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Objective: The objective of this study is to examine the framework of "motherhood" and gender identity politics in the context of growing nationalist state projects rooted in the UAE national service discourse. While the Western scholarship has extensively examined the concept of motherhood, little empirical studies have focused on the complex linkages between motherhood, state, and national service, particularly in non‐Western contexts such as the UAE. Methods: The method was an in‐depth field interviews with national mothers. National mothers have increasingly emerged as the new ideological "objects" of the state‐led nationalist campaign to promote national military service in the UAE. The study further dissects the spatial boundaries of, and the complex relationships between motherhood and state, while simultaneously highlighting vignette of gendered narratives of various local UAE national mothers, and how they micro‐view, sacrifice, cope, and respond to the ongoing state project. Results: The results show how UAE national service has shaped the daily lives and sense of belonging of UAE national mothers, their acceptance of the changes National service has brought to their families. A "debt of gratitude" is a catalyst of their attitude to a state which represents their interpretation and understanding of what they foresee as the UAE state's act of "disciplining and governmentality" in times of ongoing unrest in the broader Middle East region. Conclusion: In conclusion, UAE mothers aligned their adaptation to a new disrupted change and family relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is an inevitable challenge for the whole world these days. United Arab Emirates (UAE) is classified among the countries with highest rate of vulnerability to the potential impacts of climate change in the world. The purpose of this qualitative research is to study the patterns of climate change in the UAE and to predict the future patterns. The methods used in the study were reviews and interviews as the data collection method. The results obtained summarized that UAE is facing many challenges related to the climate change impacts such as, water resources, coastal areas and food security. UAE’s efforts and future plans in dealing with climate change have been discussed. Climate change is hard to control because the emissions of green house gases (GHG) do not respect the boards, so countries should co-operate and take actions on global level to ensure save earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the question of collective identity formation in the Arab Gulf by looking at the distinctive ways in which the genealogies of the dominant kinship collective of the United Arab Emirates, the Banī Yās confederation, have been represented by that country's cultural and heritage-making institutions. I look comparatively at two high profile, state-sponsored, Emirati genealogical projects, one a site, and the other a text, and investigate their significance from a historical and ethnographic perspective. I find that the relatively weak religious gravity of the United Arab Emirates allows for unorthodox representations of kinship at the national level, that women do not necessarily buy into these representations yet contribute in their own ways to a kinship nationalist discourse, and that genealogy is nonetheless a particularly fraught idiom for binding together an ethnically heterogeneous society like the Emirates. Approaching the public representation of genealogies through an integrative framework, this article sheds light on important themes in modern Emirati and broader Gulf social and political life, including the complicated place of religious norms in a newly fashioned Muslim nation, the influence of gender on conceptions of kinship and nationhood, and the challenge ethnic heterogeneity poses to an Arab ethno-national project. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this study was to explore the voting behavior in United Arab Emirates by asking 1,800 citizens about which criteria they used to vote for a particular candidate in the past Federal National Council elections. Using descriptive statistics, the study showed that although patron-client networks played a role in voter's preferences - as existing literature about Middle East voters' behavior has established - they were superseded by personal attributes and the impact of candidates' campaigns. Emiratis voted for candidates based on three groups of factors, namely: 1) personal characteristics of the candidate including: public speaking skills, political experience, age, gender and educational level; 2) impact of a candidate's campaign including electoral promises and content of the campaign; and 3) patron-client networks including having personal and kinship relationship with candidate. The study showed that religious, political, and personal appearance factors were insignificant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses prudential regulation in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in relation to wealth effects and changes in the systemic risk that is associated with the return structure of the Functional/Segmented Two-Pillar system in the UAE as of 2015. Several deregulatory banking directives are mentioned, along with the nation's investment firms and banking sector. The Gulf Cooperation Council organization, financial regulations, and UAE Central Bank are also examined.

The article discusses the longevity of the monarchies in the Arab Spring, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States. Topics include a background on the regimes in United Arab Emirates, an unwritten contract between the regimes and their people about politics as well as economy, and the different forms of protest in the Gulf. Also mentioned are Saudi Arabia, Bahrain's House of Khalifa, and Qatar.

For decades the United Arab Emirates has been a major producer and consumer of oil. There has been a major surge in consumption over the last ten years, without a corresponding increase in production. Despite its massive oil deposits, Abu Dhabi has recently invested substantial resources in pursuing nuclear power and renewable energy. This essay examines the drives behind this strategy and analyses both the nuclear and renewable initiatives, arguing that, despite legitimate reasons to “go nuclear” and “go clean”, there is no guarantee that all these schemes will come to fruition. It may be equally important to focus on the high level of energy consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the main institutional developments that have accompanied the economic and political changes in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the past twenty years. In particular, the different agencies of the UAE's Ministry of Interior have taken active roles in responding to the demographic changes and in developing preemptive policing strategies that include community policing, extensive surveillance networks, and increasingly individualized and standardized forms of identification. The paper assesses how that institutional growth has shaped the way the UAE has come to manage its guest worker program over time. It explains how the security apparatus is deployed by the state for managing the criminal and cultural impact of expatriates on the national body politic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, Dubai has applied an economic developmental model which is strongly pro-business, emphasizes market liberalism and economic openness, and embraces globalization, while at the same time refraining from challenging the traditional neo-patrimonial leadership structure in the country. As such, the "Dubai model" has so far been distinctly different from economic models applied in the other GCC countries. However, judging from official statements, development projects under implementation, and the effort currently expended in creating economic assets in the other GCC states, these states seem to be embracing the "Dubai model" of development. This article will analyze the claim that the "Dubai model" is displacing the rentier state model as the general developmental model among the Gulf countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores prospects for political reform in the United Arab Emirates, a federation of sheikhdoms in the lower Persian Gulf. An overview of the politics in the region as of 2001, which is defined by an assortment of seemingly absolute hereditary monarchies, is presented. The reason behind the resilience of the United Arab Emirates' monarchies and the lack of political reform is explained. The article also describes the unique characteristics of the hybrid, neo-patrimonial government, which includes the powerful role of the Abu Dhabi Executive Council.

The article focuses on the political, economical and cultural situation of the countries of the Persian Gulf. Topics include the question of a national identity in these countries where foreign populations are significantly present, the decision of the authorities of the emirate Abu Dhabi to create an international cultural space, and the will of the United Arab Emirates to use culture as a political tool.