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Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the national and international conjuncture that has produced the violence exercised by the State against society and that, until today, continues to promote the oblivion by refusing to reveal the past. In order to do that, this paper analyzes political forces in confrontation, the theoretical basis of the Cold War and its coercive practices. Besides that, it intends to relate the National Security Doctrine to the period of Military Dictatorship and it shows the struggling theories in the national memory reconstitution and the recomposition of the historical truth.

Este artigo propõe estabelecer uma relação entre a Política de Segurança Democrática e a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional na Colômbia, para, a partir do discernimento dos traços de continuidade entre esses dois discursos, entender as implicações da Política de Segurança Democrática para a configuração do atual cenário político do país. Buscamos identificar essa continuidade por meio de uma análise de três processos: a formação das Forças Armadas colombianas, o papel dos Estados Unidos na política de segurança do país e a formação de grupos civis armados paramilitares. Articulando esses três elementos, argumentamos que o 11 de Setembro provê importante capital político para o empreendimento da Política de Segurança Democrática. Contudo, o seu conteúdo e suas implicações só ficam claros ao restabelecermos sua conexão com a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional.This article proposes to establish a relation between the democratic security policy and the doctrine of national security in Colombia, with the intent of stressing the features of continuity between these two discourses and, based on that, understand the implications of democratic security policy for the present configuration of the national political scene. We will try to identify this continuity through an analysis of three processes: the formation of the Colombian armed forces, the role of the United States in Colombia's security policy and the formation of civil armed groups of paramilitary orientation. Articulating these three elements we argue that although the events of September 11 may have provided important political capital for the undertaking of the democratic security policy, its content and implication can only be made clear when we re-establish its connection with the doctrine of national security.

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the national and international conjuncture that has produced the violence exercised by the State against society and that, until today, continues to promote the oblivion by refusing to reveal the past. In order to do that, this paper analyzes political forces in confrontation, the theoretical basis of the Cold War and its coercive practices. Besides that, it intends to relate the National Security Doctrine to the period of Military Dictatorship and it shows the struggling theories in the national memory reconstitution and the recomposition of the historical truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to establish a relation between the democratic security policy and the doctrine of national security in Colombia, with the intent of stressing the features of continuity between these two discourses and, based on that, understand the implications of democratic security policy for the present configuration of the national political scene. We will try to identify this continuity through an analysis of three processes: the formation of the Colombian armed forces, the role of the United States in Colombia's security policy and the formation of civil armed groups of paramilitary orientation. Articulating these three elements we argue that although the events of September 11 may have provided important political capital for the undertaking of the democratic security policy, its content and implication can only be made clear when we re-establish its connection with the doctrine of national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adaptation of the Doctrine of National Security in Brazil was made by the Superior School of War, one of the centers of military education of strategical thought during '50. The notion of geopolitics studied since 1930 prominently between the military intellectuality was adjusted to the doctrine spread out for the United States and taught to the Brazilian officers in the zone of the Canal of Panama as well as the emphasis in more pertinent elements to the Brazilian reality, as it was the biggest importance given to the revolutionary war, spread out for Frenchmen and English, in relation to the war total. For this reflection, the manuals elaborated for the Superior School of War had been used mainly, therefore they consist in important sources on the development of the Doctrine of National Security in the country, and Geopolitics of Brazil, the general Golbery of the Couto and Silva, writing in 1958, considered the workmanship most influential on the incorporation of Brazilian geopolitics to the idea of the Cold War and the national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work analyzes the contextual elements that determined the diverse rationalities of the civil and military elites involved in the conflict of the Beagle. At the same time, the form in which these authoritarian regimes operated when they militarily occupied their respective countries; that is to say, when it sustained their political systems and their capacities of conflict negotiation, constituting the violence in the device of basic power, though nonexclusive. Also, it analyzes the fundamental role the Catholic Church exerted when the manipulation of this virtual war was journeyed or was constituted in war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]