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Copyright of Security: Theory & Practice / Bezpieczeństwo.Teoria i Praktyka is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spain's gradual integration into the European Union through the development of institutions and economic and structural changes is intrinsic to the construction of a pro-European public opinion in which the media have actively participated. Objectives: This research aims to analyse the topics disseminated by the leading Spanish media to detect how the EU is represented in these themes, determine the main, adjacent and counter-discourses and find out the degree of North/South polarisation. Methodology: By content analysis and critical discourse analysis, this paper studies 543 units from the Spanish media El País, El Confidencial, ABC, El Diario.es, RTVE and Antena 3 from July 2021 to March 2022. Discussion and conclusion: Following the methodological application, the results obtained allow us to conclude that the construction of Europeanisation in the Spanish media is constructed about specific issues, and after an in-depth analysis of the energy issue, we can affirm that media coverage is neutral in general terms. Europeanisation is presented from a role with the greater weight of Spain in the common project than in previous historical stages presented in the introduction to this paper. Likewise, there is a certain unanimity in the Spanish media, both in the thematic selection and in the actors who are given a voice in the information, as well as in the pre-European construction of public opinion, regardless of their editorial line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Commission in the scope of its cohesion policy tries to increase competitiveness of the European Union (EU) regions by supporting, beside many other instruments, entrepreneurial activities in the EU sub-national regions. This paper sheds an empirical light on the relationship between entrepreneurial activities and entrepreneurial perceptions on the one hand and the economic performance of regions eligible for EU regional policies in Spain and Germany on the other. Based on empirical data on the NUTS2 level, there will be analysis of whether previous EU support has later had an impact on entrepreneurial activities and/or entrepreneurial perception in the regions. The results show empirical evidence for a relationship between entrepreneurial activities and EU regional policies. However, other determinants such as gender and the role model function have an even stronger impact. Some of the results may help to increase the effectiveness of EC regional policies and of regional policies of the national governments, especially if the interdependence of entrepreneurship support policies and proper regional policies is considered. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the different ways in which the EU dimension was contextualised in domestic politics in the 2005 Constitutional Treaty referendums in Spain, France and The Netherlands. It suggests that an ideationally based type of contextualisation dominated the Spanish referendum, in sharp contrast with the materially based mode that was dominant in France and The Netherlands. Variations in the ways in which the EU dimension was structured in domestic politics are largely accounted for by the interplay between the presence of an explicit anti-European agenda and government popularity. The paper shows that in Spain a popular government managed to keep control of the referendum debates, preventing anti-EU campaigners from gaining control of the debate and turning its focus from a symbolic pro-European discourse to materially based anti-European matters. By contrast, increasingly unpopular governments in France and The Netherlands were unable to keep the debate focused away from potential sources of material discontent. By focusing on the modes the EU dimension is framed in domestic politics, the paper aims at making a contribution to the literature on European referendums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the contrasting hypotheses and measurements of domestic change and studies how the European Council/European Union prospect of membership affects the territorial and regional governance of Spain and Romania. The paper provides an overview of the main hypotheses and expectations for research in the literature on Europeanization, regionalism and multi-level governance. Formal and institutional arrangements of two countries are described. The paper investigates the tendencies and outcomes at the regional and territorial level of accession and transformation.

This paper addresses the economic and environmental effects of three scenarios of change for the electricity sector in Spain, in line with the European Union targets: (1) to address the low trade with the rest of Europe, increasing the integration with the European network; (2) to enhance environmental sustainability, increasing the use of renewable energy sources, while decreasing the use of brown energy sources; and (3) increasing the competitiveness of the Spanish electricity sector. To this end, we develop a computable general equilibrium model, with 72 productive sectors, eleven of which are energy sectors, where electricity is disaggregated into five production technologies and transmission, distribution, commercialization, and related activities. The model is calibrated on a previously developed input-output table with this detailed disaggregation for Spain for 2013. Our results suggest potential improvements in production and trade, and reductions in CO 2 emissions in scenario 2 are also observed. • We address the effects of three policy scenarios for electricity sector in Spain. • We analyze the effects of increasing trade, renewables, and competitiveness. • We construct and disaggregate a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. • CGE distinguishes the businesses of the sector and the production technologies. • We found improvements in production and trade and reductions in CO 2 emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The availability of heavy machinery and the vineyard restructuring and conversion plans of the European Union Common Agricultural Policy (Commission Regulation EC no. 1227/2000 of 31 May 2000) have encouraged the restructuring of many vineyards on hillslopes of Mediterranean Europe, through the creation of terraces to favor the mechanization of agricultural work. Terrace construction requires cutting and filling operations that create soil spatial variability, which affects soil properties and plant development. In the present paper, we study the effects of hillslope terracing on the spatial variability of the normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) in fields of the Priorat region (NE Spain) during 2004, 2005, and 2006. This index was computed from high-resolution remote sensing data (Quickbird-2). Detailed digital terrain models before and after terrace construction were used to assess the earth movements. The results indicate that terracing by heavy machinery induced high variability on the NDVI values over the years, showing significant differences as effect of the cut and fill operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines recent debates on the European Union's (EU) constitution and their impact on territorial politics in Spain. Analysis of the preferences and participation of autonomous communities and minority nationalist parties in treaty decision processes and the 2005 Spanish referendum, addresses questions about the mobilization of territorial actors, their ability to influence politics beyond the state, political cleavages on EU issues and the role of European integration in domestic disputes on nationalities questions. I argue that innovations in EU treaty processes provided new access for some Spanish territorial actors, but treaty outcomes reflected their limited impact. Ethno-territorial and ideological cleavages present in domestic politics on territorial matters extended to EU issues with territorial dimensions. Finally, while constitutional treaty debates provided minority nationalist leaders with opportunities to articulate distinctive political profiles both at home and abroad, scope for consensual accommodation of national differences within Spain by way of European integration made little progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monitoring of impacts of floods in river valleys of dryland regions has become important with the onset and threats of desertification and is likely to become even more vital with predictions of increased effects of climate and land use change. It is also needed in order to conform to requirements of the EU Water Framework Directive. Monitoring in such regions sets particular challenges. This paper explains a system of low-cost monitoring of changes in morphology, vegetation and sediment cover in channels and valley floors of ephemerally flowing streams. It has been applied in SE Spain for 10 years and has proved very effective. In particular, the use of simple crest-stage recorders for measuring flow height and the use of real-time differential GPS for rapid and accurate survey and for relocating points have proved very valuable. Part of the monitoring is focused on the interaction of plants and channel processes. Small changes in and around vegetation associated with flow events have been detected by a combination of quadrat surveys and cross-profiling of the channel. A range of flow events has been measured over the period of monitoring, demonstrating their differing effects and the varying sensitivity and responsiveness of different sites. The sporadic occurrence of flood events in such an environment means that a strategy of monitoring several sites and of continuation over many years has great benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disinformation poses a very important and growing risk to our society, either alone or in association with other hybrid threats, which is being addressed at both the international and European Union (EU) as well as national level. Within the EU, a multidisciplinary and cooperative approach has been advocated between all the actors involved, in contrast to the strong regulatory perspective traditionally adopted in the history of European integration within the EU framework. For this reason, together with the inherent limitations imposed by the nature of the right to freedom of expression and information on any possible administrative censorship or criminal punishment, Spain has adopted only one recent regulation (Decree PCM/1030/2020) to establish the Spanish procedure to combat disinformation as required by European directive. Moreover, although fake news cannot be prosecuted directly in Spain outside the scope of crimes against the market and consumers, fake news can include very different types of criminal offence depending on the content and the intention with which it is disseminated. We illustrate these possibilities through some recent judicial decisions on this matter and declarations by the Office of the Attorney-General. It remains to be seen whether this soft approach to combating disinformation will be sufficient to combat this new plague on our contemporary society effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on analysis of public opinion towards European integration in Greece, Portugal and Spain, countries known for their positive attitudes toward integration. In particular, the article analyses how public attitudes towards Europe have been formed in these countries. Secondly, it examines the determining factors of citizens' positive attitudes toward integration and shows the types of variables that are essential to understanding the differences between Greeks, Spaniards and the Portuguese. It also examines traditional euro-optimism in these southern countries. The findings show the relevance of identity and the various impacts of party platforms and ideology in attitudes of support for European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes public attitudes towards Euroscepticism in three Mediterranean countries: Spain, Italy and Greece. Specifically, drawing upon cultural backlash theory, we investigate how the general feeling of nostalgia and the rejection of neoliberal values like social and cultural diversity affect citizens' Eurosceptic attitudes and thus their willingness to leave the European Union. Based on survey data from the Pew Research Centre, we first find that attitudes towards ethnic, religious and racial diversity predict citizens' willingness to leave the European Union in Spain and Italy, but not in Greece, whereas citizens with higher levels of nostalgia are more prone to leave the European Union in Spain and Greece, but not in Italy. Finally, attitudes towards diversity are explored as a moderator over the relationship between citizens' perceptions of their country's economic situation and Eurosceptic attitudes. This article contributes to current discussions on Euroscepticism, arguing that cultural backlash theory might play a crucial role in accounting for citizens' cultural and political attitudes towards the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates variations in the domestic impact of the European Union's largest financial instrument, the European Social Fund (ESF), in The Netherlands and Spain. We find that, despite the large differences between the two countries examined in terms of ‘goodness of fit’, the ESF had significant effects on both The Netherlands and Spain. These effects, however, occurred through rather different dynamics: intermediate variables such as leverage, learning and aid conditionality determine how the ESF actually ‘hits home’, in addition to the degree of institutional, political and policy (mis)fit. At the same time, we qualify our analysis by exploring the role of countries' past experiences with the ESF, their problem load, the availability of (European Union and domestic) resources and member states' uploading capacities. The ‘goodness of fit’ literature has suggested that these factors may be important, but they have not yet been sufficiently explored for the ESF. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT This article examines recent trends and patterns in binational marriages between European citizens in Spain over a 20-year period and the sociodemographic profile and nationality composition of these binational marriages. The analysis relies on aggregate marriage statistics and on marriage register microdata for 2008-2009. We use odds ratios to monitor trends and characteristics of binational marriages and multinomial regression to further examine the sociodemographic profile of these couples. The analysis of marriage records reveals only a modest rise in Euromarriages over the 1990-2009 period. This moderate increase in Euromarriages points towards a weak social impact of the European single market. Moreover, the analysis also suggests that binational marriages more often involve lesser-educated than more-educated individuals. Finally, findings on the social and nationality compositions of binational marriages conform to theoretical predictions drawn from the literatures of marriage markets, endogamy, and social hypergamy. They show that the affinity between Spaniards and European Union (EU-15) citizens is lesser than that between Spaniards and non-Europeans (i.e. Latin Americans). They also show that patterns of binational marriages are highly gender specific. Whereas the affinity between Spanish women and EU-15 men is higher than the affinity between Spanish women and 'new' European men, the affinity between Spanish men and 'new' European women is higher than the affinity between Spanish men and EU-15 women. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the European Union's (EU's) history-making decision to enlarge eastwards, other policy-setting decisions had to be taken, especially concerning when and under what conditions each candidate should join. This article offers a case study of the Enlargement policy of successive Spanish governments, socialist and conservative, during the period 1992-99. It demonstrates that Spanish government representatives defined state preferences in accordance with the EU's normative framework and reshaped them in the discursive process leading to a final agreement. It suggests that Spanish government preferences within the EU should not be considered exogenous to the interaction process and the EU collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idealistic rationale of European enlargement has a deeply practical side to it. When the European Community took in Greece, Spain and Portugal in the early 1980s, the principal objective was to shore up the democracies that had emerged after the collapse of more authoritarian regimes. A similar objective lies behind the present enlargement. Specifically, the European Union's expansion to the east and south is an attempt at risk management: the major economic transformations underway in Eastern Europe have unleashed forces that -- while not unfamiliar in most advanced industrial societies -- could topple fledgling democracies. This challenge is different from that confronted in the case of Greece, Spain and Portugal, not only because of the greater disparities in economic capacity between the candidate countries and existing member states, but also given the difficulty of stabilising political regimes through the process of developing market economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)