing epistemic dependency, structural impediments to development in small and highly open states, and a number of unresolved issues relating to the postcolonial condition in former plantation societies. Drawing upon these insights, we contend that the expectations placed on the emerging 'South–South' link with China are easily overstated, given China's elitist business-centric approach to development, the eschewing of participatory approaches in Sino–Caribbean ventures and the passive incorporation of the Caribbean into China's global vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are three positions about the impact of outward foreign direct investment (FDI) from China on the policies of Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries: the "Wealth is Power" camp, which associates political power with Chinese economic lures; the "Conditionalist" camp, which contends the international and domestic economic and political context determines the specific political effect of Chinese outward FDI (OFDI); and the "Politics is Power" camp, which believes no dramatic political changes have resulted from the economic stimuli of Chinese OFDI (COFDI) and associated economic lures. Case studies herein on Brazil and China, Argentina and China, Ecuador and China, and the Caribbean and China support the Conditionalist camp, albeit to differing degrees and for different reasons. Case studies herein on COFDI in Argentina and in Colombia also deepen our knowledge about the drivers of COFDI. They challenge those asserting that COFDI in LAC is driven purely by political motives. This piece also reviews and critiques the state of the literature on COFDI in LAC and suggests a pathway for moving to the next level. It specifically recommends researchers work to cumulate knowledge by asking similar kinds of questions across cases, exploit theory, and work on variable conceptualization and operationalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years the People's Republic of China (China) has expanded its economic relations with CARICOM (the member states of CARICOM are Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, St Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago). This is evident in the increase in trade and development assistance. The objective of this article is to explain the expanded and intensified economic presence of China in the CARICOM region. In order to accomplish this it is necessary to identify the motives for China's conduct in the region and the factors that account for the receptivity of CARICOM to economic relations with China. Although the focus is primarily on the economic relationship between China and the CARICOM countries, this aspect of China's involvement in the region cannot be separated from the political dimension. China's motives for a growing presence in the region are both economic and political and have to be examined in the wider context of China's overall foreign policy, its shifting world view, its superpower status and the geo-politics of the current global conjuncture. Similarly, CARICOM's conduct has to be located in the wider context of its overall foreign policy. The first section outlines the history and current status of China-CARICOM relations. This is followed by an exposition of the extent and increase in economic interaction between China and CARICOM. The third section provides an examination of China's motives for the conduct of its foreign policy in the CARICOM countries. These motives are partly influenced by economics and partly by politics and hence have to be understood in the global geo-political context. A fourth section is devoted to explaining CARICOM's receptivity to increased economic relations with China. The final section provides a brief outlook for China-CARICOM economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]