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The increasing importance of China to Australian businesses dictates the need to have a good understanding of the Chinese corporate tax system. Due to the different economic and legal environment, some provisions of the EIT Law may come as a surprise to foreign observers. This is so despite that the Chinese tax system has become more sophisticated and its government in general has strived to align its tax policies with international norms in recent years. The aim of this paper is to identify and analyse three key policy objectives of the EIT Law – namely, neutrality, competitiveness and anti-avoidance – which provide the framework for a better understanding of the regime. These policy objectives have shaped to a large extent the EIT Law in China. This paper critically evaluates how these three policy objectives were achieved through the design of key features and provisions of the EIT Law. The analysis also serves to highlight some interesting differences with their Australian counterparts wherever appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia's middle powers face a trilateral dilemma stemming from their relationships with the U.S. and China. This paper uses the Australian example to examine the dilemma. It shows that Australia has bound itself to the U.S. because of domestic political factors, cost considerations, a belief that it can keep its interests separate, and its perception of regional threats. The paper then argues that others are likely to resolve their trilateral dilemmas in ways that make the regional strategic dynamic more competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes China's impact on Australia-U.S. relations from 1949 to 1996, including how far Australia's China policy followed the American lead. The conclusion: American influence was dominant, but Australia's own initiative was enough to belie the suggestion that it was no more than a blind follower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese investment in Australia is emerging as an important part of the Australia-China economic relationship. This paper overviews the major characteristics of Chinese investment in Australia up to the present: its volume, form, sectoral distribution, and major players. It then discusses the policies that have been driving recent increases in investment and those that are likely to have a more profound impact over the longer term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical overview of Australian, Chinese, and American perspectives on trilateralism, with a detailed discussion of Australian debates on the matter. Its aim is to trace the evolution of the changing discourse on the rise of China, examine major debates in Australia, and provide both an intellectual background and an overview for this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the strategic response of Australia to growing economic dependence upon China since 2000. The study examines the elements in Australia's China policy such as the policy on human rights in Taiwan, Tibet and China, and the regulations on Chinese investments in the mining sector of Australia. Results show that during the period Australia has become more dependent on China, it has pursued internal and external balancing tactics in response to the rise of China.

Using a sample of 135 Australian firms with operations in Greater China (Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan), this paper seeks to examine whether members of an ethnic diaspora can facilitate trade between Australia and their countries of origin. Specifically, it found that companies that are owned by immigrants and/or hired immigrants in key decision making positions (immigrant effect or IE, in short) were (a) more likely to resort to a higher resource commitment when entering into the target market; and (b) used more extensively in target markets where there are greater variations in customer behavior. There was no significant difference (a) in the deployment of immigrants between Australian firms operating in Mainland China vis-à-vis those in Hong Kong/Taiwan; (b) where there were variations in product life cycle stages between the home and target markets; (c) based on the length of operations in the target market; and (d) in performance between firms with IE and those without in the target markets. The influence of firm size, overall international business experience, variations in political-legal, economic, and competitive environments between the home and target markets, and industry type were also examined. The findings of the study with implications for theory and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies and analyses five major issues relating to current antidumping and countervailing laws and practice in Australia. Given the recent conclusion of a free trade agreement between Australia and China, the article proposes to focus on Australia's antidumping and countervailing investigations against China. The article discusses whether the Australian laws and practice are consistent with the relevant WTO rules and how they may impact on the promotion of trade liberalization between Australia and China.The article concludes that all of these issues may create trade barriers to Chinese exports to Australia and hence must be dealt with to protect the enhancement of market access of Chinese exports to Australia under the Australia – China free trade initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ongoing reassessments in U.S. strategy in the Asia-Pacific have coincided with a major growth in Sino-Australian economic relations. The Australian-American alliance could be increasingly tested if U.S. policy planners are unsuccessful in generating more sensitive and proactive alliance security postures to ensure Australian support for key U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the proposed Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between China and Australia. It explains that the two main goals which motivated China to enter into the FTA with Australia were securing a stable price for imports of raw materials and diversifying its external export markets. However, the small market and economy of Australia has resulted in a lack of interest by China in the FTA. The authors note that the FTA agreement promotes market access discrimination rather than free trade.

This article provides an analysis of the potential economic effects of the China-Australia free trade agreement, and provides a set of policy recommendations regarding such an agreement. The article begins with a review of China-Australia trade relations, showing the widening gap in the importance of one country relative to the other. Next, the article examines the competitive advantages of China and Australia in trade by way of local revealed comparative advantage (RCA) and finds that trade between China and Australia is predicated on differences in their factor endowments. The study then investigates the main problems in the negotiations for the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement and concludes with a set of policy suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Sino–Australian economic relations, and their impact on the ties between the United States and Australia. First, drawing on power transition theory, it is argued that in a post-Cold War environment, economic ties play as great a role as strategic relations in determining the orientation of third-party states. Second, it is also argued that Australia's deeper economic and commercial ties with China have usurped a role previously held by the United States. This has forced Australia to pursue a bifurcated foreign policy—one split between its economic and national security needs. Third, these deeper ties with China have generated a degree of alliance drift between Australia and the United States. As a result, there is now a significant debate in Australia over the future of both bilateral relations—even as its space for policy innovation remains limited. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In responding to China's rise, the best strategy for Australia involves a combination of accommodation and "soft balancing.'' The viability of this strategy is related to the extent to which U.S.-China relations are cooperative or conflictual. Recent Australian governments have been successful in implementing this preferred strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia faces a complex set of dilemmas in foreign, defence, and economic policy. Australian governments have traditionally relied on the United States to underwrite the country's defence policies, and have regularly demonstrated loyalty to the bilateral strategic alliance. Yet, Australia's economic security has become more dependent on China, a country with which the US has a competitive relationship. This article first reviews theories of competition among great powers. It then analyses key factors that are shaping the region and the Australian policy environment. It is argued that Australia may have much to gain from acting collaboratively with other middle powers within multilateral institutions. In this context, Australia may also benefit from a more robust recognition of its own distinctive national interest. 澳大利亚面临外交、防务、经济政策上一系列的复杂难题。澳政府以往一直是依赖美国为澳国的防务政策签字画押，而且一直对双边战略联盟忠诚不二。但澳大利亚的经济安全却更依赖同美国有着竞争关系的中国。本文梳理了有关大国竞争关系的各种理论，分析了构成地区以及澳大利亚政策环境的诸多因素。作者认为，与中等强国进行多边体制内的合作，会让澳大利益受益非强。坚定不移的强调自己的国家利益，对澳大利亚也是有益的。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers the regional order-building challenges that Australia presently confronts in the Indian Ocean region (IOR). The author argues that while regional stability within the IOR constitutes an increasingly important Australian security interest, policy makers will struggle to translate the order-building strategies they have previously pursued in East Asia into an Indian Ocean context. In East Asia, Australia has historically pursued a ‘dual track’ order-building strategy centred on its participation in a US-dominated ‘hub and spokes’ alliance system alongside multilateral regional engagement. The absence of an equivalent alliance system or an established tradition of multilateral security diplomacy conversely precludes an extension of this strategy into the IOR. Growing tensions between the USA and China and between China and India, meanwhile, further complicate IOR security dynamics, while underscoring the urgent need for a more coherent approach to regional order-building. With these challenges in mind, the author concludes by proposing a range of bilateral, minilateral and multilateral initiatives that Australia should pursue to stimulate the emergence of a more cooperative IOR security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The relations between China and Australia are akin to close interdependence; however, they are not symmetrical and are sometimes even contradictory. Although China is the number-one trade partner of Australia, it is the most uncertain factor in security concerns for Australia. The Sino-Australian relationship is essentially a process of constant inter-adjustment by China, as an Oriental great power with a socialistic political system, and Australia, which is a leading middle power in the Asia-Pacific region and tends to keep its policies at a status quo. The phenomenon of both cooperation and competition in Sino-Australian relations reflects a universal law in the international political power transfer process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The re-emergence of China in the new millennium has increased global demand for mineral resources, causing a return to the Australian vision of national prosperity tied to primary exports—this time minerals. Many analysts have questioned the wisdom of anchoring Australia's prosperity to being a quarry for Asia. The current mining boom has enabled Australia to postpone, but has not removed, the need to develop new industries to sustain a high standard of living in a future marked by global warming. Innovation is essential to the development of new industries that can contribute to a strong and sustainable economy, but cultivating innovation requires serious national commitment over the long term. This requires Australia to seriously reconsider education policy at all levels and to abandon what the author terms ‘rational choice populism’—a culture of anti-intellectualism and an unequivocal belief in a form of market fundamentalism—that discourages the advanced level of investment in human capital required for innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although increasing research attention has been given to the discourse of legitimacy in assisting mergers and acquisitions in Scandinavian countries, scarce research has been done on this topic in different geopolitical contexts. This study therefore aims to investigate the discursive struggle of delegitimizing a Chinese state-owned company investment in the Australian mining sector. We used a historical critical approach to further develop the theoretical and empirical capacity for analysing legitimacy discourses. Specifically, we have extended the research on the discourse of legitimacy research in three aspects. First, we have identified political-ideological discourse as a prominent discourse in addition to the commonly acknowledged rationalistic and nationalistic discourse. Second, we have found that the use of legitimation strategies is purposive and deliberate. Moralization strategy, in particular, was extensively used in a range of discourses (rationalistic, nationalistic and political-ideological) to delegitimize the proposed merger as not being aligned with the national interest. As a result, the legitimacy discourse failed and the deal collapsed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 2005, a burgeoning wave of Chinese investments has set off a new 'minerals boom' in the Australian iron ore and coal mining sectors. While normally a welcome development, the state-owned and strategic nature of the investors has raised concerns in Australia about how these should be regulated. As a result, in February 2008 the Australian government declared an intention to more closely screen foreign direct investment (FDI) from state-owned sources, which both supporters and detractors alike have claimed is evidence of 'resource nationalism' in Australia's approach towards its trade and investment relationships with China. This article challenges this understanding through an examination of the characteristics of Chinese mining FDI, the dilemmas these present to the Australian government, and the relatively restrained nature of its response. Through this, Australia's FDI policy is explained as a defensive move against the potential for strategic behaviour by Chinese investors resulting from their state ownership, rather than any national program to subject minerals trade and investment to political control. On this basis, the article argues that Australian government policy instead evidences a 'resource liberalism' approach, which intends to ensure that the governance of Australia's minerals trade and investment with China remain market-based processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since normalising diplomatic relations in 1972, successive Australian and Chinese governments have focused on deepening trade and investment links to such an extent that China now looms as one of the most critical countries on Australia's twenty-first century horizon. For their part, Chinese elites have welcomed closer ties with Australia and have been particularly keen to accelerate China's direct investment in the Australian mining and energy sectors. Since the early 2000s, a number of commentators have argued that Australia has been gradually drifting towards China's sphere of influence in the Asia-Pacific. This trend, they argue, has been reinforced following the election in 2007 of the Labor party government, which has terminated Australia's involvement in quadrilateral talks with the US, India, and Japan; stepped back from commitments to export uranium to China's long-standing rival, India; and intensified Australia's public criticism of Japanese whaling practices. Meanwhile, in 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a point of paying a high profile visit to China during his first major overseas journey, but not matching it with a visit to Japan. Is Australia drifting towards China's strategic orbit in Asia? The article examines this question through the prism of three key indicators of realignment and concludes that, while there is some evidence of Australia accommodating Chinese strategic preferences in Asia, there is no indication that it is realigning itself strategically towards China and away from its long-standing ally, the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]