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Copyright of Praktyka Teoretyczna is the property of University of Wroclaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I 2023 er det hundre år siden Norges Kommunistiske Parti (NKP) ble stiftet. Det finnes mye litteratur som tematiserer trekk ved partiets virksomhet og historie i løpet av disse hundre årene. En god del er også forskningsbasert. Denne historiografiske artikkelen går igjennom eksisterende forskningslitteratur om NKP. Formålet er å knytte forskningen sammen med ulike overordnede tolknings- og forklaringsmodeller anvendt på Moskva-kommunistiske partier og plassere litteraturen om NKP inn i en generell utvikling av trender innenfor historiefaget. Spesielt behandles det som er skrevet om NKP under andre verdenskrig og den interne partikonflikten i 1949–50. Avslutningsvis utdypes behovet for et helhetlig perspektiv i studiet av kommunistpartier, der både nasjonale og internasjonale aspekter er integrert. I tillegg antydes det hvordan et slikt perspektiv kan operasjonaliseres i en framtidig analyse av NKPs historie.

In the present research, we will present a radiography of the Soviet subversive action in the interwar Bessarabia, a historical province united to Romania in 1918, which had several goals, including challenging the authority of the Romanian administration in the province; the mobilizing Bessarabians of different nationalities against the Romanian state; the presentation inside and outside the Soviet state of a contesting spirit in Bessarabia against the new Romanian order and finally the preparation of its annexation, which will take place on June 28, 1940. The article reveals an annexationist plan meticulously prepared for two decades in Moscow, simultaneously carried out in other neighboring states (Poland and the Baltic States), which is intended to overcome the effects of the paradigm of the Soviet ultimatum as one that “fell out of the blue”, often used to explain the Romanian tragedy in the summer of 1940.

The present paper describes international cooperation in the field of education under the auspices of the Comintern. Examples include the Comintern universities and the international children's homes. These examples serve to illustrate that socialist educational cooperation existed long before there was a bloc of socialist states, and that education played a central role in the establishment of a socialist educational space. This space is not dependent on the existence of socialist states, but is established through international cooperation among communist parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a new look at the context of production and reception of El tungsteno, the proletarian novel by César Vallejo published in Madrid in 1931. An account of the biographical experiences that inspired the plot of the novel is established, a tentative chronology of composition and writing is drawn, and details are given on its publication and printing. In addition, the article provides hitherto unknown information on the Russian and Ukrainian translations of the novel that shed light on the way Vallejo handled his narrative writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Josip Broz vint a Moscou en février 1935 pour parfaire son parcours de révolutionnaire au sein du Komintern, le passage obligé pour tous les cadres du Parti communiste yougoslave. Or, son séjour a Moscou n’avait rien d’habituel, car il y devint le confident du tout-puissant Département des cadres de l’Internationale communiste dans le Parti yougoslave. Grâce a l’appui du Département des cadres, qui avait la charge de contrôler les cadres des partis freres au sein du Komintern, Broz devint le numéro deux du Parti yougoslave et repartit de Moscou en octobre 1936 pour diriger l’action du Parti en Yougoslavie. Cette nouvelle fonction lui permit d’effectuer sa deuxieme mission a savoir de contrôler l’action des cadres yougoslaves.

Tito vécut les purges staliniennes principalement en dehors de l’Union soviétique, ce qui lui permit de survivre, mais aussi d’en profiter pour devenir le principal dirigeant du parti. Les séjours a Moscou, en 1938 et 1939 furent des rudes épreuves pour lui, mais par un savant mélange d’opportunisme politique et de l’égoisme personnel il sut se distancier de tous ses collegues qui ont péri dans les purges écartant ainsi les soupçons qui pesaient sur lui aussi. Le fait qu’il réussit a deux reprises de retourner de Moscou indemne en tant qu’au moins messager, sinon, comme il se représentait lui-meme, comme mandataire de Komintern, lui permit de s’établir définitivement au sommet de la hiérarchie communiste en Yougoslavie dont il avait commencé le renouveau des 1936. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177011: L’histoire des idees et institutions politiques dans les Balkans aux XIXe et XXe siecles]

This article is the English translation of a text originally published by Ernesto Laclau in French in 1981 as part of the proceedings of the colloquium Materialités Discursives held in Nanterre on 24–26 April 1980. In this text, Ernesto Laclau reflects on the subject of hegemony as a discursively constructed phenomenon. Building on research on the discursive construction of the acceptability of popular front politics in 1935 during the Seventh Congress of the Komintern, the author proposes a number of broader arguments on the notion of antagonism and on some of the problems related to the Marxist conception of totality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo indaga los vínculos entre la Internacional Comunista (Komintern) y el Partido Comunista de Chile (PCCh) desde 1922 hasta 1941 a partir de las siguientes hipótesis. Entre 1927 y 1935 el PCCh sufrió dos rupturas mayores, tanto en los contenidos de su política nacional como en la relación con la Internacional. El primer quiebre, entre 1927 y 1933, significó el paso de una extraordinaria autonomía política a una sujeción prácticamente absoluta a los diferentes órganos komintereanos que, a través de una ruda intromisión trataron de convertirlo en un simple ejecutante de sus decisiones inspiradas por la política de “clase contra clase”. El paso a la política frentepopulista en 1935 permitió al partido chileno mayores márgenes de autonomía frente a la Internacional Comunista. Aunque la relación con el Komintern se mantendría –en lo esencial– en los términos establecidos a comienzos de la década, los éxitos del partido chileno y el eclipse del Buró Sudamericano (BSA) de la Internacional, permitirían al PCCh un margen de acción algo menos asfixiante por parte de los organismos komintereanos.

With the expansion of the communist movement, various currents of dissent appeared in many cases causing schisms in international communism at national and international level. One of the most notable ruptures was the separation of Trotskyism that sheltered diverse groups, heterogeneous ideologically and politically. In Chile, the greatest for its historical importance the dissidence in communism, hidalguism, after several attempts to demonstrate its loyalty to the Comintern, was embraced by international Trotskyism seeing in this a strong and potentially hegemonic party in this country, although worried its eventual doctrinal inconsistency. The relations of the "Left Communist" party with the International Secretariat reveal to us the ambiguous position of Chileans towards the formation of the Fourth International and their perseverance in making independent political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a doctoral thesis entitled Erich Fromm’s socialist humanism. Cuius regio eius religio. It shows how Willi Münzenberg pushed the intellectuals into the communist ideology, as it was never done before. It was motivated by the search of an Utopia that aiming to overcome the old values will allow to get the control over them..The Soviet Union manipulated the sense of solidarity, peace and a solid opposition to war and fascism in order to incorporate supporters and collaborators into its political aims.

The central paradigm of the Cold War was a battle of ideas, not a military, economic or political battle. This article analyses the contribution of intellectuals and artists to the propaganda war during the 20th century. It is argued that culture proved to be a very effective weapon back then. Left-wing intellectuals who were contrary to the Soviet Union project forged a novel no-communist thinking that, being supported by the US intelligent services, succeeded in the creation of a new Worldwide cultural paradigm in the context of the Cultural Cold War.

The emblematic figure of José Carlos Mariátegui, the famous author of the 7 Interpretative Essays on Peruvian Reality, is very commonly disconnected from its context. The intent of this piece is to shed some light on the national determinations that participate in shaping the Socialist Party of Peru, through the exceptional character of the decade as well as the political positioning of its main actors in the period, particularly Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre, founding member of the APRA.

The communist movement in Romania and the birth of the Communist Party in 1921 was a phenomenon strongly influenced by events at the end of the Great War. We are talking here mainly about the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and his spread towards Europe. Our study aims to analyze the manner in which the communism in Romania followed the Soviet model, in a country which had no tradition in this direction, and the working class was numerically too weak in comparison with the peasantry.

Richard Krebs (1905-1951), alias Jan Valtin, a été un marin communiste et syndiqué allemand. Son récit, Sans patrie, ni frontières, qu’il présente comme une autobiographie, est paru aux États-Unis en janvier 1941. Différents éléments constituant la trame du livre ne concordent pas avec l’objectivité historique. Dans cette autobiographie romancée, Valtin s’octroie une vie d’exception qui le dégage de l’anonymat du simple militant. Quel fut le rôle politique réel de Richard Krebs ? À la lecture des sources et des analyses qui ont été faites sur cet ouvrage, on remarque que Krebs mêla à sa propre expérience au sein de l’Internationale des gens de la mer (ISH), syndicat dirigé par le Profintern, des colportages et récits trouvés dans les journaux de l’époque ou des histoires entendues. L’exagération, qui est présente tout au long du récit, est-elle une forme narrative ou la transformation du narrateur en héros ? L’ouvrage de Jan Valtin doit être compris comme celui d’un marin allemand pris dans la tourmente de l’Allemagne des années vingt et trente. Son ascension et ses responsabilités sont à mettre en parallèle avec la création, le 3 octobre 1930, de l’Internationale des marins et dockers (IMD en français), à Hambourg. De communiste convaincu, Richard Krebs devint un agent de la Gestapo tandis que sombrait, avec l’avènement du régime nazi, l’Allemagne comme centre opérationnel du mouvement communiste mondial.

In 1935, in the context of the popular front turn, the Communist Party of Chile and the Workers’ Federation of Chile abandoned so-called “revolutionary unionism” and tacitly accepted “legal unionism” and its despised Labor Code in order to work for the unity of the Chilean labor movement. Using previously unknown Comintern documents attached to a police dossier, this article argues that such a momentous turn was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and compromises within Chilean communism and the regional bodies of the Comintern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During her visit to the USA in 1937, Sabiha Sertel writes an article on American labor movement. In this article, she mentions the Social Security Act, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), and introduces these organizations to the reader. Subsequently, she addresses the Socialist Party of America (SPA) and the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) in her article. She supports the “united front" policy of the Comintern. In these regards, Sabiha Sertel's article is compatible with the official politics of the Comintern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Connu sous le nom du « Brahmane du Komintern », grâce à un documentaire récent, M-N Roy a joué un rôle non négligeable dans le processus de mondialisation et surtout de lutte contre l’impérialisme britannique. Figure de l’Internationale communiste jusqu’en 1929, il s’emploie à défendre l’Inde et les peuples opprimés.

Reconociendo al comunismo como un actor nacional e internacional clave en la evolución política de Chile durante el siglo XX, que tempranamente vincula el país con la política mundial, el artículo pretende reconstruir, contrastando la documentación de los archivos kominternianos con las fuentes memorialísticas y periodísticas locales, una de las primeras y más enigmáticas formas de la vinculación del movimiento comunista mundial con su partido chileno: la presencia intermitente en el país, entre las décadas de 1920 y 1930, de "delegados" o "emisarios" del Komintern. El análisis de las formas de la interacción de los emisarios kominternianos no solo con la militancia criolla, sino con importantes sectores de la sociedad nacional, contribuye a la reflexión acerca de la dimensión internacional en la construcción de la cultura política chilena del siglo XX.The article analyzes the interaction between Soviet Komintern emissaries and local communist followers as well as important sectors of Chilean society. It recognizes that communism was a key national and international factor in Chile's political evolution during the twentieth century, when the country was closely linked with world politics. This contributes to the discussion regarding the international dimensión of the construction of Chile's political culture during the twentieth century. The article reconstructs one of the first and enigmatic forms of linking the world communist movement and Chile's Communist Party. Documents from Komintern archives, memories and local press sources, were used to explore this topic.

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Created in 1926, the International Leninist School (ILS) as a mechanism for the formation of political cadres for the parties of the Communist Intrnational, worked as an important structure of the Komintern, whose main objective was "bolshevisation", ideological homogenization of national communist parties. Its contribution to the preparation of cadres of the "professional revolutionaries" for Latin American parties corresponded to the level of importance and political weight of the parties in the region. In the ILS was formed a militant Marxism, whose sources were the historical experience and strategic interests of the Russian Communist party and the Soviet state, applies to the Latin-American realities. The functioning of the ILS was due to the bureaucratic logic of the superior organs of the Komintern and the administration of the school. The ILS and its students were used in the internal struggles in the direction of the Komintern and in the national parties. Despite the flaws inherent in the style and form of studies on the ILS, its graduated student took an important step in the development of the communist movement in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vingtième Siècle is the property of Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Clio. Femmes, Genre, Histoire is the property of Belin Editeur and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to show how, at the height of the Cold War, the British intelligence services responded to the new spy system created by the Comintern developing a secret campaign of political and cultural propaganda, under the cover of prestigious foundations to channel intellectuals in defense of a liberal democracy. This spy system expected to carry out propaganda secret operations and manipulate the intellectuals from almost the very beginning of the Soviet Revolution. The keystone to win the battle of consciences was the Congress for Cultural Freedom and its editorials, magazines, exhibitions, scholarships, concerts, congresses and conferences. Finally, it will be noted how the Congress for Cultural Freedom implemented the political conception of "noncommunist left" to sustain the social democracy in the Western bloc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Las interpretaciones históricas de los partidos comunistas tienden a remarcar las influencias y factores internacionales en la definición de sus líneas y accionar político. Esto especialmente ocurre en el periodo de existencia de la III Internacional —o Komintern— que tuvo una notable ingerencia en los partidos comunistas de todo el mundo. Desde otra óptica, sin desconocer la influencia internacional, este artículo propone que en el caso del Partido Comunista de Chile, la articulación de un discurso de corte nacionalista fue un elemento importante en su elaboración y actuar político desde un periodo tan temprano como los años veinte. Esto habría permitido a los comunistas chilenos ganar presencia y respaldo en los sectores populares organizados, receptivos a los discursos nacionalistas.

A teoria pecebista da revolução em etapas, sincronizada pelo Komintern (que propugnava que a revolução “nos países com baixo desenvolvimento”, deveria ocorrer através de uma completude do capitalismo nacional por meio de uma revolução burguesa como conditio sine qua non para a revolução socialista), guiou o movimento comunista brasileiro dos anos 1920 à aniquilação da esquerda pela ditadura militar nos anos 1960. Os comunistas brasileiros se limitavam em identificar o agente a cumprir a tarefa histórica da primeira etapa da revolução. Por esse motivo, todas as tentativas de uma revolução burguesa no Brasil foram derrotadas, pois não se percebia o caráter bonapartista da burguesia nacional, tampouco a entificação do capital brasileiro pela via colonial, isto é, a ausência de processo revolucionário na transformação social, que acarreta na subordinação eterna do Brasil à corrente imperialista. Superando a debilidade pecebista, José Chasin demonstrou que na via colonial, o agente da transformação só poderia ser os trabalhadores. Nesse processo de dupla transição, premidos por carências básicas e organizados em torno de um programa que atinja e transforme as raízes geradoras do embrião atrófico do capital brasileiro, os trabalhadores ao mesmo tempo em que re-arranjam o desenvolvimento nacional centrado no progresso social ainda sob o modo de produção capitalista, acumula forças objetivas e subjetivas para a superação deste.

In 1940, when he was invited at Comintern for giving explanations about the situation of Communist Party of Romania from the last two years, Ştefan Foriş wrote on that occasion and a sizable autobiography. This document provides us interesting information about life story of the person above mentioned, but also introduces us in the CPoR's history between two world wars. Ştefan Foriş leaded the communist movement from 1941 until 1944, as a general secretary. Before that, he has always been close to party leadership, both as a middle-line leader and as a head of mass organizations, created and guided by communists, for their own interest. Therefore, he has had first hand information about his comrades and party's secrets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important issues of Romanian Communist Party's history during World War II - communication link between local leaders and Comintern - is still in argue. Archive's documents and literature seems to conclude that traditional relation distroid at the begining of 1941's May was renewed only three years later, in the autumn of 1944. Documents from soviet archives shows a lot of detalis about one unsuccessful attempt, made by soviet part in 1943, to establish new communicatios chanell with romanian communists. But romanian archives are in condition to prove a earlier successful attempt: in autumn of 1942 or in spring of 1943, two emissaries sent by Moscow arrived in Bucharest and remited a message to party leader, Ştefan Foriş. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the interaction between Soviet Komintern emissaries and local communist followers as well as important sectors of Chilean society. It recognizes that communism was a key national and international factor in Chile's political evolution during the twentieth century, when the country was closely linked with world politics. This contributes to the discussion regarding the international dimension of the construction of Chile's political culture during the twentieth century. The article reconstructs one of the first and enigmatic forms of linking the world communist movement and Chile's Communist Party. Documents from Komintern archives, memories and local press sources, were used to explore this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]