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In 1990, A. Sivanandan published an essay subtitled 'The hokum of New Times', which took aim at Stuart Hall and Martin Jacques' theorisation of Thatcherism and the neoliberal revolution. Central to this criticism was Sivanandan's decade-long tracing of the 'new circuits of imperialism' that had been engendered by a new global division of labour and hierarchies of production, technological change and the domestic fall-out of such processes in forms of British state racism and racialised forms of exploitation. Although Hall's work has diffused into the field of international political economy, Sivanandan's take has largely been neglected. This article, developed from a presentation at the 'New Circuits of Anti-racism Conference', King's College, London, October 2022, will briefly return to the Hall and Sivanandan debate to help foreground Sivanandan's international political economy and also highlight how it took racism and imperialism to be integral to the neoliberal order in Britain and beyond. It will show how Sivanandan's anti-racist and anti-imperial international political economy can help us to frame and understand the current crisis of neoliberalism from the vantage points of 'over here, and over there', and how thinking with and through international political economy must be at the heart of contemporary anti-racism's address of the current crisis of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Institute of Race Relations (IRR) and its 50-year history of radicalism and commitment to anti-racism, internationalism, and liberation. Topics include the IRR's journey of rebuilding and comradeship, the legacy of A. Sivanandan's directorship and his impact on solidarity and internationalism, and the need for anti-racism to adapt to new circuits of imperialism and forge new paths of resistance in the face of global crises.

What is the relationship between Brexit and biomedicine? Here we investigate the Vote Leave official campaign slogan 'We send the EU £350 million a week. Let's fund our NHS instead' in order to shed new light on the nationalist stakes of Brexit. We argue that the Brexit referendum campaign must be situated within biomedical policy and practice in Britain. We propose a re-thinking of Brexit through a cultural politics of heredity to capture how biomedicine is structured around genetic understandings of ancestry and health, along with the forms of racial inheritance that structure the state and its welfare system. We explore this in three domains: the NHS and health tourism, data sharing policies between the NHS and the Home Office, and the NHS as an imperially resourced public service. Looking beyond the Brexit referendum campaign, we argue for renewed sociological attention to the relationships between racism, biology, health and inheritance in British society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1971, the Black Panther Party (BPP) seemingly went through an ideological transformation. Between 1968 and 1970 the Party had forged strong national and international solidarity and support through a politics of revolutionary armed self-defence and a commitment to anti-imperialism. Yet, in late 1970 as the sands of both national and geo-politics shifted, and as allies, both at home and abroad, became less supportive, the Panthers found themselves on less solid ground. Black Panther leader Huey P Newton, realizing this shift in the political landscape, and the futility of attempting an armed insurgency against the state without widespread support, now steered the BPP towards the idea of 'Survival Pending Revolution'. This saw the Panthers abandon the idea of immediate armed insurrection against the state and reorient towards a focus on their community engagement 'survival programs'. This article argues that Newton's orientation of the BPP away from armed insurrection and towards survival pending revolution was not simply a pragmatic choice of strategy, but rather based on a theorization of what he dubbed reactionary intercommunalism. Moreover, the article suggests that the history of neo-liberal globalization can be complicated and expanded by viewing Newton as one of the first theorists of neo-liberal globalization, and BPP survival programs as one of the first responses to the on-coming era of neo-liberalism in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the US Black Power movement and its constituent groups such as the Black Panther Party has recently gone through a process of historical reappraisal, which challenges the characterization of Black Power as the violent, misogynist and negative counterpart to the Civil Rights movement. Indeed, scholars have furthered interest in the global aspects of the movement, highlighting how Black Power was adopted in contexts as diverse as India, Israel and Polynesia. This article highlights that Britain also possessed its own distinctive form of Black Power movement, which whilst inspired and informed by its US counterpart, was also rooted in anti-colonial politics, New Commonwealth immigration and the onset of decolonization. Existing sociological narratives usually locate the prominence and visibility of British Black Power and its activism, which lasted through the 1960s to the early 1970s, within the broad history of UK race relations and the movement from anti-racism to multiculturalism. However, this characterization neglects how such Black activism conjoined explanations of domestic racism with issues of imperialism and global inequality. Through recovering this history, the article seeks to bring to the fore a forgotten part of British history and also examines how the history of British Black Power offers valuable lessons about how the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism should be united in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Huey P. Newton remains one the left's intellectual enigmas. Although lauded for being the leader of the Black Panther Party, Newton is relatively unacknowledged as an intellectual. This article challenges the neglect of Newton's thought by shedding light on his theory of empire, and the present-day value of returning to his thought. The article centres on how Newton's critique of what he called 'reactionary intercommunalism' prefigures many of the elements found in the work of Hardt and Negri on empire. This comparison will be used to show how Newton not only foresaw elements of the rise of contemporary neoliberal globalization, but also offered an idea of political solidarity and revolutionary politics for such a context. The article concludes by highlighting how Newton's ideas about the need for a war of position based on 'survival pending revolution' presents a more theoretically and empirically salient conceptualization of resistance than his successors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Computer network protocols define the rules in which two entities communicate over a network of unique hosts. Many protocol specifications are unknown, unavailable, or minimally documented, which prevents thorough analysis of the protocol for security purposes. For example, modern botnets often use undocumented and unique application-layer communication protocols to maintain command and control over numerous distributed hosts. Inferring the specification of closed protocols has numerous advantages, such as intelligent deep packet inspection, enhanced intrusion detection system algorithms for communications, and integration with legacy software packages. Themultitude of closed protocols coupled with existing time-intensive reverse engineering methodologies has spawned investigation into automated approaches for reverse engineering of closed protocols. This article summarizes and organizes previously presented automatic protocol reverse engineering tools by approach. Approaches that focus on reverse engineering the finite state machine of a target protocol are separated from those that focus on reverse engineering the protocol format. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]