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This paper provides a detailed introduction to the structures and practice of ideological and political education in Chinese universities. It draws on a thematic analysis of documents from the Chinese Communist Party and State sources, and data from 24 in-depth interviews with managers of ideological and political education, teaching staff, student counsellors and students from three universities. This paper shows how ideological and political education in Chinese universities has developed into an institutionalized system. It reveals how the practices of ideological and political education institutionalize patriotism as appropriate ideological perspectives for students. It offers empirical evidence of the party-led structures, formal teaching and varied activities that together make up ideological and political education in Chinese universities.

This article considers children's agency within the framework of children's rights education. It starts by considering the ways in which agency is conceptualised within the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the implications for education. The main part of the article offers 10 propositions that offer teachers a variety of tools for thinking about what children's agency means and what they can consciously do to develop it. The article suggests that teachers can plan to develop agency through their curriculum, through the relationships they establish, and through the wider life of the school.

Purpose: This article shows the effects of competing political forces on citizenship education in Turkey during the period of commitment to European Union (EU) accession (1999-2005). Methodology: It draws on textbooks, archival documents and interviews. Whilst Turkey had a history of civic education to promote a secular national ethos and identity, the post-Cold War democratisation movement encouraged the Turkish government in 1995 to attempt to internationalise civics by adding human rights themes. Findings: This effort occurred at a time when the hegemony of the secular nationalist establishment was challenged by the electoral rise of an Islamist party. Although Citizenship and Human Rights course suited the purposes of the secular nationalist establishment, after the EU recognised Turkey as a candidate in 1999, a new political Islamist government, elected in 2002, chose first to align the course with its ideology and later decided to repeal it. By exploring the evolution of the curriculum in a crucial period in which political power was switching from the ideology of secular nationalism to that of religious (Islamist) nationalism, the present study illustrates ways in which external and internal influences may affect citizenship education. In particular, it contributes to debates over the role of international agencies in curriculum change in citizenship education.

This paper examines pedagogical responses to James Banks's concept of "failed citizenship," namely the structural factors that inhibit migrants and minorities from accessing fully functioning citizenship and their human rights. Banks commissioned and published 16 case studies of social studies teachers in different national contexts to illustrate and exemplify transformative civic education. These illustrate his theories of failed citizenship and "transformative citizenship education." Analysing this dataset through the lenses of failed citizenship, human rights and counternarratives, the paper provides empirical evidence to support and illustrate the theories. These minority teachers working in hostile cultural environments are very aware of the dangers of failed citizenship for their students. They use pedagogical strategies that have been theorized in critical race theory and human rights education including countering homogenizing national official narratives and promoting students' counternarratives asserting the value of their heritage languages and cultures and asserting their rights to freedom of expression.

This virtual ethnographic study explores how Chinese university students use social network sites (SNSs) to participate in civic activities. An ideal of "active" citizens is contrasted with good citizens (Crick) and insouciant bystanders. We find that students engage with the civic issues embedded in everyday life; their online civic preferences are often linked to their course of study; their participation may involve overcoming technological controls; and they have difficulty in translating their interest in life-politics (Giddens) from online to offline. We conclude that in China SNSs do open up space for civic participation by youth, but do not yet constitute an idealized public sphere (Habermas). Thus, there is a need to develop citizenship education that encourages young people to reflect on their online practice and develop critical online and offline civic participation.

In 2003, citizenship education had recently been introduced to the national curriculum for England, and the model adopted was proving to be influential in a variety of settings worldwide. We sought to challenge a nationalist version of citizenship education by proposing "education for cosmopolitan citizenship" arguing for citizenship learning founded in human rights, that recognises and builds upon cosmopolitan values at all scales. Building upon David Held's theories of cosmopolitan democracy we examined research data from young people living in communities characterised by diversity. We characterised them as emergent cosmopolitan citizens, who were negotiating daily their multiple loyalties and belongings. Nearly two decades later, many people are less optimistic about the global political climate. In the face of economic difficulties, demographic change and uncertainties, some welcome authoritarian and populist leaders whose rhetoric suggests easy solutions to complex problems, blaming the most vulnerable (e.g., refugees, foreigners) for society's ills. A politics of solidarity and hope is derided as those who have suffered the negative impact of globalisation, economic crisis and austerity policies are urged to put "our people" first. This paper examines various challenges confronting teachers who seek to educate young people for living together in democratic communities in which human rights, justice and peace prevail. We argue that education for human rights and cosmopolitan citizenship is more urgent than ever. Such an education can offer young people alternative narratives, empowering them to struggle for justice in their own lives and those of others.

This article addresses issues of methodology and ethical reflexivity when attempting to investigate the opinions of young people. Drawing specifically on three studies of young people's understandings of citizenship and their views on topical issues, two from England and one from Lebanon, the authors present ways in which the ethical and practical challenges of such research can be met. While acknowledging the power relationship between researchers and informants, they suggest that what they call "pedagogical research approaches" built on a participative methodology can open up a space where both parties benefit. They argue that, when working in schools, teacher educators can take advantage of this status to present themselves simultaneously as insiders and outsiders. The authors have devised what are intended to be non-exploitative research instruments that permit the gathering of useful qualitative data during a short encounter. They illustrate their approach with examples of classroom activities they have developed to provide simultaneously a valid learning experience and usable data.

Citizenship education, defined as learning to live together, requires agreement on certain common principles. One central purpose of a state education system is the transmission of common normative standards such as the human rights and fundamental freedoms that underpin liberal democratic societies. The paper identifies the conceptual roots of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in the sociological concept of utopia and Enlightenment cosmopolitanism. In the UDHR, the vision of freedoms that may promote human flourishing provides a precise way of conceptualising limits on state power. Whilst human rights is not a general theory, the concept has the hugely beneficial property of enabling people whose value systems are diverse and apparently incompatible, nonetheless to recognise and accept common standards and principles that make living in society possible. The implications of this are that human rights education is rightfully recognised as an essential component of citizenship education.

A number of countries in Europe, including the UK, have adopted language and citizenship tests or courses as a requirement for granting citizenship to immigrants. To acquire citizenship, immigrants to the UK must pass a test on British society and culture, or demonstrate progress in the English language. For those with an insufficient command of the language, there is the option in the UK of taking an English for speakers of other languages (ESOL) with citizenship course. These language and citizenship tests and courses are seen by governments as a way of encouraging immigrants to develop the competences believed necessary for social integration. Equally, these are seen as a means for immigrants to demonstrate their willingness to integrate. However, two types of criticisms have been made against compulsory tests and language programmes. The first questions the need for these. The second focuses on whether they are a genuine contribution to preparation for citizenship or whether these, in effect, constitute a gatekeeping mechanism, or otherwise lead to social injustice; related to this is the question of whether the emphasis on language as defining of nationhood and citizenship is a move away from multiculturalism towards a policy of assimilation. In addition, there are issues relating to funding. This paper presents the results of a study of a "skills for life" ESOL course at a community college in London that is specifically intended to help immigrants seeking to qualify for British citizenship. An interview was carried out with staff involved in ESOL at the college, and a focus group discussion was conducted with a student group. The aim of the paper is to provide an account of the experiences of the students in the light of the criticisms that have made against compulsory tests and language programmes. We also examine the impact of policy changes, including funding cuts, on the college and students. Although we found the language and citizenship class to be a positive experience, we note inconsistencies and contradictions in policies and discourses around language. (Contains 3 notes.)

This article evaluates ways in which students on an online Master's programme are learning about citizenship and developing intercultural awareness in spite of the lack of face-to-face interaction. There is still debate about the effectiveness of online courses and whether they provide an adequate substitute for, or even an improvement on, classroom-based learning. We employ qualitative research methods and deploy instruments for analysing constructivist learning to evaluate the extent to which students are constructing knowledge through online discussions as well as learning from research-led teaching materials. We also analyse online discussions for evidence of social presence, including the interventions of the course tutor. We conclude that students do feel themselves to be members of an international learning community and that their interactions can promote higher-order learning. We draw attention to some advantages of online courses such as the possibility of crafting a contribution and the availability of discussions as a resource. (Contains 1 table.)

This article comments on keynote speeches given by Keith Ajegbo and Audrey Osler. The programme of study for citizenship derived from the Crick report and did not emphasise race equality and national unity for security. Osler argues that the Ajegbo review addressed teaching of ethnic, religious and cultural diversity but did not confront the inadequacies of British democracy or reassert social justice, a sense of shared humanity and a commitment to human rights. Proposing, let alone imposing, a definition of Britishness is futile, but it is possible to promote cosmopolitan patriotism supported by explicit principles, concepts and values.

This paper argues that there is often tension between language learning policies that promote intercultural communication and persistent traditions of language teaching that identify languages with national cultures. Interviews with teachers confirm these tensions, revealing that the mindset of teachers may privilege a bicultural nationalist paradigm. Even where teachers have a clear commitment to intercultural perspectives, the implications of this may not be in tune with the teaching materials they find. The paper suggests that a dialogue with teachers of citizenship and multicultural education could help to provide a clearer perspective. In particular the concept of cosmopolitan citizenship, linking the local, the national and the global, may help teachers to progress from dominant nationalist paradigms. (Contains 1 note.)

Interviews with 600 youth aged 10-18, many from immigrant families, explored how they learn about citizenship and define themselves and their communities. They identify strongly with their city or neighborhood but also have multiple identities, a cosmopolitan citizenship that bridges several worlds. Education for cosmopolitan citizenship should address peace, human rights, and democracy. (Contains 35 references.) (SK)

Describes efforts toward human rights education in Europe and how these efforts might be utilized in teaching about children's rights. Offers examples of work to help children acquire a sense of their community and its structures. Includes student drafted charters and declarations, children's councils, cooperative education, and community service. (DK)

This article discusses the tensions between the development of citizenship education in England since the 1990s and a more recent obligation on schools to promote Fundamental British Values (FBVs). The foundational and enduringly influential Crick Report of 1998 that elaborated a rationale and detailed programme of study for citizenship education has a strong emphasis on political literacy that encourages acts of citizenship at scales from the very local to the global. A formal 2007 curriculum review of Citizenship advocated the framing of 'identity and diversity: living together in the UK' providing a locus for exploring multiple and flexible identities and cosmopolitan perspectives. However, the obligation on schools in England since 2014 to promote FBVs can be read as an attempt to reinstate the national. The policy shift from political literacy promoted in Citizenship to a focus on FBVs follows earlier attempts to promote a depoliticized values education. Previous empirical studies illustrate ways in which young people may acknowledge and respect local, national and cosmopolitan citizenship and identities. The UNICEF UK Rights Respecting Schools Award programme resists the nationalist agenda of FBVs by encouraging schools to promote the universalist UN Convention on the Rights of the Child as their guiding statement of values. The article concludes that the tensions discussed mirror those made manifest in the Brexit process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This virtual ethnographic study explores how Chinese university students use social network sites (SNSs) to participate in civic activities. An ideal of active citizens is contrasted with good citizens (Crick) and insouciant bystanders. We find that students engage with the civic issues embedded in everyday life; their online civic preferences are often linked to their course of study; their participation may involve overcoming technological controls; and they have difficulty in translating their interest in life-politics (Giddens) from online to offline. We conclude that in China SNSs do open up space for civic participation by youth, but do not yet constitute an idealized public sphere (Habermas). Thus, there is a need to develop citizenship education that encourages young people to reflect on their online practice and develop critical online and offline civic participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the scheme of the Chinese University of Hong Kong to provide a stay in Great Britain to their undergraduate English majors, socialisation processes at a secondary school near the Heathrow Airport in London, England, and intercultural competence.

This paper reviews research on learner and tutor interaction in asynchronous computer-mediated (ACM) conferences used in distance learning. The authors note claims made for the potential of ACM conferences to promote higher-order critical inquiry and the social construction of knowledge, and argue that there is a general lack of evidence regarding the actual achievement of these aims in such conferences. We present and discuss the relevant research literature currently available on the effects of social presence, the tutor's teaching and moderating strategies, and task type. The paper concludes with recommendations for future research in each of these areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a synthesis of the scholarly literature on education for democratic citizenship (EDC) in the school sector in England since 1995. Following the publication of the Crick Report, citizenship education was introduced to secondary schools in 2002 as a statutory subject. Primary schools are also required to show, through inspection, how they are preparing learners for citizenship. The implementation of citizenship as a National Curriculum subject in England is taking place during a period of constitutional reform and was the most significant innovation of curriculum 2000. Recent parallel initiatives in EDC are taking place elsewhere in the UK, in Europe and internationally. In both established democracies and newly established democratic states, such as those of Eastern and Central Europe and Latin America, there is a recognition that democracy is essentially fragile and that it depends on the active engagement of citizens, not just in voting, but in developing and participating in sustainable and cohesive communities. The paper examines the role of EDC in responding to these political challenges, setting national policy developments in both European and international contexts and exploring the growing international consensus on human rights as the underpinning principles of EDC. It identifies some key themes within the research, such as diversity and unity; global and cosmopolitan citizenship; children as citizens; democratic schooling; students’ understandings of citizenship and democracy; the complementary roles of schools and communities; European citizenship; and the practicalities of implementing EDC at school level. It identifies some gaps in the research literature and concludes by proposing an on‐going agenda for research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nicholas Beattie, The Freinet Movements of France, Italy, and Germany, 1920–2000: Versions of Educational Progressivism. Terence Copley, Indoctrination, Education and God: The Struggle for the Mind. Fred Inglis (ed.), Education and the Good Society. Christopher Winch and John Gingell, Philosophy and Educational Policy: A Critical Introduction. Denis Lawton, Education and Labour Party Ideologies 1900–2001 and Beyond. Richard Willis, The Struggle for the General Teaching Council. Tony Gallagher, Education in Divided Societies. Andrew Goodwyn and Andrew Stables, Learning to Read Critically in Language and Literacy. Bridget Somekh and Cathy Lewin (eds), Research Methods in the Social Sciences. Peter K. Smith, Debra Pepler and Ken Rigby (eds), Bullying in Schools: How Successful Can Interventions Be? J. Ahier, J. Beck and R. Moore, Graduate Citizens? Issues of Citizenship and Higher Education. Audrey Osler and Hugh Starkey (eds), Citizenship and Language Learning: International Perspectives. Felicity Armstrong and Michele Moore (eds), Action Research for Inclusive Education: Changing Places, Changing Practices, Changing Minds. Dennis Hayes (ed.), The RoutledgeFalmer Guide to Key Debates in Education. Thomas S. Weisner (ed.), Discovering Successful Pathways in Children's Development: Mixed Methods in the Study of Childhood and Family Life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often argued that the study of a foreign language can influence the attitudes and behaviour of learners. One of the goals of language teaching is to challenge stereotypes and encourage learners to engage with the cultural forms that can be accessed through a new language. Through learning a language it is hoped that learners will draw on their experiences to reflect critically on their own cultures and identities. We set out to examine these claims with respect to an advanced Open University French course for adult speakers of English. This article reports on a documentary analysis of the course materials for a particular unit and of a very small opportunity sample of student work and tutor comments. The unit sets out to provide a positive view of France as a multicultural society. The analysis focuses on the extent to which the materials and the tasks help learners engage with issues of racism, xenophobia, antiracism and human rights. We found that issues of race and racism are not presented in their complexity and that the materials and learning tasks unwittingly tend to reinforce stereotyped views. We suggest that attention should be given to helping students develop skills of intercultural evaluation. This requires an understanding of human rights on the one hand and of the various forms and manifestations of racism and xenophobia on the other. We conclude by proposing some guidelines for course writers and teachers that invite them to include a range of perspectives, including those of minorities. This attention to materials and pedagogy should enable students to engage critically with issues of race, identity and culture as they learn a foreign language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a particular attempt to represent ethnic and cultural diversity in the context of materials produced for advanced adult learners by the Open University. The course materials are designed to support distance learning of French language and culture. The authors argue that language learning has a particular political importance within the context of Europe, and note that foreign language learning policies are intended to have an impact on the development of citizenship and democratic participation. One unit of the Open University French course, Mises au point , is analysed for its representation of minorities, its perspectives on questions of identity and its treatment of racism. The authors note the links between racism and discourses of modernity and identity. Language learning is increasingly recognised as a reflexive process which aims to help students to gain new perspectives on their own society. The ways in which students are invited to engage with the materials are considered and it is concluded that positive representations of multiculturalism within language learning courses are likely to prove inadequate in enabling students to identify the barriers to democratic participation. The themes of immigration, integration and identity are introduced in the course materials but consideration of informal and structural barriers to participation is limited. It is argued that this may do little to encourage students to deepen their own understandings of race, modernity and identities in their own society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1990s both the British and the French governments gave new impetus to citizenship education. This article examines the theories and world views that underpin the formal syllabuses for citizenship education in England and France. It notes that whereas the English curriculum aspires to create a diverse society founded on multicultural citizenship, an insufficiently strongly agreed statement of values undermines the implementation of the project. The French syllabus, on the other hand, emphasizes a commitment to anti-racism, human rights and civil action against injustice. Its theoretical basis in the French Republic, committed to individual equality without distinction, denies any recognition to the existence of social groups based on culture or ethnicity. This blindness to difference also tends to undermine citizenship education as a social project intended to promote integration through schools. Whereas French citizenship education is intended to integrate individuals into a predetermined, existing republican framework, English citizenship education apparently aims to create a new society and a new national identity. The article concludes that such a project requires an explicit commitment to and promotion of human rights as the basis for a social consensus and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes the features of two teachers' human rights education courses in Europe. Council of Europe's influence on the courses; International Training Center on Human Rights and Peace Teaching (CIFEDHOP) Teacher Education Programme; Human rights education and democratic teaching methodologies.

Illustrates the meaning of `respect for human rights' by reference to historic and international human rights texts. Human rights as universal values in American and French 18th-century texts; Islamic human rights traditions; United Nations Conventions on the Rights of the Child; Education and human rights.

The article discusses various reports published within the issue, including one by Keith Ajegbo and Audrey Osler on diversity and citizenship in the curriculum and another by Bernard Crick which provides historical understanding on the citizenship, diversity and national identity in Great Britain.

An introduction to the journal is presented in which editor discusses changes in journal including digital edition of the periodical, shift to open access and appointment of the author as editor replacing Paul Temple, and add Institute of Education (IOE) and Beijing Normal University conference.