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Readers rely on sentence context to generate predictions about the upcoming words so that processing of their visual forms is less necessary. Consequently, processing of an orthographic neighbor of a strongly predicted word is facilitated by that context (as indicated by a reduced N400 ERP amplitude), regardless of the perceived item’s lexicality (i.e., whether it is a real word or a pseudoword). The current study investigated whether lexicality becomes important when the sentence context is less helpful in generating predictions. Our findings indicate that in weakly constraining sentences, the lexical status of a word impacts word recognition processes as indicated by a left anterior negativity, suggesting that readers rely on sublexical properties of words in the absence of strong expectations.

The debate about how attention is allocated during readinghas been framed in as: Either attention is allocated in a strictlyserial manner, to support the identification of one word at atime, or it is allocated as a gradient, to support the concurrentprocessing of multiple words. The first part of this article re-views reading models to examine the feasibility of both posi-tions. Although word-identification and sentence-processingmodels assume that words are identified serially to incremen-tally build larger units of representation, discourse-processingmodel allow several propositions to be co-active in workingmemory. The remainder of this article then describes an in-stance-based model of word identification, Über-Reader, andsimulations comparing the identification of single words andword pairs. These simulations indicate that, although wordpairs can be identified, accurate identification is restricted toshort high-frequency words due to the computational de-mands of both memory retrieval and limited visual acuity.

Theories of reading posit that decisions about "where" and "when" to move the eyes are driven by visual and linguistic factors, extracted from the perceptual span and word identification span, respectively. We tested this hypothesized dissociation by masking, outside of a visible window, either the spaces between the words (to assess the perceptual span, Experiment 1) or the letters within the words (to assess the word identification span, Experiment 2). We also investigated whether deaf readers' previously reported larger reading span was specifically linked to one of these spans. We analyzed reading rate to test overall reading efficiency, as well as average saccade length to test "where" decisions and average fixation duration to test "when" decisions. Both hearing and deaf readers' perceptual spans extended between 10 and 14 characters, and their word identification spans extended to eight characters to the right of fixation. Despite similar sized rightward spans, deaf readers read more efficiently overall and showed a larger increase in reading rate when leftward text was available, suggesting they attend more to leftward information. Neither rightward span was specifically related to where or when decisions for either group. Our results challenge the assumed dissociation between type of reading span and type of saccade decision and indicate that reading efficiency requires access to both perceptual and linguistic information in the parafovea. Public Significance Statement: Our work shows that reading efficiency requires access to both perceptual and linguistic information in the upcoming text. In addition, skilled deaf readers have a unique reading profile hallmarked by faster reading rates, fewer skipped words, and less rereading of text without loss of comprehension. Deaf readers also attend more to information to the left of fixation, perhaps due to changes in visual attention that occur with early deafness and/or sign language experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about how information to the left of fixation impacts reading and how it may help to integrate what has been read into the context of the sentence. To better understand the role of this leftward information and how it may be beneficial during reading, we compared the sizes of the leftward span for reading-matched deaf signers (n = 32) and hearing adults (n = 40) using a gaze-contingent moving window paradigm with windows of 1, 4, 7, 10, and 13 characters to the left, as well as a no-window condition. All deaf participants were prelingually and profoundly deaf, used American Sign Language (ASL) as a primary means of communication, and were exposed to ASL before age eight. Analysis of reading rates indicated that deaf readers had a leftward span of 10 characters, compared to four characters for hearing readers, and the size of the span was positively related to reading comprehension ability for deaf but not hearing readers. These findings suggest that deaf readers may engage in continued word processing of information obtained to the left of fixation, making reading more efficient, and showing a qualitatively different reading process than hearing readers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm reported a "reversed preview benefit"--shorter fixations on a target word when an unrelated preview was easier to process than the fixated target (Schotter & Leinenger, 2016). This is explained via "forced fixations"--short fixations on words that would ideally be skipped (because lexical processing has progressed enough) but could not be because saccade planning reached a point of no return. This contrasts with accounts of preview effects via "trans-saccadic integration"--shorter fixations on a target word when the preview is more similar to it (see Cutter, Drieghe, & Liversedge, 2015). In addition, if the previewed word--not the fixated target--determines subsequent eye movements, is it also this word that enters the linguistic processing stream? We tested these accounts by having 24 subjects read 150 sentences in the boundary paradigm in which both the preview and target were initially plausible but later one, both, or neither became implausible, providing an opportunity to probe which one was linguistically encoded. In an intervening buffer region, both words were plausible, providing an opportunity to investigate trans-saccadic integration. The frequency of the previewed word affected progressive saccades (i.e., forced fixations) as well as when trans-saccadic integration failure increased regressions, but, only the implausibility of the target word affected semantic encoding. These data support a hybrid account of saccadic control (Reingold, Reichle, Glaholt, & Sheridan, 2012) driven by incomplete (often parafoveal) word recognition, which occurs prior to complete (often foveal) word recognition.

People often need to plan how to allocate their attention across different tasks. In this paper, we run two experiments to study a stylized version of this attention-allocation problem between strategic tasks. More specifically, we present subjects with pairs of 2 × 2 games, and for each pair, we give them 10 seconds to decide how they would split a fixed time budget between the two games. Then, subjects play both games without time constraints, and we use eye-tracking to estimate the fraction of time they spend on each game. We find that subjects' planned and actual attention allocation differ and identify the determinants of this mismatch. Further, we argue that misallocations can be relevant in games in which a player's strategy choice is sensitive to the time taken to reach a decision. This paper was accepted by Yan Chen, behavioral economics and decision analysis. Funding: Work on this project was provided by the National Science Foundation [Grant SES 1724550] "Collaborative Research: Attention in Games and Decisions," awarded to A. Schotter and E. R. Schotter. The work of M. Ribeiro and M. Zou was supported by the Center for Experimental Economics Social Science at New York University. Supplemental Material: The online appendix and data are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2023.4834. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of preview benefit in reading hinge on integration across saccades and the idea that preview benefit is greater the more similar the preview and target are. Schotter (2013) reported preview benefit from a synonymous preview, but it is unclear whether this effect occurs because of similarity between the preview and target (i.e., integration), or because of contextual fit of the preview--synonyms satisfy both accounts. Studies in Chinese have found evidence for preview benefit for words that are unrelated to the target, but are contextually plausible (Yang, Li, Wang, Slattery, & Rayner, 2014; Yang, Wang, Tong, & Rayner, 2012), which is incompatible with an integration account but supports a contextual fit account. Here, we used plausible and implausible unrelated previews in addition to plausible synonym, antonym, and identical previews to further investigate these accounts for readers of English. Early reading measures were shorter for all plausible preview conditions compared to the implausible preview condition. In later reading measures, a benefit for the plausible unrelated preview condition was not observed. In a second experiment, we asked questions that probed whether the reader encoded the preview or target. Readers were more likely to report the preview when they had skipped the word and not regressed to it, and when the preview was plausible. Thus, under certain circumstances, the preview word is processed to a high level of representation (i.e., semantic plausibility) regardless of its relationship to the target, but its influence on reading is relatively short-lived, being replaced by the target word, when fixated.

Previous research indicates that removing initial strokes from Chinese characters makes them harder to read than removing final or internal ones. In the present study, we examined the contribution of important components to character configuration via singular value decomposition. The results indicated that when the least important segments, which did not seriously alter the configuration (contour) of the character, were deleted, subjects read as fast as when no segments were deleted. When the most important segments, which are located in the left side of a character and written first, were deleted, reading speed was greatly slowed. These results suggest that singular value decomposition, which has no information about stroke writing order, can identify the most important strokes for Chinese character identification. Furthermore, they also suggest that contour may be correlated with stroke writing order. (Contains 3 tables and 8 figures.)

Do we access information from any object we can see, or do we access information only from objects that we intend to name? In 3 experiments using a modified multiple object naming paradigm, subjects were required to name several objects in succession when previews appeared briefly and simultaneously in the same location as the target as well as at another location. In Experiment 1, "preview benefit"--faster processing of the target when the preview was related (a mirror image of the target) compared to unrelated (semantically and phonologically)--was found for the preview in the target location but not a location that was never to be named. In Experiment 2, preview benefit was found if a related preview appeared in either the target location or the third-to-be-named location. Experiment 3 showed the difference between results from the first 2 experiments was not due to the number of objects on the screen. These data suggest that attention serves to gate visual input about objects based on the intention to name them and that information from one intended-to-be-named object can facilitate processing of an object in another location. (Contains 3 tables, 2 figures and 6 footnotes.)

Readers extract information from a word from parafoveal vision prior to looking at it. It has been argued that parafoveal perception allows readers to initiate linguistic processes, but it is unclear which stages of word processing are engaged: the process of extracting letter information to recognize words, or the process of extracting meaning to comprehend them. This study used the event‐related brain potential (ERP) technique to investigate how word recognition (indexed by the N400 effect for unexpected or anomalous compared to expected words) and semantic integration (indexed by the Late‐positive component; LPC effect for anomalous compared to expected words) are or are not elicited when the word is perceived only in parafoveal vision. Participants read a target word following a sentence that made it expected, unexpected, or anomalous, and read the sentences presented three words at a time in the Rapid Serial Visual Presentation (RSVP) with flankers paradigm so that words were perceived in parafoveal and foveal vision. We orthogonally manipulated whether the target word was masked in parafoveal and/or foveal vision to dissociate the processing associated with perception of the target word from either location. We found that the N400 effect was generated from parafoveally perceived words, and was reduced for foveally perceived words if they were previously perceived parafoveally. In contrast, the LPC effect was only elicited if the word was perceived foveally, suggesting that readers must attend to a word directly in foveal vision in order to attempt to integrate its meaning into the sentence context. Our results show that readers can perform word recognition, as indexed by the N400 effect for unexpected or anomalous compared to expected words, for both parafoveally and foveally perceived words. However, parafoveal vision is insufficient for semantic integration, as indexed by the LPC effect for anomalous compared to expected words, because the LPC effect was not observed when the word was only perceived parafoveally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The processing of abbreviations in reading was examined with an eye movement experiment. Abbreviations were of 2 distinct types: acronyms (abbreviations that can be read with the normal grapheme-phoneme correspondence [GPC] rules, such as NASA) and initialisms (abbreviations in which the GPCs are letter names, such as NCAA). Parafoveal and foveal processing of these abbreviations was assessed with the use of the boundary change paradigm (K. Rayner, 1975). Using this paradigm, previews of the abbreviations were either identical to the abbreviation (NASA or NCAA), orthographically legal (NUSO or NOBA), or illegal (NRSB or NRBA). The abbreviations were presented as capital letter strings within normal, predominantly lowercase sentences and also sentences in all capital letters such that the abbreviations would not be visually distinct. The results indicate that acronyms and initialisms undergo different processing during reading and that readers can modulate their processing based on low-level visual cues (distinct capitalization) in parafoveal vision. In particular, readers may be biased to process capitalized letter strings as initialisms in parafoveal vision when the rest of the sentence is normal, lowercase letters. (Contains 2 tables and 6 footnotes.)

Prior research suggests that we may access the meaning of parafoveal words during reading. We explored how semantic‐plausibility parafoveal processing takes place in natural reading through the co‐registration of eye movements (EM) and fixation‐related potentials (FRPs), using the boundary paradigm. We replicated previous evidence of semantic parafoveal processing from highly controlled reading situations, extending their findings to more ecologically valid reading scenarios. Additionally, and exploring the time‐course of plausibility preview effects, we found distinct but complementary evidence from EM and FRPs measures. FRPs measures, showing a different trend than EM evidence, revealed that plausibility preview effects may be long‐lasting. We highlight the importance of a co‐registration set‐up in ecologically valid scenarios to disentangle the mechanisms related to semantic‐plausibility parafoveal processing. In a co‐registration set‐up during natural sentence reading, we provide fixation‐related potentials & eye movements evidence of semantic parafoveal processing. Our findings demonstrate the validity of traditional contributions from highly controlled reading paradigms, while highlighting the importance of a co‐registration set‐up in ecological situations to disentangle the mechanisms behind semantic parafoveal processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilinguals occasionally produce language intrusion errors (inadvertent translations of the intended word), especially when attempting to produce function word targets, and often when reading aloud mixed-language paragraphs. We investigate whether these errors are due to a failure of attention during speech planning, or failure of monitoring speech output by classifying errors based on whether and when they were corrected, and investigating eye movement behaviour surrounding them. Prior research on this topic has primarily tested alphabetic languages (e.g., Spanish–English bilinguals) in which part of speech is confounded with word length, which is related to word skipping (i.e., decreased attention). Therefore, we tested 29 Chinese–English bilinguals whose languages differ in orthography, visually cueing language membership, and for whom part of speech (in Chinese) is less confounded with word length. Despite the strong orthographic cue, Chinese–English bilinguals produced intrusion errors with similar effects as previously reported (e.g., especially with function word targets written in the dominant language). Gaze durations did differ by whether errors were made and corrected or not, but these patterns were similar for function and content words and therefore cannot explain part of speech effects. However, bilinguals regressed to words produced as errors more often than to correctly produced words, but regressions facilitated correction of errors only for content, not for function words. These data suggest that the vulnerability of function words to language intrusion errors primarily reflects automatic retrieval and failures of speech monitoring mechanisms from stopping function versus content word errors after they are planned for production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can cognition influence reading speed (i.e., the timing of saccades-eye fixations) when language processing (i.e., word recognition) seems so much slower? This paper suggests that the answer to this question requires two assumptions: (1) the triggering of saccades is based on partial, rather than complete, word recognition and (2) readers preview words in parafoveal vision prior to fixating them, allowing for a head-start on linguistic processing. I propose a novel theoretical framework about the use of parafoveal preview in reading (i.e., a hybrid account of forced fixations and transsaccadic integration) and provide evidence for that framework from eye tracking studies, electrophysiology studies, and computational models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, Bélanger, Slattery, Mayberry and Rayner showed, using the moving-window paradigm, that profoundly deaf adults have a wider perceptual span during reading relative to hearing adults matched on reading level. This difference might be related to the fact that deaf adults allocate more visual attention to simple stimuli in the parafovea. Importantly, this reorganization of visual attention in deaf individuals is already manifesting in deaf children. This leads to questions about the time course of the emergence of an enhanced perceptual span (which is under attentional control) in young deaf readers. The present research addressed this question by comparing the perceptual spans of young deaf readers (age 7-15) and young hearing readers (age 7-15). Young deaf readers, like deaf adults, were found to have a wider perceptual span relative to their hearing peers matched on reading level, suggesting that strong and early reorganization of visual attention in deaf individuals goes beyond the processing of simple visual stimuli and emerges into more cognitively complex tasks, such as reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current theories of eye movement control in reading posit that processing of an upcoming parafoveal preview word is used to facilitate processing of that word once it is fixated (i.e., as a foveal target word). This preview benefit is demonstrated by shorter fixation durations in the case of valid (i.e., identical or linguistically similar) compared with invalid (i.e., dissimilar) preview conditions. However, we suggest that processing of the preview can directly influence fixation behavior on the target, independent of similarity between them. In Experiment 1, unrelated high and low frequency words were used as orthogonally crossed previews and targets and we observed a reversed preview benefit for low frequency targets--shorter fixation durations with an invalid, higher frequency preview compared with a valid, low frequency preview. In Experiment 2, the target words were replaced with orthographically legal and illegal nonwords and we found a similar effect of preview frequency on fixation durations on the targets, as well as a bimodal distribution in the illegal nonword target conditions with a denser early peak for high than low frequency previews. In Experiment 3, nonwords were used as previews for high and low frequency targets, replicating standard findings that "denied" preview increases fixation durations and the influence of target properties. These effects can be explained by forced fixations, cases in which fixations on the target were shortened as a consequence of the timing of word recognition of the preview relative to the time course of saccade programming to that word from the prior one. That is, the preview word was (at least partially) recognized so that it should have been skipped, but the word could not be skipped because the saccade to that word was in a nonlabile stage. In these cases, the system preinitiates the subsequent saccade off the upcoming word to the following word and the intervening fixation is short. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During reading, some information about the word to the right of fixation in the parafovea is typically acquired prior to that word being fixated. Although some degree parafoveal processing is uncontroversial, its precise nature and extent are unclear. For example, can it advance up to the level of semantic processing? Additionally, can it extend across more than two spatially adjacent words? Affirmative answers to either of these questions would seemingly be problematic for serial-attention models of eye-movement control in reading, which maintain that attention is allocated to only one word at a time (see Reichle, 2011). However, in this paper we report simulation results using one such model, E-Z Reader (Reichle, Pollatsek, Fisher, & Rayner, 1998), to examine the two preceding questions. These results suggest the existence of both semantic preview andN+2 preview effects, indicating that they are not incompatible with serial-attention models. We discuss the implications of these findings for models of eye-movement control in reading and provide a new theoretical framework for conceptualizing parafoveal processing during reading and its influence on eye movement behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speakers should be motivated to produce easy-to-understand sentences, but they must successfully say sentences that are harder to produce. Four experiments assessed how verb bias influences the mention of the optional "that" in sentence-complement structures. Without the "that", such sentences can be incor-rectly interpreted as including direct objects (garden paths), and especially so after direct-object-biased verbs (compared to embedded-clause-biased verbs). But direct-object-biased verbs are rarely produced as sentence-complement structures, and so they might be harder to produce as such. Experiments 1 and 2 show that speakers mention the "that" more after direct-object-biased verbs than after embedded-clause-biased verbs. Experiment 3a shows that sentences with verbs biased toward neither direct objects nor embedded subjects were often produced with the "that", and Experiment 3b shows that postverbal noun phrases after neither-biased verbs are interpreted as direct objects less than direct-object-biased verbs and so should cause a milder garden path. Thus, frequent "that" mention is not sensitive to the tendency of a verb to be followed by a direct object, but by how rarely the verb has been produced in the formulated structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study employs a stereoscopic manipulation to present sentences in three dimensions to subjects as they read for comprehension. Subjects read sentences with (a) no depth cues, (b) a monocular depth cue that implied the sentence loomed out of the screen (i.e., increasing retinal size), (c) congruent monocular and binocular (retinal disparity) depth cues (i.e., both implied the sentence loomed out of the screen) and (d) incongruent monocular and binocular depth cues (i.e., the monocular cue implied the sentence loomed out of the screen and the binocular cue implied it receded behind the screen). Reading efficiency was mostly unaffected, suggesting that reading in three dimensions is similar to reading in two dimensions. Importantly, fixation disparity was driven by retinal disparity; fixations were significantly more crossed as readers progressed through the sentence in the congruent condition and significantly more uncrossed in the incongruent condition. We conclude that disparity depth cues are used on-line to drive binocular coordination during reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processing linguistic information from words parafoveally leads to faster reading (Schotter et al., 2012), but does that mean that words are identified before they are fixated? Fixation times are not only shorter when the preview is valid (i.e., identical or similar to the fixated target; Vasilev & Angele, 2018), but also when it is plausible, regardless of its similarity to the target (Schotter & Jia, 2016; Veldre & Andrews, 2016). This latter finding suggests that readers may identify the meanings of words without looking at them, based entirely on the preview, and that representation is may not be overridden by information obtained when a different target word is subsequently fixated. We tested whether readers maintain the meaning of the preview with a gaze-contingent display change study (Rayner, 1975) and subsequent plausibility manipulation. Both the preview and target were plausible when encountered and in an immediately following region, and we manipulated the end of the sentence so that the different preview was either rendered implausible (in critical sentences) or maintained its plausibility (in neutral sentences). Regressions from the end of the sentence increased when the preview was rendered implausible, indicating that the preview's meaning had been encoded. These data add to a growing body of research suggesting that semantic information is obtained during preview, to the point where word meaning is accessed. Furthermore, these findings extend prior work to suggest that the meaning of the fixated target word does not always replace the meaning that was accessed from the parafoveal preview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Word recognition begins before a reader looks directly at a word, as demonstrated by the parafoveal preview benefit and word skipping. Both low-level form and high-level semantic features can be accessed in parafoveal vision and used to promote reading efficiency. However, words are not recognized in isolation during reading; once a semantic representation is retrieved, it must be integrated with the broader sentence context. One open question about parafoveal processing is whether it is limited to shallow stages of lexico-semantic activation or extends to semantic integration. In the present two-experiment study, we recorded event-related brain potentials in response to a sentence-final word that was presented in foveal or parafoveal vision and was either expected, unexpected, or anomalous in the sentence context. We found that word recognition, indexed by the N400, ensued regardless of perception location whereas identification of the semantic fit of a word in its sentence context, indexed by the late positive component, was only observed for foveally perceived but not parafoveally perceived words. This pattern was not sensitive to task differences that promote different levels of orthographic scrutiny, as manipulated between the two experiments. These findings demonstrate separate roles for parafoveal and foveal processing in reading. Public Significance Statement: There has long been a public interest in the prospect of speed reading, but scientists have repeatedly challenged this possibility, pointing out that there is a tradeoff between reading speed and accuracy. In particular, if a reader skims the text and does not look at all or most of the words (as during "speed reading"), they cannot comprehend the text as well. The present study adds additional support, via neural data, for the idea that looking directly at a word is necessary to perform aspects of the reading process that lead to a higher level of understanding of a word and its context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Readers extract visual and linguistic information not only from fixated words but also upcoming parafoveal words to introduce new input efficiently into the language processing pipeline. The lexical frequency of upcoming words and similarity with subsequent foveal information both influence the amount of time people spend once they fixate the word foveally. However, it is unclear from eye movements alone the extent to which parafoveal word processing, and the integration of that word with foveally obtained information, continues after saccade plans have been initiated. To investigate the underlying neural processes involved in word recognition after saccade planning, we coregistered electroencephalogram (EEG) and eye movements during a gaze-contingent display change paradigm. We orthogonally manipulated the frequency of the parafoveal and foveal words and measured fixation related potentials (FRPs) upon foveal fixation. Eye movements showed primarily an effect of preview frequency, suggesting that saccade planning is based on the familiarity of the parafoveal input. FRPs, on the other hand, demonstrated a disruption in downstream processing when parafoveal and foveal input differed, but only when the parafoveal word was high frequency. These findings demonstrate that lexical processing continues after the eyes have moved away from a word and that eye movements and FRPs provide distinct but complementary accounts about oculomotor behavior and neural processing that cannot be obtained from either method in isolation. Furthermore, these findings put constraints on models of reading by suggesting that lexical processes that occur before an eye movement program is initiated are qualitatively different from those that occur afterward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keith Rayner’s extraordinary scientific career revolutionized the field of reading research and had a major impact on almost all areas of cognitive psychology. In this article, we review some of his most significant contributions. We begin with Rayner’s research on eye movement control, including the development of paradigms for answering questions about the perceptual span and its relationship to attention, reading experience, and linguistic variables. From there we proceed to lexical processing, where we summarize Rayner’s work on effects of word frequency, length, predictability, and the resolution of lexical ambiguity. Next, we turn to syntactic and discourse processing, covering the well-known garden-path model of parsing and briefly reviewing studies of pronoun resolution and inferencing. The next section shifts from language to visual cognition and reviews research which makes use of eye movement techniques to investigate object and scene processing. Next, we summarize Rayner and colleagues’ approach to computational modeling, with a description of the E-Z Reader model linking attention and lexical processing to eye movement control. The final section discusses the issues Rayner and his colleagues were focused on most recently and considers how Rayner’s legacy will continue into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, Bélanger, Slattery, Mayberry and Rayner (2012) showed, using the moving window paradigm, that profoundly deaf adults have a wider perceptual span during reading relative to hearing adults matched on reading level. This difference might be related to the fact that deaf adults allocate more visual attention to simple stimuli in the parafovea (Bavelier, Dye & Hauser, 2006). Importantly, this reorganization of visual attention in deaf individuals is already manifesting in deaf children (Dye, Hauser & Bavelier, 2009). This leads to questions about the time course of the emergence of an enhanced perceptual span (which is under attentional control; Rayner, 2014; Miellet, O'Donnell, & Sereno, 2009) in young deaf readers. The present research addressed this question by comparing the perceptual spans of young deaf readers (age 7-15) and young hearing children (age 7-15). Young deaf readers, like deaf adults, were found to have a wider perceptual span relative to their hearing peers matched on reading level, suggesting that strong and early reorganization of visual attention in deaf individuals goes beyond the processing of simple visual stimuli and emerges into more cognitively complex tasks, such as reading.

Whether readers always identify words in the order they are printed is subject to considerable debate. In the present study, we used the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) to manipulate the preview for a two-word target region (e.g. white walls in My neighbor painted the white walls black ). Readers received an identical ( white walls ), transposed ( walls white ), or unrelated preview ( vodka clubs ). We found that there was a clear cost of having a transposed preview compared to an identical preview, indicating that readers cannot or do not identify words out of order. However, on some measures, the transposed preview condition did lead to faster processing than the unrelated preview condition, suggesting that readers may be able to obtain some useful information from a transposed preview. Implications of the results for models of eye movement control in reading are discussed.

When making a decision, people spend longer looking at the option they ultimately choose compared other options-termed the gaze bias effect-even during their first encounter with the options (Glaholt & Reingold, 2009a, 2009b; Schotter, Berry, McKenzie & Rayner, 2010). Schotter et al. (2010) suggested that this is because people selectively encode decision-relevant information about the options, on-line during the first encounter with them. To extend their findings and test this claim, we recorded subjects' eye movements as they made judgments about pairs of images (i.e., which one was taken more recently or which one was taken longer ago). We manipulated whether both images were presented in the same color content (e.g., both in color or both in black-and-white) or whether they differed in color content and the extent to which color content was a reliable cue to relative recentness of the images. We found that the magnitude of the gaze bias effect decreased when the color content cue was not reliable during the first encounter with the images, but no modulation of the gaze bias effect in remaining time on the trial. These data suggest people do selectively encode decision-relevant information on-line.