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This article analyses the Berlin Land election of September 2011 which resulted in a degree of continuity but also some change. It examines the campaigns of the main parties, the results – some predictable, others less so – and offers possible explanations. It then looks at the process of coalition formation which eventually resulted in a red–black coalition senate headed by incumbent governing mayor Klaus Wowereit. Attention is also paid to the question of whether or not electoral convergence has now occurred between the two halves of the capital. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The increase in the number of women MPs in many countries in recent years suggests that it is easier for women to enter politics nowadays than used to be the case. However, this does not mean that it is a level-playing field once they get there. Women still have to contend with prejudice and discrimination, antiquated practices, an alien culture, and a routine and timetable far more suited to male lifestyles. This article focuses on the additional challenges faced by women who combine a political career with motherhood. A big question it seeks to answer is whether or not it is easier for women to break through the political ‘glass ceiling’ and compete with men so long as they can act like men, for example staying late, and working weekends. The article examines the experiences of women MPs in two countries, namely the UK and Germany, looking at both the national and sub-national levels. It draws on information collected from female parliamentarians via face-to-face interviews and written questionnaires. The evidence suggests that it is easier for women to break through the political ‘glass ceiling’ if they can fit into the existing male-dominated parliamentary culture. Thus, many female MPs with family responsibilities face additional problems on top of those faced by women generally in the political workplace. This suggests that on their own, measures such as quotas are not sufficient to enable female politicians to ‘have it all’ as their male counterparts typically can. Other changes to parliamentary practices will be necessary to make politics a career that is genuinely open to all. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the 2006 Berlin Land election, including the election campaigns of the main parties, the results, and the process of post-election coalition formation. While few doubted that the Social Democratic Party (SPD) would emerge as the largest party, and that the highly popular Klaus Wowereit would continue as Berlin's governing mayor; the big questions were what coalition he would lead and whether Berliners would vote for a continuation of the (initially controversial) red-red coalition comprising the SPD and the Left Party. Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the election of Germany's first woman chancellor in November 2005 it would appear that equal opportunities have finally been achieved in German politics. Furthermore, most parties in the Federal Republic are committed to increasing or maintaining certain levels of female representation within their ranks, and many use quotas to achieve this. This article looks not only at the formal mechanisms employed by the German parties to help women enter politics, but also at whether the practice of politics is conducive to women's working methods and lifestyles. Its focus is on the compatibility of a political career with family responsibilities. The author argues that while quotas have helped increase the number of female politicians, party cultures and practices have not been completely transformed. Many problems remain for current and potential female politicians, especially those whose family circumstances make it hard to adapt to the male norms of behaviour which still characterise political life in the Federal Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the proportion of German politicians who are female is at an all time high. This has largely been achieved via quotas and most of the main parties now operate some kind of quota system. But have quantitative improvements in female representation in been matched by qualitative improvements? This article seeks to answer this question by looking not only at the number of women in parliaments and other collective bodies, but also in the highest echelons of power. It outlines each party's policies regarding the promotion of women and the factors which enhance or hamper their impact. A brief comparison of female political representation in eastern and western Germany is also provided. The author argues that measures such as quotas have increased the number of female German politicians but still do not guarantee them equal access to positions of real power. Furthermore, the incorporation of pro-equality principles into party statutes has not automatically led to their assimilation into party cultures, especially in the case of well-established parties which only recently addressed the gender imbalance in their ranks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outlines the background to the Berlin election of 2001 and examines the campaigns of all the main political parties in Germany. Analyses of the results of the election; Process that finally resulted in the formation of a Red-Red coalition government; Consideration of the significance of the election for Berlin and for German politics as a whole.

Examines the election campaign in Berlin, Germany in 1999. Highlights of the campaign; Information on determining factors for the outcome of the Berlin detection in the country; Political parties of the country; Noticeable difference in voting behavior between east and west Berlin.

Objective: Acute agitation in pediatrics is commonly encountered in hospital settings, can contribute to significant physical and psychological distress, and management is highly varied in practice. As such, the development of a standardized pharmacologic guideline is paramount. We aimed to develop a novel clinical pathway (CP) for management of acute agitation for all hospitalized pediatric patients in Canada. Methods: Healthcare professionals in Canada with expertise in treating and managing pediatric agitation formed a working group and developed a CP through conducting a literature review, engaging key partners, and obtaining interdisciplinary consensus (iterative real-time discussions with content experts). Once developed, the preliminary CP was presented to additional internal and external partners via multiple grand rounds and a webinar; feedback from participants guided final CP revisions. Results: The working group created a pediatric inpatient CP to guide pharmacologic management of agitation and serve as an easy-to-use clinical and educational resource with three complementary sections including: 1) a treatment algorithm, 2) a quick reference medication chart, and 3) two supporting documents, which provide a general overview of non-pharmacologic strategies prior to CP implementation and an illustrative scenario to accompany the medication chart to ensure effective utilization. Conclusions: This is the first CP to standardize pharmacological treatment and management of acute agitation in children in inpatient settings in Canada. Although further research is warranted to assess implementation and support process improvement, the CP can be adapted by individual institutions to assist in prompt pharmacological management of pediatric agitation to potentially improve outcomes for patients, families, and healthcare professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 5 May 1996, a narrow majority of voters in Berlin voted in favour of a merger between Berlin and Brandenburg, while a decisive majority in Brandenburg voted against, causing the initiative to fail. In this article the principal arguments put forward by the leading advocates and opponents of the merger are examined. Then the results in East and West Berlin and Brandenburg are analysed in turn in an attempt to identify the primary factors which appear to have determined voting. What emerges is that subjective factors played a greater role than the objective arguments of politicians, producing a result which suggests that deep divisions continue to exist in Germany today. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Berlin election of October 1995 produced very different results in the eastern and western halves of the city, and although the end result was a continuation of the Grand Coalition, it was the PDS and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen who stole the limelight once the votes were counted. This article attempts to account for the performance of the parties in each half of the city and considers the political consequences for them. It concludes by considering what the election can tell us about the public mood in Berlin and about political trends in the Federal Republic in general. What emerges is a ‘wall in the ballot box’, a practical manifestation of die Mauer im Kopf which clearly continues to exist five years after the first all‐German election. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We evaluated the usefulness of double immunohistochemical staining for cytokeratin (CK)5/6 and alpha-methylacyl coenzyme A racemase (AMACR) applied sequentially on 1 slide by assessing 223 foci in 110 consecutive prostate specimens. Double-chromogen reaction was used to visualize the antibodies: brown for CK5/6 and red for AMACR. Staining was scored as diffuse, focal, or negative. To establish the diagnosis, CK5/6 and AMACR were correlated with the morphologic features. All cancers lacked CK5/6 staining (100% specificity). AMACR showed diffuse or focal positivity in cancer, high-grade prostatic intraepithelial neoplasia, and atypia in 96.8% (120/124), 85% (22/26), and 80% (16/20) of cases, respectively. In atypical cases, diagnosis was because of non-immunohistochemical staining reasons in 80% of cases. In adenosis (n = 14), AMACR was diffusely positive in 4 cases (29%). Double immunohistochemical staining for CK5/6 and AMACR is a simple assay to perform and may be used as an alternative to antibody cocktails for routine evaluation of problematic prostate specimens.