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Clinical trials are crucial in developing safe medical treatments and combating diseases. However, the ethical considerations surrounding research involving human subjects have been an ongoing topic of debate. Existing ethical policies aim to ensure the accuracy of research findings and protect the well-being of participants. Nevertheless, these policies have been rooted in Western scientific and medical systems, which historically exploited communities for the benefit of privileged individuals and capital accumulation, perpetuating domination and settler colonialism. While ethical policies alone cannot erase these harmful legacies, they have globally failed at holding researchers, companies, and institutions accountable for their impact on communities. This failure has led to exploitation and unintended harm in disenfranchised communities with under-resourced health systems and limited access to healthcare resources. To address these challenges, this literature review proposes integrating stricter regulations, transparent disclosure of trial results, and comprehensive post-trial care. Additionally, it advocates for including community partnerships in clinical trial ethics policies to prioritize community needs and promote accountability. By examining qualitative studies on the perspectives of patients, researchers, and clinicians involved in clinical trials, as well as the current state of clinical trial ethics policies, this paper suggests a partnership-based approach that can facilitate the development of new treatments while addressing historical legacies of exploitation and harm in disenfranchised communities worldwide.

Copyright of Forensische Psychiatrie, Psychologie, Kriminologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last thirty-five years, academic researchers in Ireland have consistently demonstrated the relationship between social deprivation and the most severe instances of drug-related harm. More recently, researchers have begun to include the voices of drug users with lived experiences of harm in these discussions. However, these studies have more often tended to focus on drug users' views on alternative drug policy options, rather than their views on the social and economic factors relevant to their experiences of drug-related harm. Therefore, the current study conducted 12 in-depth interviews with drug users experiencing harm in an Irish city, in order to elicit their views on the specific role they believe social and economic factors played in conditioning their later experiences of drug--related harm. The study participants highlight harms experienced in the education system, the family home, and the local community as more relevant to their later experiences of drug-related harm than their social deficits in education, a lack of resources in the local community or in their families. Many participants also discuss meaningful relationships as the last defence against these harms and argue that the loss of such relationships coincided with their most severe incidences of drug-related harm. The study concludes with a discussion of the conceptual framework of structural violence in terms of its potential for interpreting the participants' views and suggests several avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In 2017, a provincial Liberal government launched the Ontario Basic Income Pilot (OBIP) to assess a promising approach to poverty reduction in Ontario, Canada. It was prematurely canceled by a subsequent Conservative government, despite election promises assuring that it would continue. The cancelation affected 4000 OBIP recipients. Objective: This study explored how participants' lives were on the OBIP compared to their lives before and after the pilot project using the social determinants of mental health (SDoMH) as a key lens. Study Design and Data Collection: Semistructured interview data, gathered in 2019, were collected from a sample of 46 OBIP participants from three study sites, viewed through the lenses of structural violence and the SDoMH, and analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Findings: We identified eight themes from the data, all of which pointed to the positive impacts of the OBIP on the SDoMH of participants. These included expanded opportunities for education and employment, improved housing stability, enhanced social inclusion (including an escape from the denigrations of receiving charity), improved sense of security and mental health, the wherewithal to eschew "crappy foods" in favor of healthier options, and the freedom to live one's life as one chooses. All these positive impacts were threatened or reversed by the Pilot's cancelation. Conclusions and Implications: The discontinuation of the OBIP, a benefit that appeared to be improving the mental health and well‐being of OBIP participants, can be viewed as an act of structural violence by government leaders. This study contributes to the growing evidence showing that cash transfer programs, such as a basic income, can alleviate psychological distress and improve mental well‐being for people living in poverty. A groundswell of mobilized citizens, and public health and mental health practitioners specifically, must hold governments accountable for acts of structural violence that can readily be addressed through policies that eradicate poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data gathered in Samoa before and after the declaration of the COVID-19 pandemic on 11 March 2020 compare and contrast the nature and extent of 'structural violence' perpetrated by 'egoistic' bilateral development assistance. Despite much higher risks and costs to aid recipients than under normal circumstances, during the pandemic, donor control in 'increasingly detailed and encompassing ways' and donor use of 'technical discourse' to conceal 'hidden purposes of bureaucratic power or dominance' both increased significantly. Pandemic-induced opportunistic abandonments by donor governments of neoliberal policy principles did not ameliorate such structural violence. Individual differences among donor officials affected how control was exercised and whether host-government 'ownership' and 'leadership' of development assistance was flouted peremptorily, or denied more subtly and politely (with 'warm regards'); and they influenced the volume and complexity of 'interpretive labour' required of resistance. But donor domination and control were undiminished by any of this. 'Bullshit' jobs and the blind allegiance of their (donor) incumbents were crucial to the realisation of such ends. The findings reconfirm the embeddedness of the neoliberal order and shed light on the character of its deep-seated bureaucratic resistance to change. JEL: F35, F54, F55, O19, O20, O22, P48 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This survey of a national Canadian sample examines the associations between individual- and community-level factors with arrest by police. Indigenous Peoples were more than twice as likely to have been arrested than White people. Indigenous Peoples living in Indigenous enclaves were nearly five times as likely to be arrested than White people in similar communities. And Indigenous females who lived in Indigenous enclaves were nearly 20 times more likely to be arrested than otherwise similar, White females. Indigenous males in these communities were also disadvantaged relative to their White counterparts. These findings strongly suggest that over-policing contributes to the overrepresentation of Indigenous Peoples across the Canadian criminal legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some pastoralists join bandit groups in Nigeria? This conundrum is yet to be explored in the emerging scholarly literature on pastoral banditry in Nigeria's troubled northwest region. Whereas the upsurge in pastoralist‐related banditry has been predominantly explicated with the theoretical frameworks of ungoverned spaces and relative deprivation, the role of structural violence in some pastoralists' decision to become bandits has not received sufficient scholarly attention. Drawing on the analytical framework of structural violence first advanced by the Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung, I contend that some pastoralists take to the composite crime of banditry as a consequence of the inegalitarian distribution of resources and power. Pastoralists resorting to banditry in the northwest region can therefore be considered as a rebellious response, albeit misguided, to the structural violence of everyday life―precisely, poverty and repression―in the Nigerian state that precludes them from meeting their basic human needs. To reverse the mayhem and to heal the broken communities in the banditry‐affected northern states in Nigeria, I argue that federal and state governments should not solely rely on a killing approach fixated on military warfare―or the surveillance of forests and remote areas―but must address the structural factors that nurture alienation amongst some pastoralists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the contemporary entanglements of a growing immigration-industrial complex and a mass international tourism project in the Dominican Republic. At this nexus, Haitian im/migrant labor, and the labor of policing it, are intricately connected to the tourism economy and facilitated via politics of belonging. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork with young male-identifying Haitian and Dominican tourism workers in two coastal communities in the Dominican Republic, here I bring into focus the violence disproportionately faced by Haitian men and elucidate how experiences of belonging and exclusion interface with precarity and hope in a globalized marketplace that privileges the pleasure of international tourists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child maintenance is not just a fundamental right but a crucial human need, essential for meeting the basic requirements of children. It also plays a vital role in preventing single mothers from carrying the sole burden of parenthood, which can exacerbate poverty and marginalisation. Against this backdrop, this study examines how social systems and institutions perpetuate structural violence, disproportionately impacting women. Specifically focusing on child maintenance in East London, South Africa, this research sheds light on how existing structures may compound the difficulties encountered by single mothers in securing financial support for their children. The research objective is to understand how structural violence contributes to women's poverty in child maintenance cases. Employing an exploratory qualitative design with a purposive sample of 54 participants, the study reveals that women already facing structural inequalities are most affected by a lack of child support. This forces them to rely on their limited income to raise their children, pushing them further into poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the concept of structural violence and its implications for people as depicted in Scattered Souls. Galtung's concept of Structural violence and its distinction from other types of violence provides a useful framework to examine and understand the complexity of the representation of violence and socio-political relations. According to Galtung, structural violence refers to the indirect violence inherent in dominant social structures like systemic discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, and gender, which create conditions of disadvantage for underprivileged and oppressed people. This paper aims to analyse how the conventional focus on visible violence in Scattered Souls leads to the invisibility and oblivion of implicit or structural violence. This paper endeavours to use Galtung's and Žižek's categorisation of violence as a conceptual tool to understand the impact of violence at the deeper levels. It further seeks to examine the ways in which structural violence deteriorates the lives of people, bolsters the direct violence of occupation, and diminishes the possible impact of resisting oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this study was to examine the effects of racial discrimination, depression, and Black LGBTQ community support on HIV care outcomes among a sample of Black sexually minoritized men living with HIV. We conducted a cross-sectional survey with 107 Black sexually minoritized men living with HIV in Chicago. A path model was used to test associations between racial discrimination, Black LGBTQ community support, depressive symptoms, and missed antiretroviral medication doses and HIV care appointments. Results of the path model showed that men who had experienced more racism had more depressive symptoms and subsequently, missed more doses of HIV antiretroviral medication and had missed more HIV care appointments. Greater Black LGBTQ community support was associated with fewer missed HIV care appointments in the past year. This research shows that anti-Black racism may be a pervasive and harmful determinant of HIV inequities and a critical driver of racial disparities in ART adherence and HIV care engagement experienced by Black SMM. Black LGBTQ community support may buffer against the effects of racial discrimination on HIV care outcomes by providing safe, inclusive, supportive spaces for Black SMM.

This article aims to investigate violent demonstrations in marginal territories of Santiago de Chile and their political dimension, studying the territorial deployment of structural violence, transgressive protest actions, and subjectivation processes. These three dimensions tell us about the political, social, and territorial intertwining of violent demonstrations, based on Jacques Rancière's framework. We conducted a case study in Lo Hermida, a highly politicized self-constructed neighborhood born in the 1970s that is currently surrounded by transportation infrastructure and upscale urban developments. Using secondary sources, semi-structured interviews, and photo-elicitation with 14 residents of Lo Hermida, we show the way in which structural violence is experienced across the territory, how transgressive protest actions are carried out in violent demonstrations throughout it, and how processes of political subjectivation unfold from this. The conclusions emphasize the incorporation of the political-subjective dimension in the understanding of violence in marginal territories, highlighting its emergent characteristics in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined how study participants in Indonesia and Peru viewed the relationship between water insecurity and women's health via thematic analysis of interviews and focus groups. Participants reported that water insecurity led to vaginal infections, miscarriage, premature births, uterine prolapse, poor nutrition, restricted economic opportunities, and intergenerational cycles of poverty. Participants in both countries stated that extreme burdens associated with water insecurity should be categorized as violence. Based on these findings, we developed the concept of "gender-based water violence," defined as the spectrum of stressors associated with water insecurity that are so severe as to threaten human health and well-being, particularly that of women and girls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background There are growing global concerns about informal waste pickers and their health issues. This cross-sectional study drew on the structural violence theory to examine the mental health situation of informal waste pickers in Hong Kong and identified the determinants of depression and anxiety in them ranging from individual to societal and governmental levels. Method The data from the largest territory-wide study of informal waste pickers in 2023 was analysed. Descriptive statistics and logistic regressions were used to investigate the association between mental health and socioeconomic variables, including demographic background, governmental measures against informal waste pickers, other negative experiences related to safety and public discrimination, and supportive resources. The symptoms of depression and anxiety were assessed using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ) and General Anxiety Disorder (GAD). Results The results showed that physical strain/illness and chronic illness caused by long-term scavenging works (for depression adjusted OR 3.33, 95% CI [1.75, 6.31]; for anxiety adjusted OR 5.01, 95% CI [2.45, 10.24]), recycling or personal property stolen (for depression adjusted OR 2.04, 95% CI [1.23, 3.36]; for anxiety adjusted OR 2.72, 95% CI [1.62, 4.56]), being treated rudely by citizens (for depression adjusted OR 2.16, 95% CI [1.32, 3.55]); for anxiety (adjusted OR 2.85, 95% CI [1.74, 4.67]) are the critical risk factors of informal waste pickers’ mental health. While higher intention to continue scavenging work if financial conditions permit is the critical protective factor for depression (adjusted OR 0.46, 95% CI [0.24, 0.88]) and anxiety (adjusted OR 0.43, 95% CI [0.22, 0.86]), compared to lower intention to continue scavenging work if financial conditions permit in the multivariate model. Conclusions This study discloses the close relationship between informal waste pickers’ long-term physical strain/illness and mental health and identifies the governmental measures, other negative experiences related to safety issues and public discrimination as risk factors for informal waste pickers’ mental health. Providing outreach, tailored medical services, increasing the unit price of recycling, developing specific recycling zones and establishing membership-based organisations help alleviate the challenges of precarious employment and enhance the well-being of the informal waste pickers.

Background: There are growing global concerns about informal waste pickers and their health issues. This cross-sectional study drew on the structural violence theory to examine the mental health situation of informal waste pickers in Hong Kong and identified the determinants of depression and anxiety in them ranging from individual to societal and governmental levels. Method: The data from the largest territory-wide study of informal waste pickers in 2023 was analysed. Descriptive statistics and logistic regressions were used to investigate the association between mental health and socioeconomic variables, including demographic background, governmental measures against informal waste pickers, other negative experiences related to safety and public discrimination, and supportive resources. The symptoms of depression and anxiety were assessed using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ) and General Anxiety Disorder (GAD). Results: The results showed that physical strain/illness and chronic illness caused by long-term scavenging works (for depression adjusted OR 3.33, 95% CI [1.75, 6.31]; for anxiety adjusted OR 5.01, 95% CI [2.45, 10.24]), recycling or personal property stolen (for depression adjusted OR 2.04, 95% CI [1.23, 3.36]; for anxiety adjusted OR 2.72, 95% CI [1.62, 4.56]), being treated rudely by citizens (for depression adjusted OR 2.16, 95% CI [1.32, 3.55]); for anxiety (adjusted OR 2.85, 95% CI [1.74, 4.67]) are the critical risk factors of informal waste pickers' mental health. While higher intention to continue scavenging work if financial conditions permit is the critical protective factor for depression (adjusted OR 0.46, 95% CI [0.24, 0.88]) and anxiety (adjusted OR 0.43, 95% CI [0.22, 0.86]), compared to lower intention to continue scavenging work if financial conditions permit in the multivariate model. Conclusions: This study discloses the close relationship between informal waste pickers' long-term physical strain/illness and mental health and identifies the governmental measures, other negative experiences related to safety issues and public discrimination as risk factors for informal waste pickers' mental health. Providing outreach, tailored medical services, increasing the unit price of recycling, developing specific recycling zones and establishing membership-based organisations help alleviate the challenges of precarious employment and enhance the well-being of the informal waste pickers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Miscarriages, stillbirths and neonatal deaths have received limited attention in global health programmes and research, even though pregnancy loss is common, traumatic and stigmatised. This paper seeks to illuminate lived experiences of pregnancy loss in southern Malawi, drawing on findings from semi-structured interviews and focus groups with women who have experienced loss, health professionals and community members, and observations of maternity care. Combining thematic and discourse analysis, we show how societal and medical discourses frame women as responsible for (failed) reproduction, and restrict possibilities to speak about, and respond to, loss. Some accounts and (care) practices invisibilise loss and associated suffering. However, invisibilisation may also be intended as support, and underscores rather than denies the social significance of parenthood. Other accounts (e.g. women emphasising faith and acceptance) constitute moral survival strategies to avoid the acquisition of a 'spoiled identity'. We conclude that societal and medical discourses of loss enact stigmatised, subaltern subject positions for women experiencing pregnancy loss, create social suffering, and amount to a form of structural violence. Programmes and interventions should change these discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 outbreak in late 2019 illustrated how biological facts and social processes often intersect to account for differential epidemiological patterns of disease outbreak. In South Africa, existing social, political and economic factors intersected with the Covid-19 pandemic in particular ways to exacerbate the existing precarity of those who generate income from the informal sectors, such as minibus taxis. The informal minibus taxi industry is the backbone of the public transport system in the country as it makes up 70% of daily commutes. It also attracts mostly black urban youth who cannot be absorbed by the formal sector and employs approximately 300 000 minibus taxi drivers. In this study, I investigated the stories of minibus taxi drivers during the Covid-19 pandemic to assess their responses to health emergencies such as Covid-19. The everyday lived experiences of minibus taxi drivers make them vulnerable to contracting airborne diseases, including Covid-19 and tuberculosis. In addition, the government's response to the Covid-19 outbreak further deepened the precarity of minibus taxi drivers' employment as it restricted their operations and loading capacities. This structural violence to which my interlocutors were exposed is born out the deep inequality that characterises the larger South African society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bioarchaeological research offers a window into health and life experiences in the past, including the biocultural dimensions of social identities and structural inequalities experienced by enslaved and free Afro-descendants across the African diaspora. Given the long history of descendant communities and advocates contesting the authority of institutions to curate human remains in perpetuity, critical dialogues over the past several decades have stimulated new directions in the discipline of African diaspora bioarchaeology alongside increased engagement with Black scholarship and community and client-based collaborations. We build upon previous discussions and critiques to examine the current state of African diaspora bioarchaeology in global context in the early decades of the twenty-first century. We present a macro-level, chronological examination of published African diaspora and colonial African bioarchaeological research by region between 2001 and 2023 and conclude with a discussion of the current state of practices and engagement in the field and ethics of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development should not be done in a way that endangers the environment, human life, or non-human life that depends on it. However, in Ethiopia, economic development was carried out with little or no concern for the environment or indigenous and minority groups whose livelihoods directly depended on natural resources. Based on an examination of primary and secondary sources through the lens of structural violence theory, this article argues that Ethiopia's economic growth was not equitable and happened at the expense of the country's natural resources. Using the Negede Woyto of Lake Tana as a case study, this paper investigated how economic development projects in Ethiopia impacted minority communities. The conclusion reached was that the EPRDF-led government actively worked to inflict structural violence on minority groups in the Lake Tana region, using sustainable economic development as a justification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although ethical reforms in biological anthropology have gained ground in recent years, there is still a scarcity of ethical standards for work involving historical documented collections (HDCs) at US museums and universities. These collections of deceased individuals were created in the late 19th to mid‐20th centuries under anatomy laws that targeted socially marginalized communities and allowed for the dissection of these individuals without their consent. Due to the extensive information associated with the individuals and made available to researchers, these collections have served as foundational resources for theory and methods development in biological anthropology into the 21st century. Recognizing the need for ethical guidelines for research, teaching and training, community engagement, and curation involving HDCs, we held a workshop called "Ethical Futures for Curation, Research, and Teaching in Biological Anthropology" on November 15–17, 2021. Here we summarize the conversations and major points of consensus among the workshop participants on these topics in order to advance these ethical considerations more broadly across the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India is increasingly described as an 'ethnic democracy', 'populist majoritarian autocracy' or 'ethnocracy': a form of rule supported by an electoral majority rooted in ethnic affiliation, with limited and eroding checks and balances that would protect minorities. Over the past decade, constitutional arrangements shifted, 'dog-whistle' laws were passed and legal institutions starved of resources. In studying these developments, we want to ground generic studies of populist/majoritarian/autocratic law by unpacking the specific Indian version of it: how does Hindutva as a political ideology and the current dispensation as political agents conceive of the rule of law, its purpose and function? Which rules do they want the law to follow? We combine papers that trace Hindutva's own ideological commitments with those tracking material changes in legislation or jurisprudence and map out their differential consequences for India's minorities, culminating in a wider reflection on the rule(s) of law under autocratic circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractQueerphobia is defined as society’s negative attitude towards LGBTQIA + people, translating into structures that marginalise LGBTQIA + people and contribute to health inequities that cause real harm and can be understood as structural violence. The purpose of this article is to explore what historically marginalised youth in a youth participatory action research (YPAR) project characterise as the big picture issues affecting the lives of LGBTQIA + youth. We used participatory arts-based methods to conduct community and identity building, define research questions and photo prompts, conduct data collection, engage in group thematic analysis, and make recommendations at the state policy level. We also conducted individual semi-structured interviews with participants. Our findings can be grouped into three main themes: LGBTQIA + youth may feel it is safer to remain closeted; queerphobia perpetuates housing instability; and queerphobia functions as a structural barrier to social services. Youth also developed state level policy recommendations to address the structural issues causing harm to LGBTQIA + youth health. Recommendations included increasing access to affordable housing and LGBTQIA + inclusive foster and group homes, and advocating for government-funded LGBTQIA + specific healthcare practices for LGBTQIA + youth. More youth-driven data are needed that centre those directly impacted by structural violence and associated health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article explores forced migrant women’s transnational experiences of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV), emphasizing that dynamic forms of violence travel with women across international borders. Through qualitative interviews with Arabic-speaking forced migrant women who have experienced SGBV, we examine how the selective permeability of international borders facilitates the perpetration of SGBV. Our analysis identified SGBV was perpetrated against participants across a range of forced migration settings. Structural and symbolic violence also persisted across international borders, creating additional barriers to accessing formal support services. The findings indicate that international borders remain permeable to diverse forms of structural, symbolic and interpersonal SGBV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Adolescent mothers require trauma- and violence-informed care during the perinatal period due to trauma histories and ongoing violence as a result of pregnancy. Nurses and midwives play a critical role in caring for adolescent mothers in primary healthcare settings in Rwanda in the perinatal period. Purpose: To explore the experiences of nurses and midwives working with adolescent mothers in selected primary healthcare settings in Rwanda to inform the delivery of trauma- and violence- informed care. Methods: This study utilized an interpretive description qualitative approach and was conducted in eight primary healthcare settings in Rwanda. Twelve nurses and midwives working in perinatal services and four heads of health centers participated in in-depth individual interviews. Data were analyzed thematically. Results: The analysis revealed four main themes and 11 (sub-themes): (a) relational practice (being creative and flexible, "lending them our ears"); (b) individual challenges of providing care to adolescent mothers (lack of knowledge to provide care related to gender-based violence, and gendered experience); (c) factors contributing to workarounds (inflexible guidelines, lack of protocol and procedures, lack of nurses' and midwives' in service training, and the physical structure of the perinatal environment); and (d) vicarious trauma (living the feelings, "I carry their stories home," and hypervigilance in parenting). Conclusion: Nurses and midwives find caring for adolescent mothers challenging due to their unique needs. These needs require them to be creative, adaptable, and attentive listeners to better understand their challenges. These practitioners face difficulties such as insufficient specific knowledge related to, for example, gender-based violence, inflexible guidelines, and a lack of protocols and training. Additionally, in the perinatal environment attention to the needs of practitioners in those settings is often lacking, and many nurses and midwives report experiencing vicarious trauma. Consequently, there is a pressing need for guidelines and protocols specifically tailored for the care of adolescent mothers. Ongoing trauma- and violence- informed care training and professional education should be provided to enhance the ability of nurses and midwives to care for adolescent mothers and prevent re-traumatization and mitigate vicarious trauma effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: This article explores how undocumented border crosser (UBC) deaths are counted as well as mis- and under-counted across the US southwest, and proposes a suite of policy remediations to standardize this process. An accurate count of UBC recovered remains is vital to understanding the scope of fatalities associated with border crossing, providing evidence accounting for the reciprocal relationship between US border enforcement and the incidence of migration-related death. To meaningfully intervene, it is insufficient to advocate only for more robust individual death investigations, though this is pivotal to forensically identify UBC decedents and unite them with their loved ones. Though identification and reunification of UBCs are the elements of forensic care most commonly attributed as humanitarian, the relationship between forensic investigation and international humanitarian principles is equally about accumulating primary evidence for policy intervention and justice claims on behalf of those who wrongfully die. Even if existing counting mechanisms do not provide the means for establishing this attribution between border-crossing deaths and border enforcement policy, this article lays out an argument for why they must do so and it makes recommendations for how this can take place. Necessarily, this article begins with a critique of existing mechanisms for counting UBC deaths, from the federal observation of such deaths by Customs and Border Protection, to the bureaucratic mechanisms for the collection of vital statistics authored at the local level. It then suggests means for improving accurate counting using the US Standard Certificate of Death. It particularly explores two aspects of the certificate, Manner of Death reporting and a section that asks death filers to describe how the death occurred, sections 37 and 43 respectively. Finally, it explores historical precedent for altering the standard death form at local and then national levels, positing that select amendments to the existing death certificate would be useful for standardizing how medicolegal death filers across the border and beyond can more accurately enumerate and characterize UBC deaths. Policy recommendations include the following, in order of immediacy: ● Jurisdictions across the US southwest must adopt standardized criteria for counting fatalities believed to be associated with undocumented border crossing. ● Despite some local formalization of UBC counting, current means of representing UBC status in vital records remains ad hoc across the US southwest and existing mechanisms for counting elude wider scale national recognition in vital statistics. The most straightforward and reliable method of standardization to ensure systematic representation of UBC deaths across the borderlands would be a UBC checkbox on the death certificate. This would require cooperation with state-level public health departments and legislatures. Precedent exists for changing the death form at the state level, facilitating, in some cases, for eventual inclusion of new components of the death certificate to be adopted on the US Standard Certificate of Death. This is recommended as a longer-term goal. ● Finally, there must be a means to characterize the deadly relationship between UBC fatalities and US border enforcement policy and practice in vital records where UBC Manners of Death are most often characterized as "Natural" or "Accidental." Both are inaccurate. Unilaterally ensuring an accurate count leaves room for a trend already well underway in which agencies associated with border enforcement have cast UBC deaths as simply due to unfortunate heat-related accidents, resulting in legislation aimed to mitigate deaths that fails to address the role of border policy in causing deaths. This paper recommends that a new Manner of Death category could be useful beyond the border to represent non-capital crimes enforced by leveraging bodily harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del Museo de Antropología is the property of Museo de Antropologia - IDACOR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using a systemic and institutional analysis of transnational dynamics in the recruiting, hiring and placement of Vietnamese female migrants in domestic work in Saudi Arabia, this article showcases the experiences of Vietnamese female domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and contributes to the social protection and migrant domestic worker literatures. It contributes a critical analysis on whether bilateral labor agreements can be mechanisms for social protection of migrants. Focusing on the case of Vietnam, I argue that the bilateral labor agreement (BLA) signed between Vietnam and Saudi Arabia, enacted by the Vietnamese labor brokerage state and the Saudi Kafala systems, is a form structural violence because it fails to provide social welfare and protection for Vietnamese women domestic workers. In this systemic/structural violence, intersectionality shows that not all female workers suffer the same since ethnic minority workers most often suffer more than the majority (Kinh) female workers. Moreover, inside the Kafeel (the employer/sponsor) homes of this system, most of these female workers suffer, as unfree labor, from being transferred from one house to another, resulting in precarity, cycle of debt and dispossession of their rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the violence and suffering experienced by unaccompanied foreign minors arriving by land in the cross-border area of Trieste. These are forms of structural violence, "layered" across space and time, starting with the causes of migration, the debts incurred to enable their departure, and the premature separation from their families to access the European international protection system, which is limited to a few categories, including minors. This compels many migrants to leave at an increasingly younger age to ensure they qualify for asylum, forcing them to endure survival challenges and dangers along the Balkan route, which becomes a true rite of passage into adulthood. Upon arrival in Italy, the ambivalent attitude that views them both as victims in need of protection and as petty criminals to be defended against reveals the structural violence embedded in the construction of European borders and citizenship.

Abstract Persons with mental illness (PWMI) continue to encounter stigma from the public with negative outcomes. Recent stigma discourse points to power differentials as key in shaping stigma related to mental illness within social settings. The perceived social injustice towards PWMI is known to exist both anecdotally and in documented discourses. Stigma constitutes the product of public attitudes and behaviors that characterize labeling, stereotyping, prejudice, cognitive separation, status loss, and discrimination that lead to responses that may include stress and esteem‐related appraisal of experienced, anticipated, perceived, or personal endorsement of societal actions that are anchored by existing power relational differentials. The potential consequence of such societal injustices (unfair treatments) towards PWMI may result in stigma and its sequels, including low socioeconomic status, stress, low self‐esteem, unemployment, homelessness, exclusion, and human rights abuse. This paper proposes an Interprofessional Health Education framework and discusses the implications of such unfair social treatments for Professional knowledge development and practice among healthcare professionals, with the view to improving collaboration and patient care outcomes. A more collaborative model of care, where service users and clinicians regard each other as knowledgeable with shared power to achieve healthy outcomes, empowers patients even more in areas where they fall short.

AbstractThis article discusses the dehumanisation experienced by marginalised South African ekasi (African township) youths. More particularly, it explores how dehumanisation in the two African townships of Bophelong and Nyanga in South Africa has increased young people’s vulnerability to youth gangs. The research question is: how does dehumanisation contribute to gang violence in African townships? The paper adopts a qualitative approach and purposive sampling. The findings show that there is a strong link between dehumanisation and youth vulnerability to gangs. Many young people are excluded from access to fundamental human rights, which exposes them to multidimensional development challenges and pushes them towards a life of gangs and crime. Government, civil society, and the private sector must work together to intentionally address the root causes of youth gang violence in African townships.

Child maintenance is not just a fundamental right but a crucial human need, essential for meeting the basic requirements of children. It also plays a vital role in preventing single mothers from carrying the sole burden of parenthood, which can exacerbate poverty and marginalisation. Against this backdrop, this study examines how social systems and institutions perpetuate structural violence, disproportionately impacting women. Specifically focusing on child maintenance in East London, South Africa, this research sheds light on how existing structures may compound the difficulties encountered by single mothers in securing financial support for their children. The research objective is to understand how structural violence contributes to women's poverty in child maintenance cases. Employing an exploratory qualitative design with a purposive sample of 54 participants, the study reveals that women already facing structural inequalities are most affected by a lack of child support. This forces them to rely on their limited income to raise their children, pushing them further into poverty.

The focal point of legislative efforts in addressing structural violence within a democratic framework lies in its duty to promulgate laws promoting good governance, advocating for citizens’ interests in public policy formulation, and executing oversight functions to ensure equitable distribution and access to public goods and services. In Nigeria, the elimination of poverty has remained a major focus of every successive government; however, more than half of its population still lives in poverty and continues to battle challenges emanating from inequality in societal structures. This study uses a secondary source to gather data and analyze the legislature’s impact on poverty alleviation in Nigeria’s fourth republic. The study reveals the extent of legislative intervention in alleviating poverty in Nigeria, the effectiveness of those actions and finally identifies ways through which the menace of poverty could be eliminated in Nigeria.

Abstract Background Colombia has high numbers of internally displaced people, forced to migrate due to the conflict. 1 in 3 displaced women undergo pregnancy during adolescence, compared to around 1 in 5 in the non-displaced population, alongside health and resource inequalities between these groups. There is limited qualitative information available from the perspectives of displaced women experiencing adolescent pregnancy. This research explores how structural violence may feature in their experiences. Methods Qualitative methods were used. Participants were recruited with purposive sampling, using key informants and snowball sampling technique. 14 semi-structured interviews were conducted in Ciudad Bolívar, Bogotá, involving 11 displaced women who began childbearing age 15–19 in the past 10 years, and 4 participants’ mothers. Data was analysed using the theoretical framework of structural violence, and emergent themes categorised using thematic analysis. Results Pregnancy was considered advantageous in many ways, but this was contradicted by resulting disadvantages that ensued. Structural violence was embedded in life stories, manifesting in poverty and difficulties accessing reliable income, poor access to healthcare and education following pregnancy. Institutional and interpersonal discrimination confounded these challenges. Conclusions Pregnancy during adolescence was a contradictory experience, representing both a safety net and a trap due to a complex interplay of structural and cultural violence in everyday survival. Policymakers must consider the importance of the context surrounding adolescent pregnancy and address systematic disadvantages affecting women in these positions.

The pivot of the legislature in addressing structural violence in a democratic polity is its responsibility of enacting legislation for good governance, representing citizens’ interests in the public policy formulation process and performing oversight functions for equitable distribution and access to public goods and services. In Nigeria, the elimination of poverty has remained a major focus of every successive government, however, more than half of its populace still live in poverty and continue to battle with challenges emanating from inequality in societal structures. This study applies a systematic literature review to gather data and analyse the legislature’s impact on poverty alleviation in Nigeria’s fourth republic. The study reveals the extent of the capacity of the Nigerian legislative institutions to push for the development of the nation the socio-political dynamic of the country impeding legislative oversight of the implementation of government policies and programmes and the implication of accountable and transparent governance in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Colombia has high numbers of internally displaced people, forced to migrate due to the conflict. 1 in 3 displaced women undergo pregnancy during adolescence, compared to around 1 in 5 in the non-displaced population, alongside health and resource inequalities between these groups. There is limited qualitative information available from the perspectives of displaced women experiencing adolescent pregnancy. This research explores how structural violence may feature in their experiences. Methods: Qualitative methods were used. Participants were recruited with purposive sampling, using key informants and snowball sampling technique. 14 semi-structured interviews were conducted in Ciudad Bolívar, Bogotá, involving 11 displaced women who began childbearing age 15–19 in the past 10 years, and 4 participants' mothers. Data was analysed using the theoretical framework of structural violence, and emergent themes categorised using thematic analysis. Results: Pregnancy was considered advantageous in many ways, but this was contradicted by resulting disadvantages that ensued. Structural violence was embedded in life stories, manifesting in poverty and difficulties accessing reliable income, poor access to healthcare and education following pregnancy. Institutional and interpersonal discrimination confounded these challenges. Conclusions: Pregnancy during adolescence was a contradictory experience, representing both a safety net and a trap due to a complex interplay of structural and cultural violence in everyday survival. Policymakers must consider the importance of the context surrounding adolescent pregnancy and address systematic disadvantages affecting women in these positions. Plain language summary: The violent conflict in Colombia has left many people forced to leave their homes and become 'internally displaced'. Internally displaced women are more likely to become pregnant during their adolescence than non-displaced women. This work tries to understand more about the everyday lives of displaced women who experience adolescent pregnancy, through interviews. The interviews were analysed and results interpreted using the theory of 'structural violence'. Structural violence describes how social structures such as racism, sexism, war and poverty determine life choices, leading to suffering and inequality. The work found that pregnancy and motherhood in adolescence for displaced women was positive in many ways by bringing purpose, status and companionship. However, these women also experienced many challenges after pregnancy, such as exclusion from education and secure employment and difficulty accessing healthcare. This demonstrated that structural violence features in multiple interconnected forms in the daily lives of displaced adolescent mothers. The work urges policymakers to appreciate the complexity of context surrounding adolescent pregnancy and motherhood, and to address the structural disadvantages facing women in these situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis explores a literacy teacher's changing perspective about teaching in a prestigious high school after learning about ahimsa, or holistic nonviolence. Drawing from theories of transformational learning and critical pedagogy in addition to understandings of ahimsa, this article presents some of the participant's new perceptions about her teaching and about the culture of the elite high school where she worked, including perceptions of structural violence. New understandings suggest that in order for schools to be nonviolent spaces, structural violences need to be considered alongside more overtly visible forms of violence. There are also implications for teacher learning. When professional development supports transformational change, it can be both inspirational and unnerving, and might shift participants' perspectives and unsettle their ways of relating to established practices and familiar contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the repercussions of the novel Coronavirus or COVID-19 have been felt across the world over the past few years, the impact has not been consistent. Instead, it has been mediated by the systemic ways in which existing social and structural disparities have failed vulnerable populations globally. Drawing on document analysis and fifteen in-depth interviews (n=15) conducted among the key stakeholders in the city of San Antonio, South Central Texas, this paper reveals how structural violence worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic resulting in making it a syndemic pandemic of high rates of deaths and illnesses among the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups. A grounded theory approach particularly revealed themes of social suffering such as low income and pre-existing medical conditions that contributed to higher mortality rates, the presence of racism and misinformation, the importance of trustworthy communication channels, and streamlined collaborative partnerships with clear and effective communication through all levels of the government, especially when communicating scientific information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores structural violence over Manja minority groups of Mareka Woreda in Dawuro Zone, SNNPRS, because structural violence over Manja minority group in the study area has been hurting intrinsically and in a systemic way. The article mainly stresses on the forms and actors of structural violence over Manja. Thus, the study employed qualitative research approach and descriptive research design. Both primary and secondary data were used to conduct this research successfully. The study finding indicated that the Manja minority groups have been endangered with structural violence throughout their lives in the study area. The structural violence is committed in different forms which include social alienation, economic exploitation, political oppression, cultural domination and religious discrimination which in turn results serious psychological impacts over Manja minority groups. Structural violence against Manja minority groups is committed by individuals, groups and institutions among the community in a systemic and indirect way. Though there is some improvement in social, economic, religious and political lives of Manja over time still things continued as they are and need more work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a commingled, fragmentary assemblage of skeletal remains (MNI = 9) recovered from a 1999 salvage excavation, this article explores the lives and deaths of individuals interred at the Brentwood Poor Farm, Brentwood, New Hampshire (1841–1868). This work demonstrates that bioarchaeological analyses of smaller samples can provide nuanced accounts of marginalization and institutionalization even with scant historical records. The skeletal analysis presented here is contextualized within the larger history of the American poor farm system and compared to similar skeletal samples across the United States. The hardships these individuals faced—poverty, otherness, demanding labor—were embodied in their skeletal remains, manifesting as osteoarthritis, dental disease, and other signs of physiological stress. These individuals' postmortem fates were also impacted by status; they were interred in unmarked graves, disturbed by construction, and once recovered, were again forgotten for more than 20 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study seeks to explore the gender -- specific impact of post-9/11 terrorism acts in Pakistan, with a particular focus on the parents of the children killed in the terrorist attacks on Army Public School in Peshawar, in 2014. The paper dwells deep into exploring how the parents have been impacted and examines the many ways by which the victims have devised coping strategies in response to traumatic events. This study uses Galtung's structural violence theory as a theoretical framework to examine the psychological impact on the parents, with structural violence in this context referring to post-9/11 terrorism acts in Pakistan. This study adopted a sequential exploratory design. By using a stratified random sampling technique, a total of 216 participants were selected, comprising 133 Direct Victims and 83 Indirect Victims. Data collection involved a mixed method approach - both quantitative and qualitative analyses. Primary data was collected through structured interviews and a standardized questionnaire called Lieber's scale of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) to measure the level of post-traumatic stress. Subsequent processing and tabulation followed by statistical examination to assess the psychological impact of post-9/11 terrorism in Peshawar. Finding indicates that the symptoms of PTSD were still evident among all participants even after nine years of terrorist attack. Participants who were directly exposed to trauma displayed more symptoms of psychological distress as compared to those who were indirectly exposed. The results also indicate a surprising and rather significant development in gender focused research with male parents exhibiting significantly high level of PTSD in comparison to women victims. Observations from the primary data showing men demonstrating higher level of PTSD, brings interesting propositions to gender research, where explorations around the social and psychological aspects of masculinity, and the multifaceted roles played by men around gender empowerment may prompt intriguing inquiries into gender research. Furthermore, it is recommended that future research must focus on factors that should not only identify the optimal timing for PTSD treatment, but also explore factors that can bring natural recovery. Moreover, the research also facilitates the policy recommendation for development work as well as those agencies including, the government, local and international aid organizations working in the areas affected by violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social inequities have widened divisions between diverse population groups. Inequity is associated with social exclusion, structural and physical violence and reduced development, which in turn are linked to civil unrest, conflict and adverse health and social outcomes. Public services are key institutions through which social inequities are created and maintained, but evidence on viable interventions to reduce institutional exclusion is limited for low- and middle-income (LMIC) contexts. We identify common drivers of institutional exclusion across diverse populations in LMICs and inclusion strategies that could potentially work across populations, public service sectors and country contexts. Seven studies engaged with over 385 key stakeholders in healthcare, education and local government settings in Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Myanmar, Nepal, Nigeria and Vietnam. Participatory research, in-depth interviews, policy reviews and multi-stakeholder workshops focused on a range of disadvantaged groups. A multi-sector partnership co-produced recommendations at each site. Findings were synthesised to identify common themes and a framework for social inclusion across disadvantaged populations. The invisibility of disadvantaged communities in public service planning and delivery processes helped maintain their exclusion from opportunities and resources. A spectrum of neglect, restrictions and discriminatory practice reflected structural violence linked to poor life chances, illness, physical abuse and death. Key recommendations include the representation of disadvantaged groups in service staffing and decision-making and the transformation of public service policy and practice to develop inclusive, targeted, collaborative and accountable systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary American political landscape, gerrymandering and the passage of anti‐abortion legislation are intimately connected in what I call reproductive gerrymandering. I develop this concept as an analytic tool to understand the disjuncture between the passage of laws restricting reproductive healthcare access and the will of the majority of voters. In this ethnographic project, Ohio serves as an important case study where efforts to elect a supermajority of extremist anti‐abortion Republican officials has allowed for the passage of unpopular legislation restricting abortion. I argue that the mundane bureaucratic processes involved in electoral redistricting and state budget procedures are forms of bureaucratic violence that result in structural harm experienced by pregnant people, especially those who are most marginalized. Reproductive gerrymandering provides a means for theorizing the connections across domains involving partisan redistricting, reproductive governance in the form of anti‐abortion legislation, and the structural violence experienced by pregnant people seeking abortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]