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The phrase 'work to build a community with a shared future for mankind' became the guiding slogan of Chinese foreign policy in 2017. Beneath its smooth surface, the concept contains several layers of complex and sometimes contradictory meanings. Among other things, it seeks to position China both as one among many developing countries, treating all as equals, and as a major world leader that exerts influence over other states and the international system. The concept is thus at once both egalitarian and hierarchical. Along with the core concept, Chinese foreign policy articulates niche discourses on ethno-cultural identity, Marxism, and human rights that are targeted at special audiences. The writings of leading Chinese international-relations intellectuals tend to reveal a more emphatically hierarchical view of the international system, with China at the top, than is explicit in China's official rhetoric. Xi's international message has been promoted energetically by domestic media and promoted tirelessly on the international stage, with adaptations appropriate to diverse audiences. The Chinese message has met with a mixed reception abroad. China's rhetoric of cooperation is seen by many in other countries as a cover for self-interested strategic motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China will eventually adopt the democratic way of governance characterized by the basic freedoms including popular elections. Authoritarianism cannot stand the changes that affect world politics. It is not sure, however, how such democratization and liberalization will emerge. Two scenarios come into play, namely, the occurrence of violent change through a revolution and the installation of a bureaucratic-elitist democratic setup if present authorities do not push people to the brink through human rights violations.

The US and the rest of the Western powers can help spur the improvement of the human rights situation in China if they stick to their demand that the latter abide by international law on the issue at the risk of losing economic and political concessions. China has a realist government and it would likely strive to address human rights violations when faced with a no-nonsense policy from the West. The US, particularly, should refrain from separating trade issues from those of human rights as it would only embolden the Chinese to ignore complaints about their record on human rights.

The Biden Administration has accepted the Trump Administration's definition of China as a 'strategic competitor', and has retained Trump's tariffs, the 'Quad', and the upgrade in Taiwan's protocol status. But Biden's China policy is different from Trump's in being truly strategic. The key elements of that strategy are focused on improving the United States' competitiveness domestically and in international affairs; cooperation with allies and partners; an emphasis on human rights; partial decoupling of economic and technology relationships; and a search for some areas of cooperation with China. Success for the Biden strategy would consist neither of bottling up China in its current global power position nor in achieving a negotiated condominium in Asia. The Biden Administration would succeed if the United States can maintain its alliance system, keep a robust military presence in East Asia and prevent the forcible integration of Taiwan into China while avoiding major war. Several features of the China challenge make it reasonable to hope that such success is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hermeneutic and the positivistic approaches help define the distinctiveness of the Chinese culture. The hermeneutic approach is based on the belief that cultures are historically shaped, socially shared, and should be conceptually viewed. Positivistic approach involves the specific viewing of culture with respect to time and geographical locations. Both approaches advocate personalistic factionalism or 'guanxi,' especially in politics. Good positivistic work uses hermeneutic insights to develop hypotheses, concepts and measures to interpret findings.

Chinese political culture is often cited as an obstacle to the realization of democratic aspirations.(1) Its undemocratic attributes are generally thought to include authoritarianism, passivity, ignorance of politics, fear of [...]

China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World by John W. Garver. Seattle, University of Washington Press, 2006. 401 pp. Cloth, $50.00; paper, $24.95. It was a strange sight [...]

Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China, 1961-1974: From 'Red Menace' to 'Tacit Ally' by Evelyn Goh. New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005. 316 pp. $75.00. China and Vietnam: The Politics [...]

The electoral system is the threshold of democratic government and the foundation of political culture; elections have become the most common means of producing government organs and their functionaries in the majority of the world. The elections are the most effective means of producing other civil servants in a modern society such as the representatives and leaders of political parties, and the representatives and leaders of mass organizations.

Political parties are a product of modern politics. In the world history, political parties developed out of different factions of parliamentarians holding different views are discussed.

The constitutional government is discussed as: section 2: the painful lesson of having a constitution but not a constitutional government, section 3: Amending the constitution: a matter of top priority, section 4: three basic principles for amendments to the constitution. The following are the three principles: the principles that citizensE rights are paramount, the principle of ensuring the implementation of the constitution and the principle of the openness.