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The implementation of lockdown measures as a response to the spread of COVID-19 has increased the vulnerability of households to several human security issues. Using a desktop systematic review approach, the paper attempts an explanation of violence and unrest from the theoretical lens of the frustration-aggression theory. It discusses violence as a form of agency in South Africa and contextualises contemporary experiences in terms of the COVID-19 pandemic and the July 2021 protest, as well as the implication of such violence for the South African socio-political and economic sphere going forward. The paper argues that while South African history is bedevilled by violence, the vulnerability of the people due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic provided a breeding ground for frustration and the eventual violent unrest in many parts of South Africa. Therefore, the extensive looting of malls, warehouses, and distributors that greeted the July 2021 protest was only a product of South Africa's historical inequality and worsening state of affairs. The paper concludes that the unrest was mainly triggered by structural and historical socio-economic configurations rooted in extreme poverty and wide economic inequality. That becomes apparent in unemployment, deprivations, physical hardships, a failing or collapsing state, and state institutions and services underlined by neo-patrimonial practices and political failures, thereby leading to violence as a response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates gaps in the implementing community work programmes in South Africa using the case of the Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) and Community Work Programmes (CWP). The EPWP and CWPs were adopted by government as strategies aimed at uprooting poverty and unemployment in South Africa. The intention was to respond to high levels of poverty and structural unemployment compounded by gross inequity which renders South Africa the most unequal society in the world. South Africa is characterised by inequality, poverty and unemployment, and this has created an uneven allocation of resources to society at large. The interface of poverty, unemployment and inequality undermines South Africa's policies to become a developmental state. This paper argues that the legacy of apartheid and the adoption of neo-liberal policies in the post-apartheid era has not only contributed to socio-economic exclusion and marginalisation, but also relegate the poor and disadvantaged people into the deprivation trap. The paper evaluates the potential and challenges faced by EPWP, and the CWP to address the twin problems of poverty and unemployment in the country. Authors of this paper adopted a qualitative research approach to review literature from various sources such as books, articles from accredited journals and online credible publications. To respond to the aim, this paper argues that, although community-based work programmes such as the Expanded Public Works Programme and Community Work do not sustain employment opportunities in South Africa, they provide short-term safety nets for the unemployed, semi-skilled and unskilled citizens. Findings from this study revealed that community development work is not successful in achieving all the goals that are directly linked to poverty alleviation at programme level. Challenges found to be stifling the effective implementation of community work programmes included the implementation of the programmes at small scale, lack of active participation by unemployed and host communities, poor coordination and inadequate adequate infrastructure and resources to run the programmes effectively as we as well limited access to resources, assets and skills that can be jointly used to sustain the economy. The paper recommends the adoption of pluralistic approach in promoting active participation among community work programmes' stakeholders. This a literature review paper hence secondary sources of data were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the legacy of apartheid as a socio-economic and political system on the emerging democracy and citizenship in post-apartheid South Africa. Following the arrival of Europeans in the 17th century, South Africa was subjected to the Dutch and the British political administrations. The political conquest of South Africa by these nations left the indigenous peoples stripped of their dignity, land and political rights. As well as being deprived of their human right to exist, the indigenous people experienced brutal wars, social exclusion and economic marginalization. This paper argues that apartheid and the democratic system of governance both created binaries based on inclusion and exclusion, race and class, gender and ethnicity. The failure of the democratic government to address the structural and institutional challenges not only reinforced these binaries but also perpetuated democratic inequalities, pushing poverty and unemployment to high levels. This paper traces the legacy of apartheid's social implications on a nation branded on the concept of the rainbow nation. Economically, the adoption of neo-liberal policies has failed to yield the economic growth needed for South Africa to tackle poverty, unemployment, inequality and other social issues. Although democracy has been institutionalized through the Constitution of 1996 and other relevant legislation, the South African democracy is unable to address the socio-economic and political challenges. The data for this paper was elicited from discourse analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the obstacles that prevent young people from accessing higher education. Inadequate and unequal access to higher education internationally and in South Africa, in particular, has undermined young people's potential to contribute to national development. In South Africa, limited access to higher education for the majority remains a major problem. Hence, young people are underdeveloped socially, economically and academically. Thus, lack of educational opportunities relegates young people to the periphery of the mainstream socio-economic development. This paper uses Kenneth Gardens as a case study to interrogate a lack of access to higher education and its implications for youth vulnerability and non-participation in their own development. The research was qualitative in nature. The imperial data were solicited from semi-structured interviews with Kenneth Gardens youth. In addition, participant observation was used as a research instrument. The major findings from the research were the lack of aspirations as one of the major obstacles that hinder youth from accessing higher education, and the research also found that lack of funding, lack of awareness and inability to meet the minimum university entry requirements were underlying factors. Additionally, a lack of career guidance in schools and unemployed graduates were found to be fundamental for poor access to higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the socio-economic implications that the controversial sub-culture of skhothane has on the development or underdevelopment of youth at Ekurhuleni and surrounding townships. It interrogates skhothane within the post-modern expressive youth culture. In the township(s) of Ekurhuleni, skhothane is regarded not only as a controversial sub-culture but also as a lifestyle whereby young people compete in acquiring material goods with the ultimate purpose of destroying them. This practice co-exists alongside youth unemployment and underdevelopment which is exacerbated by poverty, rising unemployment and gross inequalities. The author argues that the practice of skhothane sub-culture does not only undermine the policies and programmes aimed at the socio-economic upliftment of young people, but turns the youth into materialistic consumers. In this article, young people are viewed as victims of post-modern lifestyles who are socialised under an intergenerational culture of poverty and underdevelopment. It uses primary data from selected interviews with skhothane members and general members of local communities and secondary sources from books, accredited journals and newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are varying perspectives regarding the role of traditional leadership in modern societies particularly in the delivery of services to local communities. One school of thought is of the view that traditional leadership as a system that is anchored on hereditary leadership is incompatible with democracy and should become extinct. The other school of thought holds that traditional leadership legitimizes participatory democracy at the local level. Despite these sharp differences, there seems to be a common appreciation that traditional leadership plays an important role in many aspects of rural life. The Botswana government sees the system of traditional leadership as a stumbling block towards greater democratization but also concedes that it plays a critical role in unifying society. In this respect, at the one end the Government of Botswana is averse to traditional leadership because it has the potential to counteract progress especially in such areas as political organization, women empowerment and economic advancement. On the other hand, the government sees traditional leadership as an institution that has to be utilized to support government in facilitating development at the local level and legitimizing the government of the day. This paper seeks to explore this paradox and examine the extent to which traditional leadership could be adapted to enhance good governance and local development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the quality of South Africa's local government public services. Using the country's eight Batho Pele Principles (White Paper on Transforming Public Service Delivery, 1997), as a monitoring and evaluation framework, it critically argues that the low quality of public services at local government level fuels public discontent and exacerbates the challenges of poverty, unemployment, inequality and poor service delivery. Furthermore, the disconnection between the local sphere of government and local citizens undermines the potential of this sphere to fulfill its constitutional, democratic and developmental mandates. Even the heavy dependence of people on local government as the sole provider of essential services (water, sanitation, housing, electricity etc.) is worrisome since local government lacks financial resources and is weak at recruiting skilled, knowledgeable and competent human resources. The paper relies on face-to- face interviews with academics and practitioners in local government and on secondary literature. It concludes that the failure of South Africa's local government to render sustainable basic services to its citizens emanates from the non-alignment of local economic development strategies to the strategic IDP within municipalities, cadre deployment, maladministration and mismanagement within local authorities including greed, corruption and a culture of self-enrichment among the officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper critically traces the periodization of local government as part and parcel of transformation and democratisation since democracy. Various epochs do located and analysed ranging from the history of apartheid local government to the democratic era comprise the three-phased model which is underpinned by pre-interim phase, interim phase and lastly the final phase. Despite the constitutional mandate bestowed on local government as an independent, distinctive and integrated sphere of government, the authors argue that local government is burdened with multiple responsibilities hence its imperfection transition. It is further argued that the imperfection transition manifests itself through democratic and service delivery deficiencies further aggravated by poor human and limited financial resources including corruption which culminated into country-wide protests since 2005.The paper is based on a study that uses face to face interviews with both academics and practitioners in the local government including secondary literature. The study found that due to the persistent imperfect transition, local government is one of the most distrusted spheres of government. Poor leadership, especially in running municipalities as well as financial mismanagement were found to be the leadfactors that sparked violent protests and demonstrations. The imbalance between the demand and supply in terms of governance has not only contributed to the creation of state dependency syndrome but also engendered people as subject (clients) as opposed to being citizens with rights and responsibilities alike. The paper uses social contract theory to measure perfect or imperfect transition in local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]