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Employing European Social Survey data (ESS Round 7) from 20 countries (N = 20,464), we tested several pre-registered hypotheses regarding the associations between basic personal values—as conceptualized by Schwartz' Values Theory—and vote choice in national elections. To operationalize vote choice, we relied on the Chapel Hill Experts Survey for expert ratings of party positioning on ideology, policy, and populism. Personal values, and particularly universalism, were associated with the cultural gal-tan (green-alternative-liberal vs. traditional-authoritarian-nationalist) dimension (8% shared variance) and the economic left-right dimension (4% shared variance). The associations with gal-tan were even stronger when the dimension was salient in the party agenda. Associations between specific policy positions (e.g., multiculturalism, redistribution) and values were very similar to those between values and ideology. Voting populist was weakly associated with lower universalism and higher security (1% shared variance). The associations were generally stronger among the more educated and in western European countries. Our results suggest that Universalism values could help explain why the "left" and the "gal" poles tend to go together and are also more generally consistent with accounts of political conflict and cleavage centered around cultural issues and rooted in values. Plain language summary: Basic personal values are broad desirable goals that motivate people's action and serve as guiding principles in their lives. To date, there has not been much research on how values relate to voting behavior. Employing data on personal values and expert ratings of the ideologies and policies of the parties for which one has voted, we show in 20 European countries (20,464 participants) that personal values, and particularly universalism; that is, caring for the welfare of all people, were associated with the cultural gal-tan (green-alternative-liberal vs. traditional-authoritarian-nationalist) dimension of ideology (8% shared variance) and the economic left-right dimension (4% shared variance). The associations with gal-tan were even stronger when the dimension was emphasized in the party agenda. Associations between specific policy positions (e.g., multiculturalism, redistribution) and values were very similar to those between values and ideology. Voting populist was weakly associated with lower Universalism values and higher Security values (1% shared variance). The associations were generally stronger among the more educated and in western European, as compared to post-communist, countries. Our results suggest that Universalism values could help explain why the left and the gal poles tend to go together and are also more generally consistent with accounts of political conflict and cleavage centered around cultural issues and rooted in values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populist parties are held to be the drivers of unprecedented emotionalisation in electoral politics. Advancing theories of realignment and detachment, this article studies the temporal development in the affective alignments between voters and parties. In particular, it analyses the relationship between social structure, voters' affective orientations towards political parties, and vote choice over time by drawing on 625 representative population surveys from Germany over 44 years. The results show that voters' affective orientations are indeed becoming more important to vote choice. However, this reflects a return to the close link that already existed at the heyday of the original cleavages rather than something novel. What seems to have changed is the degree to which affective orientations are rooted in social structure. This not only qualifies overly myopic interpretations of populist success but has more general implications for the contemporary linkages between parties and voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing the question of how to tackle gender inequalities, we test whether women who perceive women's representation in politics as achievement are empowered. We embed an experiment in an online survey conducted on a sample of 4545 U.S. women, varying whether the number of women in Congress is presented as achievement or reason for concern. We find that women who are presented with the "achievement" frame are more likely to consider job opportunities for a range of jobs. Heterogeneity based on pre-treatment moderators, particularly political partisanship, which correlates with a host of gender attitudes like feelings of marginalization, helps explain variation in treatment effects. The study broadens our understanding of how descriptive representation matters for non-political outcomes, showing that it empowers women to consider applying to more jobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: HIV-related stigma within the health care system is a major barrier preventing people living with HIV (PLWH) from accessing and continuing treatment. Psychosocial factors such as political orientation, personality characteristics, and personal moral values of health care providers have not been adequately investigated. Furthermore, a deeper understanding of the mechanisms and effects of these drivers on social distancing from PLWH is needed. The present study aims to fill these gaps in the literature by examining the stigmatizing attitudes of medical students from the perspective of the inevitability of prejudice. Method: We sampled 609 medical students in Türkiye. Political orientation, stereotyping attitudes, stigmatizing attitudes, emotional reactions toward PLWH, and social distance from PLWH were assessed via self-reported questionnaires. Multiple regression analysis and serial mediation analysis were used. Results: Political conservatism correlated significantly with negative stereotypes (r =.29, p <.01) and negative intergroup emotions (r =.35, p =.01). Notably, negative stereotypes were strongly associated with social distancing (r =.41, p <.01). Serial mediation analysis indicated that the total effect of political conservatism on social distancing was significant. The serial indirect association between higher political conservatism and higher social distancing from PLWH was significant (β = 0.07, SE = 0.01, 95% CI [0.05, 0.10]). This association was mediated first by endorsing negative stereotypes about PLWH and then by negative intergroup emotions toward PLWH. Conclusions: The findings suggest that interventions targeting stereotyping and negative intergroup emotions could reduce discriminatory attitudes and behaviors of medical students, thereby enhancing healthcare delivery to PLWH. Policy measures can focus on the integration of stigma-reduction training and intergroup sensitivity programs in medical education curricula. Furthermore, it may help to address discrimination in the healthcare system and beyond by enhancing understanding of structural and societal factors that drive HIV-related stigma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research addresses two related theoretical questions: 1) do feelings of authenticity experienced during an activity predict motivation to engage in that activity, and 2) does that motivation translate to actual engagement behavior? We examined both questions in a 12-week longitudinal study preceding and following the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election. Each week we assessed feelings of authenticity, motivation for civic engagement, and self-reported civic engagement. Results showed that the felt authenticity of civic engagement predicted greater engagement motivation, which, in turn, predicted higher engagement frequency the following week. Overall, these findings demonstrate the relevance of authenticity for important social outcomes and yield new theoretical insights into the nature of subjective authenticity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the decades, communication research has investigated the situational and personal conditions under which people particularly prefer attitude-consistent over attitude-inconsistent content (confirmation bias). In a central study, Lavine et al. (2005) [Lavine, H. Lodge, M. & Freitas, K. (2005). Authoritarianism, threat, and motivated reasoning. Political Psychology, 26(2), 219–244.] examined how right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and threat cause bias when processing political information. Their laboratory experiment suggested that right-wing authoritarians prefer attitude-consistent information in the presence of a threat. Given new crisis environments accompanied by various threats, we re-examined this interaction effect and conceptually replicated Lavine et al.'s central hypothesis in a contemporary media environment. In an online experiment (N  = 1,118), we focused on selective exposure to verified news and disinformation and tracked participants' selection unobtrusively. Contrary to expectations, the interaction between different threats and RWA did not increase selective exposure to attitude-consistent (dis)information. The results challenge the hypothesis' underlying framework and make it necessary to consider new ways of advancing the theoretical model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voters generally value competence in politicians. Four studies, all conducted in Germany, show that this is especially pronounced in people of higher compared with lower social class. The first study, with a representative sample (N 1 = 2239), found that the reported importance of competence in politicians increased with increasing socioeconomic status (SES). This was mediated by self-perceived competence which was higher in participants of higher SES. In three further studies (two preregistered, N 2a&2b = 396, N 3 = 400) participants merely saw pictures of politicians' faces. Perceived competence based on facial appearance increased the likelihood of voting for a politician. Again, this effect was stronger among participants of higher compared with lower SES. This moderation persisted after controlling for participants' political orientation and politicians' perceived warmth and dominance. We discuss implications for future research on the psychological underpinnings of social class as well as appearance effects in the political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Do advisers affect foreign policy and, if so, how? Recent scholarship on elite decision making prioritizes leaders and the institutions that surround them, rather than the dispositions of advisers themselves. We argue that despite the hierarchical nature of foreign policy decision making, advisers’ predispositions regarding the use of force shape state behavior through the counsel advisers provide in deliberations. To test our argument, we introduce an original data set of 2,685 foreign policy deliberations between US presidents and their advisers from 1947 to 1988. Applying a novel machine learning approach to estimate the hawkishness of 1,134 Cold War–era foreign policy decision makers, we show that adviser-level hawkishness affects both the counsel that advisers provide in deliberations and the decisions leaders make: conflictual policy choices grow more likely as hawks increasingly dominate the debate, even when accounting for leader dispositions. The theory and findings enrich our understanding of international conflict by demonstrating how advisers’ dispositions, which aggregate through the counsel advisers provide, systematically shape foreign policy behavior.

Prefigurative politics and social movement strategy: The roles of prefiguration in the reproduction, mobilisation and coordination of movements. Rethinking prefiguration: Alternatives, micropolitics and goals in social movements. The concept captures a variety of social experiments which critique the status quo (Cornish et al., [7]) whilst constructing 'alternative or utopian social relations in the present either in parallel with or in the course of, adversarial social movement protest' (L. S. Yates, [41], p. 236). [Extracted from the article]

Sosyal bilimler alanında davranışçı yaklaşımın hâkim olması ile birlikte siyaset bilimi alanında yapılan araştırmalar ampirik bir temelde yürütülmeye başlanmıştır. 1950’lerde Adorno’nun öncülüğünde gelişen otoriteryen kişilik çalışmaları, kişilik yapılarının siyasal tutumlara etkisini araştırmıştır. Fromm ile başlayan otoriteryen kişilik çalışmaları Adorno ve çağdaşı olan bilim insanlarının yaptıkları deneysel çalışmalar ile kişilik yapıları ve siyasal davranış arasında ilişkinin olabileceğine dair önemli bulgulara ulaşmıştır. Freud’un tarif ettiği klasik yer değiştirme mekanizmasıyla açıklanan otoriteryen kişilik, otoriteye ve güçlü liderliğe karşı derin bir bağlılık beslenmesi ve otoritenin onaylamadığı dış gruplara saldırganca tutum sergilenmesi şeklinde ortaya çıkmaktadır. Son dönemlerde Adorno ve çağdaşlarının geliştirdiği otoriteryen kişilik kuramını, sosyal psikolog Bob Altemeyer bir adım öteye taşıyarak Sağ Kanat Yetkeciliği kavramını ortaya atmış ve bunu ölçeklendirmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, otoriteryen kişiliğin ne olduğunu, onu besleyen kişilik eğilimlerini, alan yazınında otoriteryen kişiliği ölçmek amacıyla geliştirilmiş birtakım ölçekleri ve Bob Altemeyer’in Sağ Kanat Yetkeciliğini açıklamaktır.

Introduction: At the turn of the 21st century, concerns emerged regarding whether research at the intersection of psychology and political science should be regarded as a multidisciplinary subfield within political science or an independent, interdisciplinary field that contributes to both disciplines. More than twenty years later, how does the literature on political decision-making approach this issue? Should this application of political cognition research be viewed as a multidisciplinary subfield within political science, or as an independent interdisciplinary field contributing to both political science and psychology? This study examines the organizational framework of research and the trends in publications within the literature on political decision-making. Methods: Through a bibliometric analysis, this study aims to enhance readers' understanding of the disciplinary characteristics of research in political decision-making. The analysis examines how publications are distributed across various disciplines and among different researchers contributing to the study of political decision-making, as well as the most frequently used methodologies in this field. Results: The findings suggest that research tends to be more multidisciplinary than strictly interdisciplinary. This conclusion is based on three observations: (i) most publications are in political science journals; (ii) much of the research is conducted by political scientists; and (iii) the research mainly uses political science frameworks and observational designs despite political scientists' familiarity with experimental designs. Departmental affiliation is the key factor in predicting cited literature, with political scientists favoring political science research and psychologists leaning towards psychology research. Discussion: The results of this study suggest that while political decision-making research draws on expertise from both disciplines, it remains fundamentally anchored in political science. Recommendations include attending conferences outside the researcher's primary discipline, provided they are relevant to their research agenda. Researchers should explore the various specialized grants and funding opportunities that aim to promote the development of new research questions and testing new methods, theoretical approaches, and innovative ideas. Faculty should integrate various disciplines into the curriculum to offer valuable and broadly applicable knowledge. By promoting open interdisciplinary dialogue, political scientists and psychology researchers can work together more effectively to tackle the challenges of political decision-making research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creating a shared group identification has been theorized as one pathway for overcoming intergroup divides within larger, superordinate contexts. Although self‐identification with superordinate groups has been extensively studied in political psychology, less attention has been paid to how others' recognition of our belonging shapes this process. The present paper examines the role of such perceived recognition for European identification across three countries ‐ Romania, Serbia, and Türkiye ‐ using data from three studies. We find support for a hierarchical framing of a superordinate group (Study 1, N = 374), where the perspective of more prototypical subgroups come to act as gatekeepers, impacting the identities of less prototypical members (Study 2, N = 1255). Through an experimental design (Study 3, N = 573), we find that exposure to more positive perspectives of prototypical subgroups can increase identification, superordinate–subordinate identity compatibility and political support for group membership. Significant differences emerge between the countries, highlighting the importance of socio‐political and historical context, which we consider in the discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Donald Trump's presidency (2016–2020), political observers have rushed to explain why some Latinos support nativist policies that harm members of their own ethnic group. One hypothesis predicts that Latinos who value their American identity endorse policies that denigrate non-Americans, such as unauthorized immigrants. We propose system justification as an additional motive. Study 1 draws on a representative Latino oversample (N = 3,950) in the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS). We show that higher system justification levels are substantively associated with support for harsher policies toward unauthorized immigrants, independently of American identity, partisanship, and other key covariates. Study 2 refines these results through a preregistered experiment with Latino adults (N = 1,230). We evaluated system justification and American identity as mediators of support for anti-Latino policies in the domains of unauthorized immigration and affirmative action. Assignment to read about the vibrancy of the American dream (versus control) increased system justification motives, which then strongly boosted support for nativist policies. American identity played no meaningful role. Moreover, the mediated results for nativist policies were large and robust, but small and brittle for affirmative action. We discuss our results' implications for the political psychology of Latinos—America's largest ethnic group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Cancel culture" has become a prominent phrase in US political commentary, with supporters and opponents relying on different value-based arguments to express their views. At the same time, these camps often fall along predictable partisan political lines. What, then, are the real motivations for promoting and opposing behaviors sometimes labeled as "canceling" in contemporary American politics? We explore this question through survey data from Pew in 2020 and two original survey experiments, conducted on the 2021 CES and a 2023 online sample. We examine how Americans define the term "cancel culture," to what extent cancel culture is linked to both a range of core democratic values, and the role of partisanship in shaping support or opposition to specific behaviors. We observe a significant range of views about cancel culture and document connections to various political values. From our experiments, we find that partisanship is a potent driver of support for and understanding of cancel culture and that value-based framing has a weaker impact as compared to partisanship. Cancel culture provides an important case study of how Americans process conflicting norms and values, including free speech and political accountability, beyond the typical constraints of the formal political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With online media having become influential socially, economically, and politically, there is a tendency for people--especially Generation Z--to engage in political behavior digitally, particularly on social networking sites. The current research is a mixed-method study on 1,000 respondents from a Generation Z sample group in Southern Thailand. The findings show that the sample group relies mostly upon the online media platform X (formerly Twitter) to consume political news, followed by Facebook and Instagram. Most of the respondents have expressed demands for governmental transformation. The Generation Z group display their political behavior by expressing opinions and criticisms to those close to them who are not parents or relatives (friends, lovers, and special persons), sharing their opinions on social networks, or deciding not to express any political views. In addition, the Generation Z group agree that using social networking sites to express political views is rightful, legal, and free for Thai people, as provided in Chapter 3 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2560 and part of the national democracy system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence from democracies shows that making laws more egalitarian can increase individuals' perceptions that others hold egalitarian views. How do citizens in authoritarian regimes that promote women's rights perceive public opinion on gender issues? While regime actions and narratives could increase perceptions that egalitarian attitudes are widespread, the disconnect between policy and public preferences could inhibit the expressive power of law to alter perceived norms. Drawing on original surveys and qualitative evidence from Morocco, an important case of de jure advances in women's rights, I find that Moroccans tend to overestimate others' embrace of patriarchal attitudes on gender issues. The tendency to misperceive conservatism spans demographic categories and is especially pronounced among men. I argue that citizens' awareness that policy processes are divorced from electoral accountability and the raised salience of conservative opposition during reform processes can reinforce perceived conservatism, even as women's rights advance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial "Towards new horizons: Welcome to the future" reflects on the 30-year history of the journal Culture & Psychology, highlighting its commitment to transdisciplinary and international scholarly exchanges on culture in psychology. The editor emphasizes the importance of intellectual freedom in academia and expresses concerns about the commoditization of journal articles and the trivialization of cultural psychology. The editorial also discusses potential obstacles facing the field, such as the danger of becoming extinct by losing intellectual substance. The editor expresses confidence in the future of the journal under the new Editor-in-Chief, Kevin Carriere, who is expected to bring innovative perspectives to the field. [Extracted from the article]

To mark the 30th anniversary of the Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA), 11 of PsySSA's past presidents, along with two facilitators, gathered in early 2024 for a roundtable discussion on psychology in South Africa. This article represents an edited transcript of that conversation. The guiding motif of the discussion – looking backwards, looking forwards – led discussants through the historical temporalities, institutional, professional and disciplinary debates, as well as the political concerns that face and have forged South African psychology. The discussants were specifically concerned with the challenges of unifying organised psychology; the generative forces, conflicts and antagonisms within psychology; psychology's pedagogical and intellectual developments; and what it means to politicise psychology in and beyond South Africa. In looking ahead, the discussion concluded with an internationalist reflection on how psychology in South Africa contributes to global knowledges and praxes. The conversation was characterised by epistemic, sectoral and political tensions, as well as ambivalences and shifting centres of gravity, all of which reflect the accomplishments made within South African psychology, as well as psychology's status as a strongly contested and patently unfinished organisational, disciplinary, professional, service and knowledge project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2017, the Gulf crisis led to a blockade that severely restricted Qatar's air, land, and sea access. This political crisis had far-reaching consequences, particularly affecting cross-national families and children. This qualitative analysis explores the effects of the blockade's political instability on individuals and families, specifically for Qatari citizens married to non-Qatari spouses and their cross-national children. Applying the General Aggression Model and Social Learning Theory, we interviewed 24 individuals residing in Qatar from nations directly affected by the crisis (Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). Two main themes emerged: first, the characteristics of aggressive and bullying behaviour, and second, the impacts on the well-being of cross-national families. The results showed that Qatari women and their children suffered disproportionately due to gender-based citizenship rights issues. The impacts on their well-being included heightened anxiety, depression, feelings of danger, uncertainty, and division within individuals, families, and communities. Recommendations include increasing collaborative efforts between governments, educational institutions, and community-based organizations, which are crucial to addressing aggressive and bullying behaviour across all age groups fostering a more harmonious and resilient society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that since people who believe in magic and those who believe in conspiracy theories produce meaning and make sense of the world by engaging in the same process of signification, they should be more likely to have one such belief if they hold the other. To test this proposition, we perform both macro‐ and micro‐level analyses using, respectively, cross‐national datasets and an original set of Tanzanian data. Our findings from both sets of analyses reveal a strong association between witchcraft beliefs and the belief in conspiracy theories. Related Articles: Gainous, Jason, and Bill Radunovich. 2008. "Religion and Core Values: A Reformulation of the Funnel of Causality." Politics & Policy 33(1): 154–80. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2005.tb00213.x. Richey, Sean. 2017. "A Birther and a Truther: The Influence of the Authoritarian Personality on Conspiracy Beliefs." Politics & Policy 45(3): 465–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12206. Tubadji, Annie. 2023. "You'll Never Walk Alone: Loneliness, Religion, and Politico‐economic Transformation." Politics & Policy 51(4): 661–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide the first account of the culture wars in the political psychology and public opinion literature based on a theory of culture. Using innovative measures of grid‐group cultural theory (CT), we identify the cultures associated with ideological and partisan identifications in annual U.S. national surveys from 2011 to 2022, a unique data set of 24,870 respondents. As hypothesized, we find that the culture wars occur not just between ideologues and partisans but among them as they draw support from distinct, relatively stable yet shifting cultural coalitions. Egalitarian and, less often, fatalistic liberals and Democrats battle against individualistic and, less often, hierarchical, conservatives and Republicans. As hypothesized, fatalists are the least reliable coalition partners, and, as expected, they gravitate Republican and conservative in 2017, after Trump's election. However, fatalists who are strong partisan identifiers never defect. Moreover, our hypothesis that fatalist attraction to Trump would drive defections in their political identification is largely invalidated. Instead, fatalists mostly flee Trump in our aggregate analysis as well as in subanalyses of strong and weak ideological and partisan identifiers. In 2016 and 2018–2022, it appears that independent fatalists cause fatalists to gravitate liberal and Democrat. Unexpectedly, hierarchists also go liberal and Democrat in 2022, in apparent reaction to Trump's multifront attacks on the 2020 election that he lost. We identify the basis for cultural coalitions that can end particular culture wars, including the most significant one now occurring between egalitarians and individualists, and conclude with suggestions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While some studies show ideological asymmetry in outgroup bias between rightists and leftists, those studies often target an ideologically biased outgroup. Here, we bypass this issue by targeting the ideological outgroups (rightists for leftists, and leftists for rightists). We rely on a magnetoencephalography‐based approach delineating function‐specific neural mechanisms to test for ideological asymmetries at multiple levels: explicit psychological self‐reports, implicit behavioral bias, and neural oscillations. Using a computational model balancing the stimuli and screening 81 rightists and leftist Israeli individuals, we find ideological asymmetry with rightists being more biased at all three levels. Furthermore, the neural results add important insights by uncovering two underlying mechanisms: The first (late beta‐band motor activity) is strongly associated with implicit behavior, while the second (early alpha‐band dorsal anterior cingulate activity) reveal an antileftist bias for both groups. We discuss implications of the findings on bias, ideological asymmetry, their neural underpinnings, and social norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How States Think: The Rationality of Foreign Policy asks and answers two central questions: What is rationality in international politics? Are states rational? We begin with a summary of our arguments in the book and explain why we find the existing literature on the rational actor assumption wanting. Next we respond to our critics, who challenge our position on both conceptual and empirical grounds. We conclude with a discussion of the relationship between rationality and realism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Mearsheimer and Sebastian Rosato's How States Think is an engagingly written book that tackles big questions central to International Relations: what does it mean to be rational, and how prevalent is rationality in international politics? However, the book mischaracterizes how political psychologists think about rationality in international politics, mistaking revisions of specific modeling assumptions for rejections of rationality more generally. As a result, many of the book's critiques are unpersuasive, and its attempts to root rationality in a specific understanding of "credible theories" run into conceptual challenges. Moreover, Mearsheimer and Rosato's tendency to stake out bold claims rather than measured ones – the same punchiness that also makes the book so provocative – also leads it to exceed its evidentiary limits, resulting in inferences that it is incapable of substantiating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The theory of normative social behavior (TNSB) postulates that people are influenced by others' behaviors, which they observe from messages and experience. In addition to focusing on perceived (i.e., descriptive and injunctive) norms, the TNSB was expanded to include collective norms, which represent what people actually do. Testing this expanded theoretical model, the current study examined whether two types of collective norms – collective political norms and collective regional norms – interacted with descriptive norms to influence pandemic mask wearing behavior expectations among U.S. adults (N = 444). The interaction was statistically significant for collective political norms (β = -.74, p =.009) but not collective regional norms (β = -.16, p =.85). Specifically, descriptive norms were related to increased mask wearing expectation for all values of political party collective norms, but the effects were stronger when political party collective norms were low (i.e., low mask wearing behavior was normative). The findings support the inclusion of collective norms in the TNSB, clarify the relationships among different types of norms, and provide insights for norms-based interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political polarization is one of the most discussed challenges facing contemporary democracies and is often associated with a broader epistemic crisis. While inspiring a large literature in political science, polarization's epistemic problems also have significance for normative democratic theory, and this study develops a new approach aimed at understanding them. In contrast to prominent accounts from political psychology—group polarization theory and cultural cognition theory—which argue that polarization leads individuals to form unreliable political beliefs, this study focuses on system-level diversity. It argues that polarization's epistemic harms are best located in its tendency to reduce the diversity of perspectives utilized in a democratic system and in how this weakens the system's ability to identify and address problems of public concern. Understanding such harms is also argued to require a greater consideration of the political dynamics of polarization and issues of elite discourse, alongside political psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We conducted a preregistered field experiment examining racial discrimination in tie formation on social media. We randomly assigned research accounts varying on race (Black, White) and politics (liberal/Democrat, conservative/Republican, neutral) to follow a politically balanced sample of Twitter (i.e., X) users (N = 5,951) who were unaware they were in a research study. We examined three predictions from the social and political psychology literatures: i) individuals favor White over Black targets, ii) this tendency is stronger for conservatives/Republicans than for liberals/Democrats, and iii) greater discrimination by conservatives/Republicans is explained by the assumption that racial minorities are liberal/Democrat. We found evidence that individuals were less likely to reciprocate social ties with Black accounts than White accounts. However, this tendency was not moderated by individuals' political orientation, shared partisanship, or partisan mismatch. In sum, this work provides field experimental evidence for racial discrimination in tie formation on social media by individuals across political backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A prominent theory in political psychology contends that individual differences in negativity bias explain political ideology: people who are more sensitive to negative stimuli find solace and comfort in conservative approaches to politics. Using self‐reported measures of negativity bias, the evidence is relatively consistent. Yet, using physiological indicators of the negativity bias, the results are, across the board, inconsistent with the negativity bias argument. Building on recent neuroscience work, we propose and test two innovations. First, unconscious and conscious processes are not necessarily aligned. Therefore, we propose that there are different – conscious and unconscious – paths that could link ideology with the negativity bias. Second, individuals vary in their ability and motivation to down‐regulate arousal and reflect on their emotions. As such, the ideology‐negativity bias may emerge in some individuals but not in others. In two preregistered laboratory studies (US and the Netherlands), we find limited evidence for these claims. In a subsequent registered report, we replicate some inconsistent patterns that emerged in study 1. We confirm that self‐reported social conservatism and implicit social conservatism (measured with an IAT) are positively correlated. We also establish that negativity bias is unrelated to social conservatism (both explicit and implicit). We conclude that negativity bias is most likely not the answer to why people on the left and right differ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Policy Studies Journal's latest issue, PSJ 52(4), features 12 articles covering diverse policy theories, topics, and research methodologies, highlighting the journal's commitment to interdisciplinary dialogues. The issue introduces four short articles alongside regular research articles, offering valuable insights into policy scholarship. Notable updates include changes in the editorial team, recognitions received at the APSA meeting, the availability of a Virtual Special Issue on Policing, and the journal's increased submission volume and improved CiteScore. The articles in this issue explore various aspects of policy actors, dynamics, and developments, shedding light on key policy processes and practical applications. [Extracted from the article]

Emotions are central to human behavior and, consequently, play a significant role in policymaking. While the Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) incorporates the notion of "public mood" into the political stream, this concept primarily focuses on a fleeting, less intense, and diffuse emotional state that is not necessarily linked to a specific triggering event or policy‐related object. To address this limitation, the current article draws on robust findings from political psychology, viewing and interpreting the MSF through an emotional lens. It investigates the intersections between emotions, on the one hand, and the assumptions and structural elements of the MSF, on the other, by sharpening existing concepts—such as the emotional agenda (policy) window, emotional decision window, and emotional policy entrepreneurs—to examine emotionality in policy dynamics. It concludes by discussing how an emotional perspective on the MSF can help scholars generate nuanced hypotheses, overcome the MSF's metaphorical language, and gauge when policy may be in search of a rationale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon recent calls for the integration of abolition into psychology, we develop and validate a measure of Abolitionist Ideology. In two studies with abolitionist leaning (N = 201, abolitionist‐identifying n = 58) and nationally representative (N = 350) samples, we identify and confirm a three‐factor, 26‐item measure including subscales of Alternatives to State Violence, Revolutionary Abolitionism, and Abolitionist Identity. The Abolitionist Ideology Scale demonstrates convergent validity with measures including support for Black Lives Matter, critical consciousness, openness to experience, radical imagination, and attribution of violence to the state. The scale demonstrates divergent validity from measures including social dominance orientation (SDO) and political conservatism. Finally, the scale predicted activism tenacity above and beyond a related measure of carceral system justification. The Abolitionist Ideology Scale demonstrates initial reliability and validity and will be useful for those aiming to engage abolition in liberatory theory, research, and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of the Covid-19 pandemic, this article undertakes a critical evaluation of a series of shortcomings of the view of conspiracy theories that is predominant among scholars and the general public. Reviewing numerous studies on the topic, we critically assess: (a) how justified the claim is that we are in a conspiracy-thinking emergency, (b) how the label of conspiracy theorist can be used strategically to delegitimize heterodox views, and (c) the practical consequences, for academic research and the well-functioning of democracies, of unpopular ideas being labeled as conspiratorial. The empirical sources reviewed here suggest that beliefs in conspiracy theories have not increased over time and are less consequential than commonly believed, even in times of a global pandemic. Instead, the concept of conspiracy theory has become more prevalent and its derogatory connotation evokes a stigma that tilts the playing field against dissenting viewpoints. The stigmatization and political leveraging of this notion, we argue, lead to biases not only in the public discussion on various sensitive topics but also in the academic literature on conspiracy theories themselves. We analyze these academic blind spots in light of the diminishing political diversity in academia and recent perspectives on soft censorship. We propose to complement the research on conspiracy theorists with an analysis of individuals at the opposite end of the spectrum, who are inclined to uncritically trust institutional authorities and are prejudiced against heterodox opinions. Proposed solutions include promoting balanced news coverage, fostering critical thinking through debates, and piercing information bubbles to provide access to diverse perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a collection of abstracts from various research papers in the field of psychology. The abstracts cover a wide range of topics, including the influence of enterprise network tie strength on innovation performance, the impact of third-party logistics procurement models on mental health, and the effects of peer feedback on anxiety and written production. The studies provide valuable insights into their respective fields and offer guidance for further research. Additionally, the document explores the integration of ideological and political courses in higher vocational colleges, consumer satisfaction with agricultural products in live streaming e-commerce, and the impact of psychological factors on economic growth. The studies contribute to a better understanding of these areas and provide policy recommendations for improvement. The document also discusses the psychological depths and moral dimensions of Shakespeare's Macbeth, the factors that influence the educational mindset of college teachers, and the coping strategies of students with cognitive psychological disabilities in mathematics. Furthermore, it explores the development of vocational and technical education based on learning psychology, applies Marx's career choice theory in career perspective education, and examines the impact of social media travel sharing on travelers' behavior. The document also investigates the impact of employee stock ownership plans on employee motivation and company productivity, the professional psychological quality of teachers in Teaching Chinese as a Second Language, and the role of positive emotions in alleviating mental exhaustion among college students. These studies provide valuable insights and recommendations for their respective fields of study. [Extracted from the article]

Democratic theory tells us that citizens should be engaged, informed, passionate, reasonable, willing to speak up, ready to listen, and militant but also restrained. Yet we are rarely told how they might achieve this. The challenge is particularly relevant for theories that distinguish between the liberal and democratic principles of our regime with their contradictory ideals of citizenship. This article draws on Plato's reflections on drinking wine with friends in the Laws to argue that the political psychology suggested therein fits the complex ideal of citizenship in a liberal democracy. Furthermore, it shows how extrapolitical and even disreputable social practices can not only help prepare citizens for political life but also enable them to deal with the inequalities that inevitably contaminate it. Weaving together law, contestation, reason, and passion, the Platonic account articulates the psychological burdens of citizenship in a liberal democracy and suggests ways to cope with them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many efforts to persuade others politically employ interpersonal conversations. A recurring question is whether the participants in such conversations are more readily persuaded by others who share their demographic characteristics. Echoing concerns that individuals have difficulties communicating across differences, research finds that individuals perceive demographically similar people as more trustworthy, suggesting shared demographics could facilitate persuasion. In a survey of practitioners and scholars, we find many share these expectations. However, dual-process theories suggest that messenger attributes are typically peripheral cues that should not influence persuasion when individuals are effortfully thinking, such as during interpersonal conversations. Supporting this view, we analyze data from eight experiments on interpersonal conversations across four topics (total N = 6, 139) and find that shared demographics (age, gender, or race) do not meaningfully increase their effects. These results are encouraging for the scalability of conversation interventions, and suggest voters can persuade each other across differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the profound impact of Ludwig von Mises's Human Action, emphasizing its significance as a major work in economics comparable to eighteenth-century philosophical classics. Topics include Mises's contributions to technical economics, his influence on the revival of the Austrian school and Cold War intellectual movements, and his role in advancing property rights economics, law and economics, and Public Choice economics.

I argue that the gender-role incongruity between being a woman and the masculine stereotypes of political leadership roles will lead to more ambivalence about women relative to men and that gendered traits will comprise the content of these ambivalent attitudes. I analyze attitudinal ambivalence toward female candidates using ANES data. The results find that ambivalence is higher among voters who hold cross-pressured identities as strong partisans with sexist beliefs for both Democratic and Republican women. In 2016, individuals held stronger ambivalent attitudes about Hillary Clinton even among strong Democrats but there was very little ambivalence in attitudes about Trump. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prevalence of job insecurity is increasing due to technological, geopolitical, and environmental changes worldwide, leading to negative stress‐related reactions and health outcomes for employees and productivity loss for organizations. Despite these consequences, few recommendations exist for how people can effectively cope with perceived job insecurity to mitigate stress‐related reactions. Drawing from resource‐based stress theories, we highlight job embeddedness, which captures contextual resources derived from on‐the‐job and off‐the‐job domains, as a key factor shaping employee's stress‐related reactions to job insecurity. Data collected at three time points over 12 months from 483 employees in various organizations in Japan reveals that on‐the‐job embeddedness exacerbates the positive relationships of job insecurity with both emotional exhaustion and chronic insomnia, whereas off‐the‐job embeddedness mitigates these associations. This study contributes to the literature by identifying off‐the‐job embeddedness as a bundle of contextual resources that helps employees cope with perceived job insecurity and demonstrating the contrasting effects of the two dimensions of embeddedness in shaping health‐related consequences of job insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Homo Sovieticus Washed Ashore: A Research Agenda for Studying the Second Wave of the Russian Emigration" by Benjamin Tromly explores the experiences of Soviet citizens who left the country during World War II. These individuals, known as the second wave of emigrants, faced challenges such as forced displacement, wartime collaboration, and the struggle to avoid repatriation. The article highlights the complex identities, political activities, and cultural interactions of these emigrants, shedding light on how Soviet subjects adapted to new environments and grappled with issues of national identity and political culture. Researchers can explore these themes by examining personal papers, archives, and historical sources related to the second-wave emigrants. [Extracted from the article]

A superordinate identity unites different subgroups into an overarching, common one. But does superordinate identification then improve or worsen attitudes towards the former outgroup? The common ingroup identity model (CIIM) asserts that recategorization ameliorates outgroup bias by reducing perceptions of intergroup threat. It predicts that superordinate identification will improve intergroup relations by promoting tolerance and acceptance of diversity. In contrast, the ingroup project model (IPM) asserts that identifying superordinately will actually exacerbate outgroup bias because ingroup members naturally project their own characteristics onto the superordinate category and will more strongly dislike the former outgroup for not fitting the "correct" superordinate prototype. Existing evidence—largely drawn from psychology lab experiments, not real‐world situations—suggests both models can be correct insofar as ingroup projection only occurs under certain conditions. In that case, which model is correct for European identity? Results from original survey data collected in three European countries (Germany, Poland, and the United Kingdom) show that increased identification with Europe is almost always associated with more favorable attitudes towards outgroup immigrants, even among those most likely to engage in ingroup projection. Future research should continue to investigate when and why this inclusivity does—and does not—hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text discusses the underrepresentation of women in American politics, focusing on the concept of the "gendered qualification gap." The gap arises from voters evaluating men's and women's qualifications differently, impacting female candidates' electoral success. The text explores how gender and partisanship intersect to influence voters' perceptions of candidates, highlighting the challenges faced by Republican women. It also delves into the impact of masculine personality traits on political ambition and representation, emphasizing the need for further research on gender biases in politics. [Extracted from the article]

We analyze in this article the effects of personality on attitudes toward foreign policy through a comprehensive aspect-level approach. We claim that previous observed null domain-level effects are the product of the aspect-level effects of opposing signs. By and large, we show that some personality effects are of comparable size or bigger than demographics studied in the literature, and that some of these effects are unique and independent of demographic covariates. Our results show that openness, orderliness, and compassion render people to be more supportive of cooperation. Assertiveness is the primary driver of support for the use of military force, whereas politeness and withdrawal ground reverse effects. Volatility roots isolationism postures, whereas industriousness, enthusiasm, and compassion show strong opposing effects. Moving beyond the Big Five personality domain approach provides us with a deeper and more nuanced understanding of how personality is associated with attitudes toward international issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Populism in Sport, Leisure, and Popular Culture" is a book that explores the presence of populism in various aspects of society, including sports, leisure activities, and popular culture. The book is divided into three parts and covers a range of topics, including the history of leisure and sport, the relationship between populism and sports organizations, the use of media and television in promoting populistic figures, and the connection between populism and music festivals. The book also examines specific national contexts and settings, such as Greece, Italy, Brazil, and Latin America, and analyzes the role of sport in the populist discourse of former US President Donald Trump. Overall, the book provides a comprehensive analysis of the manifestations of populism in sport and leisure activities, offering international examples and insights into the impact of populism on society. [Extracted from the article]

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System justification theory (SJT) is a thriving field of research, wherein the primary questions revolve around why individuals and groups are motivated to see the systems they depend on as just, fair, and legitimate. This article seeks to answer how accurate the postulates of SJT are when compared to competing self‐interest claims of social identity and social dominance theory. We addressed the ongoing debates among proponents of each theory by identifying who, when, and why individuals decide to system‐justify. We used data comprised of 24,009 participants nested within 42 countries. Multilevel models largely supported the competing claims of social dominance and social identity theories over SJT. The most robust findings were: (1) greater objective socioeconomic status (SES) was associated with greater system justification; (2) the consistent positive relationship between subjective SES and system justification was partially mediated by life satisfaction; and (3) both ends of the political spectrum were willing to system‐justify more when the political party they favored was in power. The results presented are used to discuss both the current state and the future directions for system justification research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the post‐Brexit increase in applications for Irish passports through descent, and in so doing, seeks to develop a social/political psychology of diasporic citizenship. It draws on a focus group and 10 individual interviews, all conducted in 2018–19; participants were all based in England and had applied, or were in the process of applying, for Irish passports through descent in the aftermath of Brexit. Analysis, using perspectives from discursive psychology, attended to both rhetoric and narratives of citizenship in participants' talk about the application process and identification with Ireland and Irishness. Participants draw on discourses of both effortfulness and essentialism in working up claims to Irish identity, with effortfulness in acquiring transnational knowledge being particularly central in rhetorically legitimizing less secure claims. The analysis thus builds on previous political psychological work highlighting the centrality of “effortfulness” to contemporary constructions of citizenship, particularly in the United Kingdom (Anderson & Gibson, 2020; Gibson, 2009). It is furthermore suggested that explicitly labeled “noneffortfulness” can act as a rhetorical marker of belonging. The implications of these findings for concepts of diasporic citizenship and debates around jus soli versus jus sanguinis citizenship in both Ireland and Britain are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Narratives of racialized sexual violence—specifically, where a dominant-group woman faces harm by a man outside the dominant group—have long been a staple of American political communication. Past scholarship has examined how these threats prime racial resentment among White Americans; less is known about their gendered effects. I present an original survey experiment comparing racialized sexual threats with racialized threats that are not gendered or sexual. Both evoke racial resentment. Compared with solely racial threats, however, racialized sexual threats also make benevolent sexism salient for a range of democratic outcomes. Moreover, I find distinct effects by respondent race and gender, as men and women of different racial identities are situated differently vis a vis racialized sexual threats. To demonstrate that the gendered/sexualized impact of these appeals extends to real-world campaigns, I conclude with an analysis of candidate support in the 1988 presidential election. The 1988 race saw one of the most notorious examples of racialized sexual threat in modern American politics in the "Willie Horton" ad, aired on behalf of the Bush campaign. Even with the limited measures available in that year, I find that sexism played an important role in shaping Americans' political views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]