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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I extend the analytical framework of infrastructural citizenship with political ecology and reorientate analysis to rural geographies, extractive infrastructure and indigenous territorial movements. Drawing from recent fieldwork in Bolivia, I argue that an extended conceptual framework of 'infrastructural ecological citizenship' better acknowledges the multiple, changing and contested ways that people and rural places co-exist and how these relationships are being reworked as infrastructure and citizenship are co-constituted. I use this framework to analyse a conflict over road building in an indigenous territory and national park in lowland Bolivia – the Isiboro Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park (Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure ; TIPNIS), revealing how the road building project weakened the pre-existing political and material infrastructures that underpinned modes of indigenous territorial citizenship within Bolivia's Plurinational State, as well as foregrounding how transnational extractive capital has shaped negotiations of territorial place-based citizenship in the TIPNIS. In doing so, I contribute to debates on infrastructural citizenship, resource extraction and sustainable development, revealing the ongoing potency of place-based claims on land and related claims for territorial citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the particular role played by anarchism in early 20th century discussions concerning the Bolivian nation and citizenship. Based on a diverse corpus of documents and extended specialised literature, I will argue that between the 1920s and 1940s the local anarchist movement took part in these debates by rejecting the Creole oligarchy's definition of the nation and proposing one of its own. Ideologically, this intervention meant imagining a different, more inclusive national community made up of racialised and gendered identities. Practically, it implied fighting against internal colonialism, struggling for equal citizenship, and defending the ethnic and gender identity and human dignity of mestizos, cholas, and indigenous people. By reconstructing these debates and some anarchist "ethno‐classist" struggles of the period, I approach the anticolonial orientation of Bolivian anarchism, and more generally, examine a historical experience in which subaltern subjectivities intervened in nation‐building away from a statist, Western and patriarchal path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The TIPNIS conflict has become a milestone in contemporary research about indigenous movements and Bolivia. Since 2011 when the conflict openly emerged, different views and interpretations have arisen to tackle a puzzle that has multiple dimensions, actors and motivations. This paper seeks to discuss the tensions emerging between the politics of indigeneity and the notions of citizenship in the contemporary indigenous movements in Bolivia. The focus of the analysis is the TIPNIS social conflict and the political outcomes of the VIII march in 2011. The analysis illustrates the complexity and heterogeneity of the indigenous politics in Bolivia and the political dynamics that allowed this conflict to transcend the local sphere to become a catalyst for broader social agendas. These dynamics reveal both the internal tensions among the indigenous organizations in the understanding and the application of the New Political Constitution and the long-term tensions over territories between peasants and indigenous groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People of certain nationalities may feel the need to alter or hide their identities while traveling in countries where the political system is diametrically opposed to that of their homeland. In some cases, their citizenship may make them targets of various sorts of harassment and persecution. This paper identifies situations in which some American tourists in Bolivia feel the need to avoid discussing their national identities, given the strained relations between their own country and the host state. It also examines how these same people respond to, or cope with, these situations, including denying or hiding their citizenship, avoiding certain destinations, feeling culpable and apologizing for their country's challenging foreign policies, and becoming defensive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario del Instituto de Historia Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last two decades Latin America has been a laboratory for the implementation of new models of state and citizenship. In Bolivia the (neo)liberal multicultural paradigm dominant in the 1990s has recently been replaced by a plurinational paradigm, which implies a deepening of the decentralization process and the strengthening of rights for traditionally marginalized social sectors. This paper describes the process of construction of a plurinational 'imagined community' and, in particular, of one of its core narratives: the 'indigenous native peasant'. I argue that the negotiation of this collective identity and its inclusion as one of the core ideas in the new constitution is the result of a contingent strategy in response to a highly conflictive scenario, which has not been, however, able to trigger a change in the way people identify themselves. Yet in recent years, social movements' identities have been shaped by centrifugal forces. These forces should be understood as the result of a process of collective actors' adaptation to institutional and regulatory reforms and contribute to explaining the increase of new intrasocietal conflicts linked to the redefinition of citizenship and territorial boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologias is the property of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted global interdependencies, accompanied by widespread calls for worldwide cooperation against a virus that knows no borders, but responses were led largely separately by national governments. In this tension between aspiration and reality, people began to grapple with how their own lives were affected by the global nature of the pandemic. In this article, based on 493 qualitative interviews conducted between 2020 and 2021, we explore how people in Argentina, Austria, Bolivia, Ecuador, Ireland, Italy and Mexico experienced, coped with and navigated the global nature of the pandemic. In dialogue with debates about the parameters of the 'global' in global health, we focus on what we call people's everyday (de)bordering practices to examine how they negotiated (dis)connections between 'us' and 'them' during the pandemic. Our interviewees' reactions moved from national containment to an increasing focus on people's unequal socio-spatial situatedness. Eventually, they began to (de)border their lives beyond national lines of division and to describe a new normal: a growing awareness of global connectedness and a desire for global citizenship. This newfound sense of global interrelatedness could signal support for and encourage transnational political action in times of crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the province of Jujuy, located on the northern border of Argentina and Bolivia, the widespread image of the "Bolivian pregnant woman who crosses the border to give birth on the Argentine side" orders a great deal of the perceptions, views and ideals of many Argentineans. Themes relating to material resources, to rights of citizenship and to meanings and feelings of belonging appear in stories and statements that reject and condemn these women. How are we to interpret the reactions that these women's actions provoke? What fears and anxieties are provoked by such border crossing? This paper shows that Bolivian women who cross the border are seen as a societal disturbance, and embody a double threat to "integrity": to social integrity, understood as a system of regulated inequality, and to national/racial integrity, understood as a holistic ethnic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In peri-urban Cochabamba, Bolivia, the 'informally' employed population reject the government's fiscal offer of taxes in return for welfare, infrastructure, and rights, including the offer's underlying logic of reciprocity. Instead, they disaggregate the fiscal landscape by choosing to engage with some taxes and avoid others, understanding the exchanges that do take place as vehicles for independence from the state as opposed to interdependence with the state. An anthropology of tax must do the same: deconstruct fiscal systems, examine the multiple exchange logics at play, investigate the production of diverse forms of 'economic citizenship', and locate emic definitions of tax within their historical and cultural context. Specifically, reciprocity should not be assumed to be an organizing principle of fiscal imaginaries or realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article's aims are twofold: to consider the motivations for return migrations to Bolivia from Spain in a context of economic crisis and to explore the impact of recent Spanish migration policies using a transnational family perspective. Migrants' decisions to return home are embedded in the gendered allocation of economic and reproductive responsibilities and patriarchal ideology in Bolivian homes. Spain's tightened immigration regulations of 2007 limited circular migration between the two countries for the majority of Bolivians in Spain. In contrast, a window for citizenship acquisition opened for approximately one-third of Bolivians in Spain between 2012 and 2015. With dual Bolivian and Spanish citizenship, their freedom to travel between the two countries has afforded them far more scope for meeting transnational family care and provisioning responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I propose contributing to the general understanding of the intricate relationship between nationality, citizenship and international migrations, focusing on the linkage or reincorporation policies of migrant-sending countries. Specifically, I will analyse a key change to the system for allocating Bolivian nationality by the Plurinational State of Bolivia and related measures during the presidency of Evo Morales, that is, the introduction of automatic jus sanguinis to maintain ties with emigrants. The automatic application of jus sanguinis abroad has theoretical implications on two different levels. One is the relationship between nationality and citizenship, specifically, that of the possible emancipation of citizenship from nationality. In this regard, the case I present reveals mechanisms that work in the opposite direction, binding citizenship to nationality. The second level is that of the potential expansion of ethno-nationalist or racialized conceptions of nationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent conflict between indigenous people and a self-styled indigenous state in Bolivia has brought to the fore some of the paradoxes and contradictions within the concept of indigeneity itself. The contemporary politics of state sponsored indigeneity in Bolivia has as much capacity to create new inequalities as it does to address old ones and there is a conceptual deficit in understanding contemporary indigenous rights claims, in particular as they relate to the state. Anthropologists are understandably reluctant to define indigeneity in any objective way, but as indigeneity discourses proliferate, we need some conceptual tools to distinguish between competing rights claims based on indigeneity. I propose a conceptual distinction between inclusive national indigeneity for the majority which seeks to co-opt the state and a concept of indigeneity for a minority which needs protection from the state. Only by looking at the kinds of claims people make through the rhetoric of indigeneity can we make sense of such indigenous conflict in Bolivia and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examined the implementation of public health reforms as a means to strengthen the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) under the Bolivian President Victor Paz Estenssoro in 1956. These reforms cover maternal and infant health, vaccination and malaria eradication campaigns, granting of citizenship and providing voting rights to women. The health agenda of MNR after the typhoid epidemic in Cochabamba and polio outbreak in Argentina are also discussed.

“All of us are presidents” examines the promise and disappointments of direct democracy that followed Evo Morales’ election as president of Bolivia. Working with the literature on politics, the state, and social movements in Latin America, the author contrasts ideas of normative democracy with radical democracy. The article pursues two ideas. First, in the wake of Morales’ election his core political base in the Chapare region perceived and engaged in politics as if they exercised direct, structural authority over the president’s policies. Second, while Morales initially embraced direct democracy he quickly distanced himself from this practice. As the coca growers observe, Morales abandon their political practices they have ceased to refer to themselves as presidents. Therefore, the author suggest that the model of direct democracy that Morales and his aides have promoted is in fact nothing more than a stark utopian claim designed to ensure the legitimacy of the MAS party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a qualitative study exploring the effects of community-based human rights and pro-equality education on Bolivian adolescent boys. By privileging the boys' own voices, the study examines how the boys' sense of solidarity toward others, derived from the citizenship duties and collegiality emphasised in non-governmental workshops, impacted their commitment to gender equality. Research implications include the importance of educating young males on females' rights and listening to the boys' views on the resulting progress and remaining challenges regarding the attainment of sustainable gender equality in social spheres and public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 20th century, indigenous identities seemed atavistic and doomed. By its close, indigenous politics were proving to be much more dynamic and successful than other progressive political movements. This article explores the ways in which indigenous groups are engaging in novel ways with the nation-state. What is at play here is a series of articulations of the ways in which the state relates to citizens and vice versa in Bolivia where the iconic citizen has changed from being a mestizo to an indigenous person. Not all communities and not all individuals are equally well placed to take advantage of new political spaces and opportunities. This article examines the case of Khonkho in highland Bolivia and considers its response to the opportunities opened up by a new indigenous political landscape and, in particular, the role of new rituals in articulating a new relationship with the state. The relationship between cultural expression and political rights are explored, arguing that the former are much more linked to the latter than might first appear. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article describes the case of members of indigenous communities in the Bolivian Amazon lowlands who marched on August 15, 2011 from the settlement in Beni district to the capital La Paz to oppose highway construction across their territory. The nature of Bolivian politics is discussed along with the role of indigenous movements in the election of President Evo Morales and subsequent political innovations. Alternative concepts of citizenship are examined apart from a context of reciprocity.

RESUMEN El artículo sostiene que tanto la historia reciente del mal funcionamiento de las instituciones estatales y de gobierno en Bolivia, como su conformación pluricultural, sus dinámicas indígenas y flujos migratorios, han producido en este país una configuración particular de la ciudadanía. Al interior de ésta última, han cristalizado, por una parte, experiencias culturales específicas; y, por la otra, procesos de aprendizaje respecto de la relación entre el Estado y los ciudadanos. Para dar cuenta de este fenómeno, analizamos en primer lugar la instalación no-conformista de Evo Morales, para luego presentar el debate sobre la naturaleza supuestamente universal de la ciudadanía, desde las ópticas de la diversidad cultural, los derechos colectivos y la ciudadanía multicultural. A continuación, delineamos cómo se ha gestado una evaluación crítica de la democracia y del gobernar por parte de los bolivianos. Posteriormente revisamos las dinámicas culturales de los aymara en la ciudad indígena de El Alto, epicentro de múltiples protestas y choques con las autoridades. En este contexto, discutimos los vínculos entre las prácticas evidenciadas por los aymara y sus visiones sobre el cambio y la insubordinación. Finalmente, evaluamos la relevancia de estas prácticas en la composición político-cultural de Bolivia. This article argues that Bolivia's recent history of inadequately functioning state institutions and governments, in conjunction with its pluri-cultural makeup, indigenous dynamics and migration flows, has produced an idiosyncratic configuration of citizenship. Specific cultural experiences have become entwined with nation-wide learning processes about the state–citizen relationship. We introduce the issue by analyzing the non-conformist instalment of Evo Morales. Then, the debate on the disputed universal nature of citizenship is summarized, touching upon themes of cultural diversity, group rights, and multicultural citizenship. Next, we trace the development of the Bolivian's critical assessment of democracy and governance. Subsequently, we turn to the cultural dynamics of the Aymara in the indigenous city of El Alto, which has been the center of many important protests and clashes with the authorities. We relate the Aymara contextualizing practices to their sense of change and insubordination. Finally, the analysis of these practices is extrapolated to obtain their significance for Bolivia's current politico-cultural composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article develops a theoretical framework to analyse the social construction of citizenship at the local level in Bolivia through the Ley de Participacion Popular (LPP). It explains how decentralization at the municipal level and the introduction of participatory mechanisms affect the development of civil society in Bolivia. I argue that decentralization at the city level can provide new formal spaces for the development of civil society in relation with the state, which can in turn foster the social construction of a more inclusive citizenship regime. Many factors, however, determine if such potential is exploited. Drawing from the Bolivian experience, the article elaborates on the socio-political conditions necessary for local governance to have a positive impact on citizenship. It shows that the institutional shortcomings of the LPP, an elite-driven reform adopted in a country with a legacy of weak institutions and civil society, posed fundamental limits for social participation at the municipal level to lead to the social construction of an inclusive citizenship regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an urban barrio on the outskirts of a Bolivian city, the municipal government engages in a variety of techniques to regulate and manage the illegal settlers and the lands they occupy on the urban periphery. These forms of governmentality are underscored by a paternalist discourse that enjoins barrio residents to embrace urban inclusion as part of a generalized urban Bolivian family. Barrio residents desire such inclusion as a path to citizenship and the socioeconomic rights that such belonging entails, but are skeptical of paternalist rhetoric and the claims of Bolivian politicians to be ‘good fathers’ to their barrio children. This article examines the engagement between municipal leaders and barrio residents in the struggle to subject one urban neighborhood to state authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the citizenship practices of urban Aymara in a neighbourhood of El Alto, Bolivia, through an examination of the municipal elections of December 1999. Using ethnographic methods, I focus on the instrumental and affective sides of clientelism, a central feature of Bolivian elections. I argue that clientelism is a part of citizenship practice, a means of engaging with the state in the person of the politician. A majority of the Bolivian population are marginalised from the oligarchic mestizo system of government, as represented by the traditional political parties. However, at local level, and especially during election campaigns, there is more permeability, and this article sees clientelism as a set of strategies through which citizens attempt to make politics, and politicians, more representative and responsive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Urban & Regional Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)