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Violence against women in politics (VAWIP) is an urgent problem worldwide. A fundamental goal of VAWIP - and gender and politics scholarship broadly - is to create safer, less toxic, and more inclusive decision-making spaces for everyone. In work with Cheryl N. Collier, we apply the concepts and methods of political science (specifically, feminist institutionalism) to legislative codes of conduct and policies on sexual harassment. [Extracted from the article]

"Sexual Harassment in the UK Parliament: Lessons from the #MeToo Era" by Christina Julios is a comprehensive book that examines the impact of the #MeToo movement on the male-dominated culture of legislatures, with a focus on the UK Parliament. Julios analyzes specific cases of sexual harassment in British politics and explores the broader sociocultural, historical, and legal contexts of sexual harassment in British society. The book also discusses the efforts made by the UK Parliament to address sexual harassment and reflects on the lessons learned from the #MeToo movement. Overall, this well-documented book provides valuable insights into the intersection of gender and power in politics and contributes to the scholarship on gender and politics in the UK and the Global North. [Extracted from the article]

Since the #MeToo movement, several countries have taken steps to address sexual harassment in politics (for example, the United States, United Kingdom and Canada). While researchers have evaluated the electability of candidates accused of sexual harassment, less is known about what the public thinks should happen when elected officials engage in this behaviour. Utilizing an innovative module from the 2019 Canadian Election Study, we assess the steps voters believe legislatures should take when an MP sexually harasses someone. Our results demonstrate that a vast majority of the public believes that MPs should face consequences when they commit sexual harassment, including potential removal from office. We also find that women are more likely than men to believe MPs should be punished when they are accused of sexual harassment. These findings have relevance for legislatures globally, revealing the importance of transparent, independent processes to address harassment and violence in the political sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public opinion on national identity in Canada is changing. Using data from the International Social Science Programme, this essay presents evidence that most Canadians have a strong national identity rooted in universal conceptions that everyone can share, such as citizenship. Data also show, however, that a growing number of Canadians define their national identity narrowly, such as through birthplace and religion. Drawing on research from social psychology, the essay suggests that theories of Canadian identity need to take into account the fact that many Canadians have strong national identities that do hOt fit cleanly into the civic/ethnic theoretical dichotomy. L'opinion publique sur l'identite nationale au Canada evolue. A l'aide de donnees tirees du programme international des sciences sociales (ISSP), cet article presente des preuves que la plupart des Canadiens possedent une identite nationale solide enracinee dans des concepts universels que tout le monde peut partager, comme la citoyennete. Toutefois, ces donnees montrent aussi qu'un nombre croissant de Canadiens definissent leur identite nationale de facon etroite, comme par le lieu de naissance et la religion. En s'inspirant de recherches de psychologie sociale, l'article suggere que les theories sur l'identite canadienne devraient tenir compte du fait que beaucoup de Canadiens ont une forte identite nationale qui ne s'integre pas facilement dans la dichotomie theorique civique/ethnique.

The Canadian and British Houses of Commons have both recently adopted formal rules to address the problem of sexual misconduct in their parliaments. Using Feminist Institutionalism, we examine how these rules have been constrained or enabled by parliamentary privilege in both countries. As a result of their divergent historical approaches to privilege, we argue that the British House of Commons' new rules are better suited to address this issue relative to its Canadian counterpart. This outcome has differential consequences for women and minorities who are the most vulnerable to abuse in each parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the symbolic construction of Canadian national identity by the 1993-2006 Liberal governments and the 2006-2015 Conservative governments. To do so, it employs the concept of a 'national symbolic order', which refers to the complex set of public symbols that invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity. Within Canada's national symbolic order, we focus on the state's use of national symbols across two domains: Speeches from the Throne and banknotes. Our analysis shows that Canada's recent Conservative government has used both of these domains to reshape Canadian national identity in ways that accord with neo-conservative values and ideology, and that it has done so in a coherent, consistent, and comprehensive fashion. This analysis highlights the symbolic strategies employed by state actors in linking particular ideologies to their nation-building projects; these strategies span multiple political and policy spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, the Conservative government announced that its new citizenship guide, Discover Canada, would replace the previous guide that had been in place since 1995. Using a discourse analysis, this article assesses the nation-building strategies employed by the Conservative government in this new guide. The central argument is that Discover Canada advances a version of the Canadian nation tied to socially and economically conservative values as well as law and order issues. This neo-conservative national identity has important implications for national belonging and membership not only for prospective citizens to Canada, but also for Canada's historical national minorities, including Quebec and Aboriginal peoples. En 2009, le gouvernement conservateur a annoncé son nouveau guide de la citoyenneté. Découvrir le Canada, lequel remplacerait le précédent guide en place depuis 1995. En utilisant une analyse du discours, cette étude évalue les stratégies de renforcement de la nation employées par le gouvernement conservateur dans ce nouveau guide. L'argument central est que Découvrir le Canada est une version de la nation canadienne attachée à des valeurs socialement et économiquement conservatrices ainsi que des questions d'ordre public. Cette identité nationale néo-conservatrice a des implications impor-tantes pour l'appartenance nationale et l'adhésion non seulement pour les citoyens éventuels au Canada, mais aussi pour les minorités nationales historiques du Canada, y compris les peuples québécois et autochtones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the use of public policy to construct a Canadian identity has been established in the literature, what is less well understood is whether national identity, once established, might shape Canadians' feelings about these same public policies. This article examines the extent to which citizens' national identities influence their pride in Canada's social security system, and how this relationship may be changing over time. Using data from the International Social Science Programme's 1995 and 2003 National Identity Modules, the article argues that citizens' national identities help explain the contours of social security attitudes in Canada, and that this relationship persists despite significant policy change in the field. Additionally, the paper suggests that political actors may successfully increase public support for their social security policies by “framing” them in ways that appeal to citizens' definitions of Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public opinion on national identity in Canada is changing. Using data from the International Social Science Programme, this essay presents evidence that most Canadians have a strong national identity rooted in universal conceptions that everyone can share, such as citizenship. Data also show, however, that a growing number of Canadians define their national identity narrowly, such as through birthplace and religion. Drawing on research from social psychology, the essay suggests that theories of Canadian identity need to take into account the fact that many Canadians have strong national identities that do not fit cleanly into the civic/ethnic theoretical dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several articles of information are presented, including the journal's prizes for academic papers, information for contributors and the issue's back cover.

Several articles of information on the journal are presented, including the issue's front cover, a list of the journal's editors and the issue's table of contents.