Search

This paper describes forms of online youth civic engagement that center the experiences of youth with historically marginalized identities and documents ways that youth are civically engaged. Twenty U.S.-based, digitally active youth ages 16 to 21 years old were interviewed. Seven participants (35%) identified as female, nine (45%) as male, and four (20%) as gender nonbinary. Twelve (60%) identified as a first or second generation immigrant. Youth were recruited through youth-led movement accounts on Twitter and contacted via Direct Messaging. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with youth between March and September 2020, a period spanning the outbreak of COVID-19 and rise in participation in the Black Lives Matter movement. Inductive Constant Comparative Analysis was used to document forms of youth civic engagement on social media and understand how youth ascribed meaning to their civic engagement. Framed by literature on critical consciousness and psychopolitical resistance to oppression, findings highlight three forms of online youth civic engagement: Restorying, Building Community, and Taking Collective Action. These findings indicate that, for youth with identities that have historically been marginalized, social media is an important context to be civically engaged in ways that resist oppression and injustice.

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides a detailed introduction to the structures and practice of ideological and political education in Chinese universities. It draws on a thematic analysis of documents from the Chinese Communist Party and State sources, and data from 24 in-depth interviews with managers of ideological and political education, teaching staff, student counsellors and students from three universities. This paper shows how ideological and political education in Chinese universities has developed into an institutionalized system. It reveals how the practices of ideological and political education institutionalize patriotism as appropriate ideological perspectives for students. It offers empirical evidence of the party-led structures, formal teaching and varied activities that together make up ideological and political education in Chinese universities.

This paper presents research on the current debate in the Netherlands regarding integration and the teaching of 'norms and values' to adult newcomers. Data consisting of national and local (city of Rotterdam) integration policy documents and interviews with those influential in policy making were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. The analysis revealed that "assimilation" into Dutch norms and values is considered essential to the integration process, and that education is an important means by which newcomers "assimilate". These conclusions impact education in several ways: assimilation does not allow education to explore the complexity of Dutch norms and values; integration policy makes education an instrument of enforcement and exclusion rather than inclusion; obscure or hidden policy objectives may result in the transfer of norms and values not, in fact, thought to be "Dutch". (Contains 13 notes.)

This paper presents data from a qualitative research project with university students in China regarding how they interpreted and represented the government's newly stated direction into a "New Era". It also investigates how different forms of media, as well as ideological and political curricula and activities, informed student participants' unsystematical and sentimental national imaginaries. This research employs qualitative coding methods and textual analysis to interpret the meanings of 73 students' interview transcripts. The findings reveal that most participants in the study did not take up the governmental voice, but used their own imaginaries in reworking the meaning of related policies. Their national imaginaries had plural and inconsistent value orientations, articulating a fervent nationalist aspiration with the apathy of socio-political issues and an uncritical admiration of the west. University students' imaginaries were less informed by ideological and political education, but more by images offered and circulated via popular and social media. Adopting a critical stance, the research views popular and social media as largely shaped by commercial logic. These forms of media provide barren soil for critical reflections upon individuals' relations to the nation.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how the socio-political rituals such as national festivals and student pledges have changed in the Turkish Republic primary schools over the last twenty years. Method: The data used to achieve this purpose was collected from four different sources; the applicable legislation, statements of policymakers, teacher organizations and an interview with primary school class teachers. Findings: Developments in politics have affected both the daily life and the celebration of special occasions in primary schools considerably. Abolishing the Student Pledge which took place in 2013 can be regarded as the most important alteration in the everyday life of the school since the foundation of the Turkish Republic. The most significant change in the celebration of special occasions in primary schools was made in 2012, and was ostensibly to free the marking of these festivals from their militaristic framework. However, a knock-on effect of this change appeared to be a waning of enthusiasm for such festivals in general. After the failed coup attempt on 15th July 2016, Turkey announced the 15th July Democracy and National Unity Day. During the first week of the school year, activities are carried out for this day.

The article examines the enduring popularity of a form of school history which is based predominantly on the idea that the transmission of a positive story about the national past will inculcate in young people a sense of loyalty to the state; a reassuring and positive sense of identity and belonging; and a sense of social solidarity with fellow citizens. England is one of the countries which has to at least some extent moved away from this model of school history; but the past few years have seen suggestions for a move back to a history curriculum which focuses predominantly on the transmission of "Our Island Story"; and which presents a positive rendering of that story. The history curriculum in England is currently under review; and public pronouncements by politicians; academic historians and newspaper editorials suggest strong pressures towards a restoration of what is often termed "traditional" school history; which was prevalent in English schools before the advent of what has been termed "New history" in the 1970s. The paper questions some of the arguments which have been put forward in order to justify a return to a history curriculum based on a positive and unproblematic narrative of the national story and suggests that such a course of action is based on some unexamined assumptions and a limited understanding of pedagogy and learning. The final section of the paper outlines several weaknesses and flaws in the arguments for reverting to a traditional (i.e. "nation-based" and celebratory) form of school history; and some of the dangers inherent in such a project. A list of references and notes is included.

Political parties are widely recognised as indispensable actors in democratic systems. One way to illustrate the actions and role of political parties is to explicate various party functions that may be carried out in a political system. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationships between the organisation of party education and five specific party functions in Sweden. The empirical material consists of interviews with party officials from all eight parties that were represented in the national parliament during 2018-2022 as well as a mapping of educational content, structure, and activities from various parties. This material has been analysed in relation to five concrete party functions and a theoretical approach that highlights interactions and relationships occurring on different levels in apolitical system. The results demonstrate that there are different relationships between party education and party functions which may generate implications that are important both for the agency of a party but also to the broader political landscape. It is also possible to discern one specific function related to the provision of party education, namely an affirmation function.

Three papers are included herein: (1) Pernicious Politicization in Academe (Luann Wright); (2) Victims of the One-Sided Campus (Mike Ratliff); and (3) Advocacy in the College Classroom (Anne D. Neal). Each paper was delivered on April 22, 2006 at a California Association of Scholars conference at the Annenberg School on the campus of the University of Southern California in Los Angeles. The aim of the panelists was to diagnose the political and cultural imbalance in higher education, to analyze its causes and consequences, and to look for remedies. (Individual papers contain notes.)

This project seeks to determine the effect of the mass media on political attitudes and behaviors in Chile between the years 1970 and 2000. The relationship between the media and "political socialization" is just now gaining recognition in scholarly research, and Chile offers an excellent case study. This paper traces these two variables during Salvador Allende's Socialist government, 1970-73; throughout Augusto Pinochet's right-wing dictatorship, 1973-1990; and in the return to democracy since 1990. Under Allende's Unidad Popular government the mass media were deeply polarized and antagonistic between the political right and left. Beginning on 11 September 1973, the day that Augusto Pinochet seized power through a violent coup, only extreme-rightist media were allowed to inform the Chilean public. The Pinochet regime heavily censored these media and used them as tools of political propaganda. In the mid-1980s, prompted by the country's new neoliberal economic experiment, the mass media began to undergo an "apertura", during which time opposition media provided a forum for political resistance. The opposition media were a major player in the 1988 plebiscite in which Pinochet was voted out of power. Since 1990, however, the mass media have seemingly lost their "raison d'etre": rather than the investigative reports seen at the dictatorship's demise, they now provide little more than entertainment. This paper sets forth hypotheses as to why the mass media underwent such dramatic changes in political character and role. It also analyzes the Chilean public's media consumption as an indicator of political behavior, employing numerous surveys and studies conducted between 1970 and 2000 as its basis. Due to space constraints, raw data is not included in this article. (Contains 120 footnotes.)

As the educational community continues to consider the impact of the proliferation of accountability-aimed reform on students, schools, and communities, the consequences of said reforms on teachers must be included. Results of this study indicate that even distant, broad educational policies manifest in specific and profound ways in teachers' daily, lived experiences, shaping novice teachers' identity, beliefs, and efficacy. The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the perspectives of 38 Teach for America Corps Members (CMs) to situate how the educational reform climate socializes and oppresses teachers from all layers of influence, resulting in permeated macrotransgressions, which negatively impacts teachers. While this oppressive culture poses serious threats to the teaching profession, particularly in urban contexts, we also highlight the ways in which CMs resisted the confluence of socializing forces resulting from neoliberal shifts in educational policy and reform. Implications for teachers, educational leaders, policy makers, reformers, teacher educators, and communities are considered in order to envision a reprofessionalization of teachers working in tandem with the communities they serve to (re)construct a more just society.

Traditionally drama in schools has been seen either as a learning medium with a wide range of curricular uses or as a subject in its own right. This paper argues that the importance of drama in schools is in the processes of social and artistic engagement and experiencing of drama rather than in its outcomes. The paper contrasts the pro-social emphasis in the ensemble model of drama with the pro-technical and limited range of learning in subject-based approaches which foreground technical knowledge of periods, plays, styles and genres. The ensemble-based approach is positioned in the context of professional theatre understandings of ensemble artistry and in the context of revolutionary shifts from the pro-technical to the pro-social in educational and cultural policy making in England. Using ideas drawn from McGrath and Castoriadis, the paper claims that the ensemble approach provides young people with a model of democratic living. (Contains 11 notes.)

This paper explores relations between literacy education, ideology and politics, based on an analysis of educational reforms during Soviet and US military occupation in North and South Korea. Following the end of the Second World War, anti-illiteracy campaigns in the two Koreas became important means of political socialisation for Koreans amid the ideological competition in international and local arenas. In both North and South, Koreans enthusiastically responded to the anti-illiteracy campaigns, with overcrowded classes and eager students of all ages and backgrounds. The anti-illiteracy campaigns reaped considerable success in not only eradicating illiteracy but also inculcating the Korean public with the beliefs, ideas and values of the respective ideologies of the two occupying powers. In this sense, the literacy education programmes and seminars became critical institutional agents to transplant socialist-communist ideas and ideals of Soviet education to North Korea and liberal-democratic ones of US education to South Korea.

Conservative trends across western schooling contexts are signalling an explicit devaluing of social and moral learning within their official curriculum mandates. These mandates are increasingly privileging the "academic rigour" of traditional subject disciplines. This paper draws on interview and observation data from a case study of a large and highly diverse English secondary school to explore this school's prioritizing of social and moral learning. Such prioritizing is supported at this school by its "Academy" status--which in the English context allows schools a measure of freedom over curriculum as part of broader government moves to increase school autonomy. The paper's focus is on how these conservative trends are understood and disrupted to support a critical view of existing curriculum and a desire to modify and re-shape it to support more relevant and connected learning for students. The paper describes particular examples of practice at the school in the areas of Citizenship and Religious Education to illustrate this approach. Engaging with social and moral learning along these lines is argued as productive in working within and against the constraints of current conservative curriculum priorities.

The purpose of this paper was to determine if high school democratic climates influence Black youth participation in sociopolitical groups using critical race theory as a lens. It was hypothesized that Black youth would be less likely to participate in sociopolitical groups due to perceived lack of support. It was also hypothesized that Black and White youth participation in sociopolitical groups is more comparable when the climate at their school is perceived to be more democratic. The hypotheses were only partially supported in that Black youth were more likely than White youth to participate in sociopolitical groups when the high school democratic climate was low. However, Black and White youth participation was found to be comparable when the high school democratic climate was high. This study adds to the literature by showing that high school democratic climates interact with race in a way that motivates sociopolitical group involvement among youth.

Studies show adults' attitudes towards citizenship to be related to their educational level. It has been claimed that higher educated people more often possess 'good' citizenship values. However, only limited insight exists into how differences in citizenship attitudes between adolescents from various educational tracks develop over time. In this qualitative longitudinal study, we investigate the perspectives of adolescents from different educational tracks on aspects of citizenship. The results show that adolescents in higher tracks develop stronger political orientations with age and learn to focus more strictly on competition between perspectives and on formal procedures of decision-making. Those in the lower track remained rather uninterested in politics but stick to their emphasis on consensus and inclusiveness. Overall, our study shows that 'good' vs. 'bad' citizenship values do not simply coincide with educational level and provides a more nuanced insight into adolescent developmental trajectories towards citizenship.

Community colleges occupy a growing role in the American education system. Their unique cross-section of students poses a challenge for teachers of political science. This paper uses information from a survey completed by over 2,000 students at 20 colleges and universities across the United States to shed light on some of the most significant differences between students at two- and four-year institutions. Most notably, students at two-year institutions are less interested in politics and political office than their counterparts at four-year institutions. This paper offers suggestions for narrowing this gap in the political science classroom. (Contains 1 table.)

In Northern Ireland, where the majority of children are educated at schools attended mainly by coreligionists, the debate concerning the role of schools in perpetuating intergroup hostilities has recently been reignited. Against questions regarding the efficacy of community relations policy in education, the research reported in this paper employs qualitative methods to examine social identity and intergroup attitudes amongst children attending a state controlled Protestant school and the school's response to dealing with issues of diversity and difference. Findings suggest a relationship between ethnic isolation experienced by children and negative intergroup social attitudes and the discussion focuses on issues germane to the separateness of the school that are likely to contribute to strong "own" group bias, stereotyping and prejudice. The implication of the school's separate status for its engagement with a policy framework for relationship building is also considered. The paper concludes with some policy reflections that are likely to have resonance beyond Northern Ireland.

This paper considers the social significance and interaction between sport and the allied themes of citizenship, civic identity and social control in contemporary Britain. It is set against a backdrop of an emerging cosmopolitanism and politics of difference and is posed in response to renewed interest in notions of "Britishness", "nationhood" and "shared national identity". In the context of the forthcoming 2012 London Olympic Games, the paper challenges the use of "sporting citizenship" as a pedagogical device intended to rekindle notions of "civic patriotism" and social cohesion across communities nationwide. The analysis questions the role of sport as a panacea for the perceived ills of society and means of social control, and further considers the extent to which the state pedagogy of "sporting citizenship" can be conceived as the rebirth of a folk-religion. Finally, the paper critically considers the implications of renewed "faith" in sport as part of the Olympic legacy, post 2012. (Contains 4 notes.)

This paper addresses some fundamental aspects of the circulation of knowledge connected with the spread of the first global model of school management and classroom organisation in the early nineteenth century: the so-called "monitorial system of education" or, as it was named after its "inventors", the "Bell-Lancaster Method". By looking at the communication of educational ideas between England and the early British possessions in India, this paper first analyses the actors involved in this process, especially their agendas and means. Inspired by the widespread belief in the powers of education to improve both society as a whole and individuals, educational activists gathered in a number of committees and organisations--among whom the "British and Foreign School Society" proved most influential. Protestant missionary societies also became active in the field of popular education. The monitorial system of education attracted social reformers, British as well as Indian, and missionaries to whom it appeared to be a technology with civilising powers, a rational instrument to morally uplift and, at the same time, subject individuals "to their respective places" in society. Second, the paper looks at the processes of hybridisation and transformation of the pedagogical knowledge that was communicated between India and England: the origins of the monitorial system in an orphanage school at Madras, its export to London, where it was developed into a standardised model, and its subsequent "re-import" into India. Finally, reports about the implementation of the monitorial system in India again had an impact on English public discourses on education. (Contains 89 footnotes.)

This article presents the Quebec ministry of education's (MELS) strategy for diversifying the national historical narrative that is transmitted in the province's History and Citizenship Education program as well as the manner in which Francophone national history teachers put this strategy into practice. In bringing research on their social representations and historical consciousness together, this paper looks at some of the main challenges that these teachers face when specifically harmonizing two of history teaching's central social functions for catering to narrative diversity. When seeking to adequately balance the transmission of a national identity reference framework with the development of autonomous critical thinking skills, it becomes clear that these teachers' general quest for positivist-type, true and objective visions of the past as well as their overall attachment to the main markers of their group's collective memory for knowing and acting Québécois impede them from fully embracing the diversification of the province's historical narrative. The article ends by raising some important questions regarding the relevance of assisting teachers to authentically develop their own voice and vision for harmonizing the two aforementioned functions of history teaching and for being answerable to the decisions they make when articulating and acting upon such beliefs in class.

This paper introduces Living Scenes, and intergenerational programme of learning which has been in operation in selected schools in Ireland for the last thirteen years. An overview of the programme is followed by a description of the hidden curriculum and the transmission of arbitrary culture in an educational context. This is followed by an introduction to intergenerational learning as an antidote to the competitive and results driven Irish second-level education system exploring the potential of investing in social capital in schools.

This article shows how the legitimization of the territory of a national community was going through a territorial and citizen-oriented pedagogy in which geography and history texts contributed to the elaboration of certain social representations that were part of the new Latin American nations' development process. Therefore, this paper reviews social representations of territory and citizenship that appeared in some geography and history school handbooks used by nineteenth-century Colombian Caribbean region schools. These texts played an important role in the education of Colombian citizens. The paper is divided into two parts: first, it focuses on the representation of the national territory to which former republican governments attached great value promoting a number of geographical studies and the exploration of the country by foreign travelers and geographers who produced various works that influenced greatly geography handbooks used in the school. The second part refers to the representation of a citizenship drawn through History, Civic and Urbanity handbooks. These publications became cultural tools used not only to educate people but also to describe and to teach about the territory of this young republic. (Contains 35 footnotes.)

The purpose of this paper is to describe the Hong Kong (HK) school curriculum, especially the general curriculum for civic education and other social subjects, in relation to the political events of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, and the return of HK's sovereignty from the United Kingdom (UK) to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1997. This paper will argue that since 1984, the school curriculum of HK has been marked by tensions brought about by political cultures shaped by the UK and the PRC, the bureaucratic mechanisms of which are used to make sure that those curriculum contents that are judged to be politically correct are taught in school. Over the last two decades the school curriculum has been depicted as being shaped by the emergence of the nation-state and the transfer of sovereignty. Granted that political and national education forms part of the school culture, the question of how to shape students to be patriotic through the curriculum will continue to be contentious.

The concept of state has a specific importance for Turkish-political culture. However, the influence of textbooks in constructing the state concept in Turkish culture from Ottoman to modern Turkish Republic has not been adequately researched. In this paper, the relation between the state perception in Turkish culture and textbooks from Ottoman to the early Republic is analyzed by employing the theories of Gramsci, Althusser and Foucault. As suggested by Gramsci, Althusser and Foucault, there is strong relationship between education and political power and reproduction and redistribution of knowledge. Moving from this point, present study also argues that the changes in state perception in textbooks should be analyzed in terms of sociological changes in the late Ottoman and the early Republican period. While justice (adalet) has been an important component of Turkish-Islamic political culture, sultan was the key element of the administration of law. Sultan was also a determining concept of Ottoman political culture and responsible for administering justice. As the new emerging elites attempted to change traditional state perception after the Tanzimat, the textbooks written under the rule of Abdulhamit II and Union and Progress Party (Ittihat ve Terakki Partisi) reflect the political and social change of the Empire. As state gained further prominence in the early republican period, another concept entered into the Turkish political discourse: democracy. It is possible to trace such changes in textbooks.

This paper will focus on Young's theories of heterogeneity, as they have developed from the essays in "Throwing Like a Girl" (1990) to those in "Inclusion and Democracy" (2000). Reading her theories of heterogeneity together with recent developments in political theory which seek to reclaim the agonistic and frictional aspects of polity and political democracy, the paper will argue that attempts to promote "citizenship education" are less pressing than attempts to develop and promote political education.

In this article, the author describes how to bring Paulo Freire (or his ideas) into a learning group that visits the Botanic Gardens as part of a horticultural course and how her experiences at an art exhibition on two different occasions (both in Ireland and Sweden) impacted on her work as a teacher. As a result of working with students and teaching them in the garden, engaging with them on different field trips and reflecting on these and her own personal expeditions, the author has developed a personal sense of connection with the world. In hindsight from re-examination of the academic subject and herself, she has learned that horticulture opens up many possible avenues of discussion with the students. In fact the subject is an opportunity to learn about the environment and the preservation of the world that is central to one's survival. The author stresses that through adult education there are opportunities for educators to take responsibility for their world and how they live and to convince others that they can do the same.

Power and status are captivating, especially the desire for social status and its commensurate authority and security. Cliques, smaller clusters within larger peer groups sharing similar views, behaviors, and attitudes, are a means of attaining societal power. Because cliques are typically composed of the disenfranchised holding views different from official ones, asserting powerful, contentious statements while escaping retribution and retaining anonymity is difficult. Hidden literacies, i.e., words or phrases with double meanings, are cliques' simple yet subversive communicative format. Such literacies refute and/or contest official social expectations and afford opportunities to join the current social power structure, as contributions generally disseminate views to larger populations and cause unease among those in power, a central goal. Written by adults and chanted by and to children, British nursery rhymes of old were hidden literacies. Their verses were powerful, subversive opinions of political, social, or religious commentary regarding then-contemporary events. Likewise, contemporary hidden literacies are technological communications used by youth for clandestine conversing. Although nursery rhymes and contemporary technology are parallel forms of hidden literacies, their authors, contents, audiences, and impacts are diametrically opposed with this paper exploring and discussing these comparisons, contrasts, and implications. The desire for social status, and its commensurate authority and security, is indeed powerful. Although extant social groupings are situational with desirability and importance dependent upon individuals and circumstances, people have belonged to, rebelled against, and attempted status advancements respective to the groups with which they retained membership throughout history. (Contains 14 footnotes.)

Building upon the late Pierre Bourdieu's belief that intellectuals had a major responsibility in bridging intellectual work and the operation of politics, this paper argues that intellectuals, especially those in higher education, need to recognise that youth is an important moral referent and political starting point for addressing a number of issues related to a wide ranging number of political problems, including environmental and class concerns to matters of race, gender, and disability. Youth invokes compassion and understanding, which are crucial to shaping the civic imagination. The emphasis on young people's experience is important because it foregrounds the relationship between power and the lived realities shaped by material relations of power. More specifically, young people provide a more crucial lens through which hegemony can be analysed, compassion mobilised, and politics engaged beyond local interests and national boundaries. Educators need a new language in which young people are not detached from politics but become central to any transformative notion of pedagogy conceived in terms of social and public responsibility. (Contains 2 notes.)

In a series of three papers, I examine the identity development of three Chinese women teachers as they moved back and forth between Eastern and Western cultures and languages amid the rapidly changing events of the last four decades. I use a river metaphor to explore three phases in the cross-cultural lives of these women: in the first paper, their lives in China amid multiple cultural movements; in the second, their lives in Canada; and in the third their lives in the North American academy. This life-based narrative inquiry, situated between non-fiction, fiction and academic discourses, opens up possibilities for establishing a link between cross-cultural lives and identities, cross-cultural teacher education and curriculum studies in multicultural contexts. In this first paper, I explore the three teachers' lives in China before, during and after the Cultural Revolution. I tell stories of changes for each participant as cultural upheavals were experienced in their homes and schooling. I pay special attention to the relationship between living such disruptive lives, telling such lives, and developing an inquiry-oriented way of thinking about and writing about such lives related to identity development and its impact upon cross-cultural curriculum making and multicultural education. (Contains 1 note.) [For the second paper, see EJ770429. For the third paper, see EJ770348.]

Civic education, democratic principles, peace and war are tangled together in many ways. When teachers teach children to be citizens, they inform them of processes and practices in which they can and should engage; they inform them of the relations they are to have with their state through its proper institutions; they teach them what they can expect of their country, and what it can expect from them. When democratic stability is threatened by external perils such as terror attacks and conflict, and by the correlating internal responses such as suspension of rights and the narrowing public agenda, civic education becomes an even more crucial factor for the preservation of a stable democracy. In times of war, the boundaries of the political are redrawn. The conceptualization of citizenship is reformulated, and the relations between individual and state change their contents to express different expectations. The education system, with its teachers, administrators and other stakeholders representing the widest range of social actors, cannot evade this fate. As a public institution responsible for preparing future generations to becoming active members of society, schools are bound to undergo change during conflict. The author suggests that the proper response of the public education system to the social circumstances of wartime should be designed to balance the demands of belligerent citizenship with an ongoing commitment to democratic principles. As a teacher in conflict-ridden Tel-Aviv, the author shares that as he encourages his students to express their (mostly grim) views of the governing institutions, he tries to weave into their classroom discussion an awareness of what it means to be a citizen, what it means to be governed and represented, and what it is that they as active, engaged participants in the ongoing construction of their society can do to contribute to the discourse that envisions this society as it is, and as it should be. (Contains 2 endnotes.)

In this article, the author provides a prefacing narrative that examines the work of Simpson et al. (2004, this issue), situating the reader as the importance of a framework for curriculum design. Importantly, the author illuminates a set a democratic values that animate the framework, and which work to instruct a democratic ethic of curriculum design.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that oral literature, which is an aspect of the oral tradition, has functioned historically as a vital medium of moral and civic education in non-literate societies the world over. Through the ages, oral literature has performed this function by presenting its various genres as forms of entertainment that are designed to inculcate in listeners the social mores and world view of their communities. It follows, therefore, that modern African nations can adapt their oral traditions to current realities and utilise them as effective instruments of civic education, especially these days when the entire world has been transformed into a global village. (Contains 11 footnotes.)

This paper focuses on political socialization in a conflict-affected context and looks at how young Greek-Cypriot learners of Turkish debated political positionings and engaged with political and conflict ideologies usually seen as part of the adult world. It draws on data from two linguistic ethnographic projects (2006–2009; 2012–2015) that analysed classroom observations and recordings of controversial Turkish-as-Foreign-Language (MFL) lessons in a Greek-Cypriot Secondary School. The paper employs the concept of liminality, which has been traditionally linked with transition, describing an in-between space, where normal rules, conventions and relations are suspended or transgressed, carrying the potential for the creation of new structures and creative performance. Moving away from romantised approaches to liminality as liberating from structures, the analysis looks "inside liminality" for alternative or enduring patterns and conventions and reveals the affordances and limitations of liminal-like experiences in education settings, and their potential role in young people's political socialization. Approaching children/teenagers as youthful political agents, the paper analyses first the multiple liminal social and political spaces that young learners of Turkish occupied; then, it focuses particularly on an interactional event, when the usual lesson structures and procedures of the language lesson were suspended, looking at how students, in this liminal-like moment, mobilized knowledge and recourses to form and debate political subjectivities and dominant political ideologies. The analysis points to the resilience of conflict discourses and discourses of othering but it also reveals youngsters' attempts to articulate a political discourse that introduces new discursive frames for the discussion of social and political relations in a post-conflict manner. This has important implications for young people's political socialization in conflict-affected contexts, revealing the role that language plays in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advises Israel in its efforts to establish a single national high school for highly talented art students. The school's role should be to strengthen the nation's social fabric and political agenda, foster a questioning attitude about the roles of all art forms, and develop a new breed of leaders. (JDD)

This paper seeks to picture the politically and ideologically-oriented power relations and inequalities that link to their social, economic, and cultural relations in the education system of Turkey. An in-class project is conducted with students learning English in a preparatory class in a state university that concentrates on scrutinizing the existing curriculum with a critical intervention in order to ensure a more meaningful student-teacher interaction, a reciprocal learning and teaching experience and knowledge (re)construction for their further studies. Informed by the critical pedagogy, this project aims to develop a deeper insight for students' education practices. The data collected through the project suggests that inviting critical pedagogy to the language learning classroom contributes to the participants both in terms of developing critical awareness and English language competence. (Contains 11 footnotes.)

In everyday language, whether a school is described as "public" or not is determined by the way it is funded and by who is allowed to attend it. Ideally however, a public school should also be defined and evaluated by its unique goal--to renew a public by providing the young with the skills, dispositions, and perspectives required to engage with others about their shared interests and common fate. Yet just what does it mean to renew a public and to engage one another? This article aims to get some purchase on the idea of a public and to see how it can be applied to education. The author argues that the idea of a public education, properly construed, is an important vehicle for civic education in a democracy. He examines the major justification for substituting private, parental choice for a larger public good and shows why this justification is inadequate. He does this by reconsidering the idea of a public value, showing that it cannot be reduced to an aggregate of private desires, and then by distinguishing a number of different kinds of values from one another. These will include what economist call neighborhood benefits, which are the goods that one person accrues as a result of advantages that are given directly to another. (Contains 1 note.)

This article looks at the evolution of the social studies curricula in Pakistan, which are of critical importance in shaping the outlook of many young Pakistanis, who are affected by this polarised discourse. The author argues that this trend of polarisation springing from dynamics of education also effectively contributes to a widening social divide, which the extremist project exploits by manipulating a social and opinion leadership vacuum. The author argues that education in Pakistan is linked with dissemination of specific ideologies, and historiography has been used in a specific context as a dividing force. This is all the more relevant in social studies curricula, which have tended to shape the worldviews of generations. The author argues that social studies curricula in Pakistan need to undergo an urgent transformative process of making them more objective so that they can stimulate intellect as well as counter radicalisation tendencies. (Contains 4 notes.)

Teacher education is charged with the goal of training teachers who will prepare the next generation of citizens. Since Horace Mann's common schools, teachers have been the purveyors of political education, often through teaching patriotic songs and celebrated historical events and individuals. Through liberal education and critical pedagogy, undergraduate teacher education can integrate and cultivate deep political knowledge (civic knowledge) with political action (civic engagement) to recontextualize and reify democratic living for prospective teachers before they enter their own classrooms. Undergraduate education has remained largely untapped for its potential to develop future teachers' dispositions and perspectives for the purpose of sustaining democracy in today's socially diverse classrooms. In this article, the author discusses how undergraduate teacher education cultivates political knowledge and action in future teachers.

This paper explores the construction of local and national identities among secondary school students in post-colonial Hong Kong. As a Chinese society that has undergone a prolonged period of British colonial rule, the reunification of capitalist Hong Kong with the motherland under socialism in 1997 has set the context for a negotiation of identities. It has been revealed that the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has tried to foster a stronger sense of national identity and a sense of belonging among the younger generations through its education reform measures in the new millennium. Nation-building is part and parcel of the reform, although it is being interpreted and implemented diversely by local officials, school principals and teachers. The intersecting and overlapping nature of students' different identities has set the parameters of their identity formation but allows different latitudes of observance and/or choice of different identities. (Contains 14 notes.)

Educators, not to mention philosophers of education, find themselves in a difficult position nowadays. They are confronted with problems such as which kind of values one would want citizens to embrace, or to what extent social practices of a particular group may differ from what is generally held. In this essay, Paul Smeyers and Yusef Waghid focus on postmodern critiques, in particular on the position of Michel Foucault as it is relevant for the debate on cosmopolitanism. The authors argue that Foucault's analysis of the self in relation to the other is somewhat contentious, as it seems to invoke an independent ethical self other than a social self. Smeyers and Waghid claim that a more nuanced position regarding this relation can be found in the work of Stanley Cavell. They conclude that encounters with the other should not be seen as a new kind of universalism or Foucauldian subjectivism, but rather as an opening that creates opportunities both for attachment and detachments, that is, for acknowledgment and avoidance.

In this essay Duck-Joo Kwak explores a moral perfectionist approach to citizenship education, which is distinct from liberal and communitarian models. One of educational challenges to this approach is how to cultivate our students' sense of membership, which is shaped by a thick sense of the good life, while being not merely compatible with but open to the pluralist perspective. Kwak maintains that what is required for this form of membership to society or community is our future citizens' ability to engage in highly self-reflexive philosophical reflection on the human condition; such reflection gives them the skills necessary to live up to the tension between different selves of diverse origins or within a divided self. Examining Stanley Cavell's view of political education as an exemplar of the moral perfectionist approach to citizenship education, Kwak shows how the practice of his ordinary language philosophy can be a good way to cultivate this ability by teaching us how to "speak for others" by way of "speaking for oneself."

Recent debates about "Britishness" have drawn increasing attention to the inculcation of national values within the school history curriculum. To date, however, few studies have explored young people's attitudes towards history or how these are related to their sources of national pride and shame. This paper draws on a survey of over 400 undergraduates' experiences of secondary education, investigating their attitudes towards the history curriculum and how these relate to their feelings of national pride. Using principal components analysis we found that students' attitudes towards history loaded on to two distinct factors: traditional/conservative and multicultural/liberal. Bivariate correlations then revealed that pride in national sporting and economic achievements and a sense of shame about immigration were positively associated with a traditional attitude towards history. Pride in British civil liberties and social diversity and a sense of shame about racism and UK foreign policy were associated with a multicultural attitude. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed. (Contains 3 tables.)

While various recent studies have sounded the alarm about young people's civic and political participation, schools are often cited as an important means of counteracting this trend. Not only do schools prepare students for the "real" world but they also provide them with essential resources required for political participation. However, it is not always clear how schools can enhance young people's political participation. In this article, I empirically test how schools can encourage young people's political participation. Through a multilevel analysis, the simultaneous effect of formal civic education, active learning strategies and school characteristics on political participation among Flemish pupils is investigated. The evidence suggests that especially formal education and active learning strategies are successful in stimulating political participation. On the other hand, the level of political participation does not depend on school characteristics. (Contains 3 tables and 2 figures.)

How do researchers and practitioners understand and interrogate education reform when it is heralded as the solution to many problems, not all of which are educational? As importantly, how can applied educational researchers delve "beneath the skin" of "given" problems to solve or report, and suggest a range of explanations? In this article, the issue is leadership for "citizenship" and the research project, conducted in 2007-2008, refers to participants' understandings about 14-19 Reforms to "produce" confident and responsible citizens. From contested theoretical and policy as well as research perspectives, this paper explores how citizenship is being framed and understood. Specific attention is given to students' voices. Findings suggest that educating for citizenship is far from uppermost in the minds and reported activities of many who work or study in the organisations sampled. Implications for practitioner and academic communities are considered, not least the appropriate promotion of education for citizenship that is coherent, holistic, and feasible rather than peripheral or rhetorical. (Contains 64 footnotes.)

According to the "fragmentation objection" to multiculturalism, practices of cultural recognition undermine political stability, and this counts as a reason to be sceptical about the public recognition of minority cultures, as well as about multiculturalism construed more broadly as a public policy. Civic education programmes, designed to promote autonomy, toleration and patriotism, have been justified as a corrective to the fragmentary tendencies of multiculturalism. This paper distinguishes between two versions of the fragmentation objection, in order to evaluate this particular justification of civic education. The cultural fragmentation version of the objection emphasises the importance of a common identity and a shared sense of belonging for political stability, whilst the value fragmentation version of the objection emphasises the importance of shared values for political stability. It is argued that neither version of the objection successfully demonstrates that multiculturalism is incompatible with political stability. However, narrow versions of each objection provide reasons to favour the promotion of toleration in public schooling, and reasons to be sceptical about the promotion of patriotism. Meanwhile, justifications of the cultivation of autonomy must appeal to values other than political stability.

The building and maintaining of a tolerant society requires both a general policy of toleration on the behalf of the state, as well as a minimal number of acts of intolerance by individual citizens towards their fellow citizens. It is this second area of citizen-citizen relations that is of most interest for education policy. There are those who argue that the best way to achieve a tolerant society is by encouraging, or even requiring, the respect and appreciation of difference amongst a citizenry. In this paper I argue that using education to encourage the respect and appreciation of difference is deeply problematic for both adults and children. I argue that it is a poor servant of those whose differences it is meant to protect, and crucially that it cannot be justified on the key liberal premise of protecting the freedom of individuals to live their (non-harming) lives as they see fit. I conclude by putting forward the educational alternative of respecting the basic rights of citizens irrespective of your view of their differences.

This paper examines the nature and socio-political functions of Hong Kong's "Chinese history curriculum" during colonialism and since decolonization and argues that these functions have resulted in a curriculum characterized by rote-learning and geared towards social control. Students are initiated into the traditional, orthodox view of Chinese history and prescribed moral judgements. Consequently, there is little chance for independent thinking on the part of students. (Contains 15 notes.)

The literature on school commercialism, despite a number of successes in battling advertising and marketing in schools, has often seemed to only scratch the surface of corporatization of K-12 education. While condemning corporations who seek to sell brand-name products to kids in schools is a relatively straightforward matter, critiquing corporate efforts to promote ideologies, identities, values and agendas to children and youth is far more complicated and yet, essential. In this paper, we take the example of Junior Achievement Worldwide, one of the world's oldest, largest, and fastest growing organizations promoting corporate interests in schools in the USA and beyond to illustrate the need to address school commercialism in a broad historical, curricular, and global context. We review the long history of Junior Achievement in the USA, its vast set of curriculum offerings in enterprise, financial literacy, economics, work readiness and life skills, and its dramatic expansion, since the late 1980s, to now reach more than eight million students every year in over 100 countries around the world.