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This paper analyses the willingness of individual citizens to show solidarity in the context of the Eurozone crisis. Taking a cost-sensitive approach to solidarity, we assessed the extent to which citizens would be willing to personally contribute to a bailout fund, and examined the sociodemographic and attitudinal causes for this willingness. We conducted a survey during the 2012 sovereign debt crisis in Germany and Portugal, two Eurozone countries representing a strong economy and a net recipient of loans respectively. As a part of this survey, we used a scenario in which respondents were asked whether they would be willing to pay a European solidarity tax at varying rates. Descriptive findings reveal that 48% of the Germans and 56% of the Portuguese accepted at least one of three tax rates proposed. Multivariate analyses reveal that a willingness to pay is mainly formed by political attitudes and cosmopolitan beliefs, and not by the socio-economic characteristics of respondents. The overall likelihood of emerging social cleavages is rather weak, meaning these findings may encourage European Union actors to internally foster the idea of a socially and financially integrated Europe in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates European Union (EU) education and training policies in the light of the evolving Lisbon agenda on improving the competitiveness of the EU. It examines the ways in which EU policies have developed over time, focusing on their legal basis, underlying principles, main forms of implementation and their impact on national education and training systems. The paper argues that, in the wake of the Lisbon agenda, the legal basis for EU activities has been substantially extended by intergovernmental agreements. The discourse on the concept of economic competitiveness has changed the formulation of new EU policies in education and training, exemplified by a strong emphasis on educational indicators, benchmarks and quality controls. This has resulted in a new wave of EU initiatives in the field, sometimes updating or recycling activities that had not been successful in the past. The slow progress regarding the Lisbon goals for education and training seems to indicate, however, that the impact of EU programmes and projects for educational provisions in the Member States remains limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report concludes the coverage of EuroCorr 2005, the annual meeting of the European Federation of Corrosion (EFC) in Lisbon last September, which coincided with the fiftieth anniversary of the Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the integration experience of Portugal in the European Union in order to study how it has affected the country's fiscal policies in the decade prior to the global financial crisis, from 1999 to 2008. It focuses on three main variables to account for the difficulties that Portugal experienced in complying with the Stability and Growth Pact: institutions, ideas, and interests. The paper closes with some lessons from the Portuguese experience. The examination of this case will show that, to be successful, economic reform has to be a domestic process led by domestic actors willing to carry it out. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper approaches euroscepticism from the perspective of party positions and mass-level attitudes. It documents the nature and evolution of party euroscepticism from 1976 to 2005. Although the poles of party-based euroscepticism can be found, predictably, at the extremes of the party system, there is also a dynamic and contingent element to party positions that can only be accounted for on the basis of a strategic explanation. It also shows that, whenever parties attempted to mobilise voters on the basis of a eurosceptic discourse, voters responded to such attempts. Under those conditions, citizens' attitudes vis-a-vis the EC/EU, in terms of both the economic and the political consequences of integration, emerged as a relevant electoral cleavage in Portuguese politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the role of social partners in the European integration process. It gives an overview of the social dialogue structures and experiences in the European Union (EU) and evaluates the achievements and experiences in developing social dialogue in the former and present candidate countries (Croatia) during the accession process. The first part of the paper is focused on the challenges that the European social dialogue is facing in terms of governance, Lisbon strategy and enlargement. It gives introduction into the role of social dialogue during the accession process. The second part of the paper deals with the social dialogue in Croatia and challenges of anticipated accession to EU. It evaluates the practice of social dialogue and leads to the conclusion that further efforts are needed to strengthen the capacities of the social partners and enhance their participation in social dialogue at national and European level. For the purpose of this paper a survey (interviews) on key social partners' representatives and public authorities have been carried out in Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last 20 years, with the accession to the European Communities, Portugal has undergone a strong process of modernization. At the European level there have also been deep-seated changes, with the continuous deepening and widening of the Union. The connection between those transformations allows for the identification of three different phases that mark the relationship between Portugal and European integration: The Euro-sceptical period, the Euro-enthusiastic phase and the Euro-realistic stage. This paper intends to give an overview of the Portuguese venture in the European Union, starting with a brief reference to the accession to the Communities, and then an outline of the main phases of affiliation with the Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Portugal is an often neglected country in the literature on small European states and one which is significantly exposed to the effects of Brexit. While being a core EU member, Portugal has a historic alliance with the United Kingdom, sharing with it an Atlanticist outlook. Drawing on the literature on small states, New Institutionalism and Europeanisation, this article deals with the effects of Brexit on Portugal's European strategy. More specifically, it examines the country's coping strategies vis-à-vis Brexit, the underlying drivers of these diplomatic responses, as well as their implications for the Europeanisation of Portuguese foreign policy. It is argued that Portugal has hedged its bets to balance a firm EU commitment, the protection of important ties with the UK and a strong NATO engagement. In so doing, the country has exhibited an enduring but limited foreign policy Europeanisation, even more cautiously pragmatic than in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the determinants of the partisan composition of cabinets formed in the last twenty years in Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. Assuming that coalition formation processes take place in three-dimensional political spaces, we assess the impact of the ideological heterogeneity of potential coalitions on economic, EU-related, and socio-cultural issues on the chances that a combination of parties finally forms a cabinet. We find that – in line with the intensified role exerted by EU institutions in domestic affairs – parties were more likely to form a coalition government with those actors who share similar positions on an economic and an EU integration dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper builds on the Europeanization literature to explore the impact of EU membership on Portuguese foreign policy towards Angola. The analysis is centred on trade issues, focusing on Portugal's accession negotiations and the reform of the Lomé Convention. Portugal is a small and open economy, with a colonial past in Angola. Trade is one of the most integrated policy areas of the EU, which has long and highly institutionalised relations with Africa. Preliminary results point to great evidence of Europeanization understood as national adaptation to the EU. However, the projection of Portuguese priorities onto the European level also received some support. History, cultural links and the presence of strong national interest groups appear to have limited the EU's impact on Portuguese preferences. Such findings give support to studies stressing the need to adequately account for domestic conditions, even in highly integrated EU policy areas and for smaller member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the puzzle of why Portugal has consistently supported the EU's fifth enlargement. We argue that standard explanations, based on welfare maximisation, geopolitics, or rhetorical action, cannot persuasively account for this policy choice. Instead, we advance an alternative explanation - subsequently referred to as 'identity endorsement - that is based on a logic of appropriateness where behaviour is shaped by aspects of similarity and congruence, and where the development of Portuguese identity has constituted what has been perceived as appropriate in the context of Eastern enlargement. We argue that EC/EU membership has provided Portuguese political elites with a renewed collective identity, in which a choice for membership has been equated with a choice for democracy, stability and openness. Portuguese support for Eastern enlargement has consistently been based on these concepts that originated from Portugal's own period of accession negotiations. By fully supporting Eastern enlargement, Portugal could act together with the 'European core', and Portugal itself would become more 'core', i.e. more European. For Portuguese political elites, supporting Eastern enlargement thus constituted an act of 'identity endorsement', i.e. the confirmation, (re-)production and reinforcement of existing identity constructions. We tentatively suggest that the notion of identity endorsement may also shed light on other empirical puzzles related to European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on analysis of public opinion towards European integration in Greece, Portugal and Spain, countries known for their positive attitudes toward integration. In particular, the article analyses how public attitudes towards Europe have been formed in these countries. Secondly, it examines the determining factors of citizens' positive attitudes toward integration and shows the types of variables that are essential to understanding the differences between Greeks, Spaniards and the Portuguese. It also examines traditional euro-optimism in these southern countries. The findings show the relevance of identity and the various impacts of party platforms and ideology in attitudes of support for European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The euro has been at the heart of the debate about the crisis in the Eurozone. For some, it represents a fixed exchange rate regime, which hampered peripheral countries' competitiveness, and for others, the European Monetary Union has a 'flawed institutional design' and an insufficient degree of integration that engendered the crisis. The present article analyses monetary integration from a materialist perspective. It draws attention to political agency, power and crisis management. The article focuses on the case of Portugal and poses the question of how the country's authorities were compelled to request a rescue package from the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the European Commission in 2011. It shows that this decision was triggered by the political agency of a series of players within the world of finance, most notably Portugal's domestic banks, the independent Bank of Portugal and the European Central Bank. Reflecting their material interconnection through the European monetary system, their agency was highly coordinated. The strategies for crisis management that came to deepen the recession were not the result of insufficient European integration – they rather reflected Portugal's form of integration within the European Monetary Union at the specific moment of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Irish and Portuguese protesters' perceptions of the EU in the decade since the European debt crisis. Building on EU politics, social movement and protest literatures, we ask how domestic protesters in both countries perceive the EU during its age of crisis protest timescape. We find that critical Europeanism, which rejects technocratic and neoliberal Europe and works towards an alternative, social Europe, has travelled beyond austerity/bailout protests into women's rights and housing protests in both countries, although to varying degrees. We suggest that the expansion of critical European perceptions in these traditionally Europhile member states forms part of the social and political legacy of the European debt crisis, but also contributes to the continued Europeanization of the European social movement space. It could have positive impacts on the EU's legitimacy deficit if EU institutions engaged meaningfully with critical European voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After two challenging processes of democratisation, Spain and Portugal decided to celebrate their new democratic national identities through similar mega cultural events. Following the end of the Cold War, in 1992, Spain commemorated the Fifth Centenary of the first voyage of Columbus to the Americas, overlapping the event with the Seville Expo; six years later; Portugal planned a universal exhibition in Lisbon whose slogan was "The Oceans: a heritage for the future". The shared desire to connect their current liberal democratic identity with a past of male transatlantic maritime expeditions is not accidental. This article aims to address the socio-cultural links among national representation, domestic political circumstances and international connections within the Iberian Peninsula after the long-lived European dictatorships. First, I will consider the entangled relations between the two Iberian countries and their former colonies. Second, I will disambiguate to what extent this postcolonial present helped in the construction of neo-liberal and cosmopolitan self-perceptions and identities. This was in accordance with the globalisation trends, the rhetoric of modernisation and urban regeneration within a post-industrial era. Third, I will analyse the two world's fairs in light of the process of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to systematize indicators and indices that allow measurement sustainable development in cities and towns (economic, social, and environmental). It is one dimension that is inseparable from current cities and its extent is a major concern for political decision‐makers worldwide, and also present their individual weights in that performance. The results allow construction of a Composite Index for Sustainability supported by multivariate statistical techniques (Exploratory Factor Analysis and Principal Component Analysis), confirming its scientific quality and robustness, and forming the main contribution of this study. The results also show that the urban sustainability dimension is visible in the 308 Portuguese cities/towns in a tri‐partite way. Economic sustainability (weighting of 0.386) has been strengthened by entrepreneurship, which has created new business supported by public–private partnerships, such as living labs, which has contributed to less urban unemployment. Standing out in social sustainability (weighting of 0.245) is the development of projects promoting cohesion and social inclusion and actions to improve social infrastructure in Portuguese towns. Finally, environmental sustainability (weighting of 0.369), which locally in Portugal, has emphasized waste management and actions to preserve and protect natural resources and the environment in general. However, more effective actions are needed for their sustainability to continue to improve substantially in the long term, for example, environmentally. Furthermore, the towns/cities analysed must change to the circular economy model as proposed by the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on welfare retrenchment in Portugal by analysing the evolution of public sector employment up until 2013. A multidimensional analysis of the structure of public employment in the Portuguese state was developed, theoretically guided by the 'hands of the state' model proposed by Bourdieu, which divides the main functions of contemporary states between its left hand (more redistributive) and its right hand (more rational economic-oriented). Bourdieu's approach is especially useful in addressing the transformations of the Portuguese public employment between 1979 and 2013, characterized by specific economic, social and political changes. In 2013 – a year in which the adjustment measures agreed by the Portuguese government, the European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund during the global crisis were especially intense – we observed the tendency towards the disqualification of public employment and the shrinking of the left hand of the Portuguese state. Public policy orientations in the areas of education and science were particularly troubling, considering the structural backwardness the country faces in these fields in the context of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The loss of connectivity is among the main threats for species occupying freshwater pond networks. Landscape connectivity can impact the persistence of patchy populations by reducing movement rates among ponds, thereby increasing the likelihood of local extinctions in source–sink systems, and reducing the probability of colonisation following extinctions. In addition, loss of connectivity may also reduce survival rates if individuals have to cross a hostile matrix, though this hypothesis has been rarely tested. Here, we address these issues by evaluating how individual survival and inter‐patch movement probabilities of the European pond turtle (Emys orbicularis) are influenced by patch connectivity.The study was carried out in a network of temporary ponds embedded in a heterogeneous agricultural matrix in southwestern Portugal, encompassing a period associated with a severe drought (2003–2005) and another with wetter climatic conditions (2010–2014). We mapped the location of ponds and land uses around each pond, and quantified connectivity among ponds using least‐cost distances based on patch location and resistance to movement of different land uses. We then used multistate capture‐recapture modelling to quantify how survival and movement of this freshwater turtle were related to different metrics of landscape connectivity, in the wet and dry periods.We captured 221 pond turtles, including 89 juveniles, 58 females, and 74 males. Survival was higher in ponds more connected with other ponds, especially for juvenile turtles. The probability of movement between ponds decreased with increasing least‐cost distances. Movement probabilities tended to be higher in the dry than in the wet period.Our results support the idea that landscape connectivity affects both movement and survival rates in a patchy population inhabiting a temporary pond network. These effects are likely to be particularly marked in unstable freshwater systems like ours, where individuals may have to move widely to escape drying ponds during particularly dry years.Overall, our findings suggest that focusing conservation efforts solely on protecting discrete freshwater habitats such as temporary ponds may be insufficient, requiring also due consideration of landscape connectivity offered by the surrounding agricultural matrix to assure long‐term persistence of patchy populations inhabiting such habitats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the connections between economic policy and economic convergence and divergence in the European Union, by looking at the case of Portugal, still today one of its least developed member states. European and domestic economic policies changed across the period here studied, shifting from an emphasis on programmes aimed at fostering investment in infrastructure and knowledge, such as the structural and regional development funds, to policies giving greater relevance to fiscal and financial equilibria. This shift in policies was followed by economic divergence. As the negative correlation between growth and monetarist policies became increasingly salient, electoral shifts and governmental change led to an overhaul of economic policy. One-size-fits-all European monetary policies lowered the potential for integration, whereas a higher level of domestic participation may lead to the opposite effect, opening up the prospect of higher growth and a return to a slower, but more balanced economic convergence. The experience of the periphery may therefore have lessons for the deepening of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post‐Keynesians have delivered an important advance in providing explanations of the Eurozone crisis, not the least in demonstrating how the formation of the European integration project lacked the means to manage effectively the macroeconomic imbalances between core and peripheral spaces across the region. Through a critical engagement with such descriptions, this article argues that to account more adequately for the formation of the asymmetrical and crisis‐ridden forms of development across the Eurozone it is necessary to focus on the uneven and combined development of Europe's peripheral spaces and their integration into an expanded free trade regime since the 1980s. It is through a focus on the structuring condition of uneven and combined development shaped by capitalist social relations of production and attendant class struggles that we can locate the origins of the present crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the crisis of Portuguese capitalism within the wider crisis of the Eurozone. Portugal's prolonged economic stagnation, associated with an increasingly dependent and fragile insertion in the Eurozone, can now be seen as an early manifestation of the asymmetries and fractures between the Eurozone's core and its periphery that are now wider and more visible. By focusing on the manifestations of 'embedded neoliberalism' in a country of the periphery, the article sheds light on how neoliberal restructuring has made the economic structure increasingly incompatible with the social developments that had previously helped to guarantee its legitimacy. The troika's structural adjustment reveals that this incompatibility is now fully assumed and that, in the absence of social resistance, the brunt of adjustment will be felt by the majority of workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rejection of Constitutional treaty and enlargement of EU to 27 member states drew highlights for the need of institutional reform of the Union. These reforms were important for the functioning of the EU. So, leaders of member states prepared a new treaty which will fulfill needed reforms in order to achieve the goals. Thus, in order to avoid the referendums, they decided to take out those parts of the rejected treaty and to continue forward with reformation of European Union. Lisbon treaty is designed to achieve these institutional reforms and to be more close to the citizens of EU member states. There are some institutional changes and other provisions that leads toward this goal. Also, it makes the Union more accountable and transparent. All these purposes are achieved through involvement of National Parliament, strengthening of European Parliament, giving to the citizens more involvement in EU decision-making through citizen's initiative. Now, we expect the positive results in practicing all these reforms that are included in the Lisbon Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the nature of Portuguese political parties' attitudes towards Europe. Three major European dimensions are focused upon: identity, representation and scope of governance. Their consistency over time and their relevance for party competition are analysed, drawing on the INTUNE Euromanifesto Dataset. We observe that behind the Portuguese party system's apparent enthusiasm towards the European project, there are significant differences between the parties on European integration issues. Our three independent variables (left vs. right; mainstream vs. extreme; incumbent vs. opposition) are clearly related, with differences in regards to a European identity, but not a national identity. Moreover, mainstream parties adopted favourable opinions towards the outcomes of the integration into the European Union (although to a lesser extent after 1991), while extremist parties tend to be more pessimistic. In connection to scope of governance in the six policy areas considered, differences (either in terms of mainstream/extreme and incumbent/opposition status) are more evident in defence and foreign policy areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Points out that Portugal's journey, from a minor colonizing power to a member of the European Union, transformed its sense of national belonging and citizenship. African colonial possessions later disavowed, along with those Africans who had become Portuguese citizens under the earlier arrangement; Failure of Portugal to recognize the existence within its borders of a black community, its history and its exclusion.

This article presents information on the European integration of Portugal. Following long and often contentious negotiations, Portugal joined the European Union (EU) on January 01, 1986. The European integration followed the establishment of democracy in Portugal, a precondition for EU membership. The purpose of this article is to use the experience of Portugal's membership in EU as an opportunity to reflect on what has happened since 1986 and draw some lessons from the Portuguese experience. Since 1986, Portugal's average per capita income has grown from 56 percent of the EU average to about 74 percent. The process of integration into Europe has also influenced societal and cultural developments. As part of quasi-sequential processes of decolonization, democratization, and European integration, Portugal has attempted to come to terms with its own identity and culture.

Portugal, Germany and France have significantly exceeded the 3 per cent ceiling for government deficits, a central requirement of the European Stability Pact. Italy has come very close to doing so. All four countries are far from achieving medium-term budgetary positions that are close to balance or in surplus, the Pact's main goal. This article analyses what caused this development and asks whether there are any reasons to justify it. Furthermore, it briefly analyses whether those countries that have consistently consolidated their public budgets were forced to accept a lower rate of economic growth, or whether they had to cut back massively on public investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idealistic rationale of European enlargement has a deeply practical side to it. When the European Community took in Greece, Spain and Portugal in the early 1980s, the principal objective was to shore up the democracies that had emerged after the collapse of more authoritarian regimes. A similar objective lies behind the present enlargement. Specifically, the European Union's expansion to the east and south is an attempt at risk management: the major economic transformations underway in Eastern Europe have unleashed forces that -- while not unfamiliar in most advanced industrial societies -- could topple fledgling democracies. This challenge is different from that confronted in the case of Greece, Spain and Portugal, not only because of the greater disparities in economic capacity between the candidate countries and existing member states, but also given the difficulty of stabilising political regimes through the process of developing market economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]