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In 1926 the weekly journal of the Independent Labour Party (ILP), the New Leader, welcomed a new editor. Fenner Brockway was an experienced journalist, a committed socialist, and devoted to the ILP. His appointment was a consequence of a more militant left-wing outlook gaining prevalence in the party, careful political manoeuvring, and a desire to communicate the necessity for socialism to the ordinary working class. Until 1946 Brockway worked tirelessly on the New Leader, combining this with several other party roles and external commitments. This article scrutinizes the nature of the paper under Brockway's editorship, which has previously been cursorily dismissed as a failure and disappointment. It examines the format and content of the paper, its function within the party, staffing, circulation, and distribution. Despite the decline of the ILP, it is argued that Brockway delivered a newspaper which met the requirements of the party at the time. Further, it demonstrates that, despite the drastically decreasing party membership in these years, the New Leader consistently broadcast the ILP's message to a wider audience than previously thought. Finally, this article contributes the first account of Brockway's New Leader and a detailed provenance for a journal which has regularly been utilized as a source by historians of the ILP and of the wider labour movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the Fascist Colonial Institute (ICF) of Bologna as a local space in which fascist ideals of empire, gender and class collided and were reproduced. Founded shortly before Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, the ICF served to transmit colonial consciousness to the Italian people, and, most especially, to young middle-class women. Analysis of the local Bolognese ICF, however, reveals a more complex reality. Courses designed to create fascist imperialists out of middle-class women and forge a ruling settler class for the colonies evidence that the institute used the empire as a tool to shore up gender norms in fascist Italy. The author argues that an unintended outcome of these courses was that the ICF became a space of limited freedom and of social and professional mobility for its young women participants. In addition to learning transgressive skills, these women took advantage of their affiliation with the institute, using it as a springboard for further employment opportunities. The paper is based on a rich collection of sources from the Bolognese branch of the ICF, held in the Museo Civico del Risorgimento di Bologna in the Archivio dell’Istituto Fascista dell’Africa Italiana – Sezione di Bologna. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though extensive literature exists on Moroccan women in the public sphere, simultaneously less research explores the ways in which men ‘do domesticity’. This paper will examine the ways urban Moroccan middle-class men interact within the private spheres of life, why they do so and what this means for gendered subjectivities in Morocco. For some urban middle-class Moroccan men, being a good father means taking an active role in his children’s lives and taking care of them with the help of his wife. This is not true for all urban middle-class men, but most said that they were more willing to help with cooking, cleaning and childcare than their father had been: showing a generational shift. Additionally, most participants said that doing housework does not lower the level of a man’s masculinity. Despite this, every Moroccan woman that I talked to does most reproductive labour around the house. This paper explores the dynamic nature of Moroccan masculinity across the life cycle: from early marriage, to being a father and being retired. This generational shift is happening due to the confluence of structural changes in education, socioeconomic class and occupation in addition to individuals’ desire to be active fathers and husbands. I place urban Moroccan middle-class masculinities in context with Moroccan femininities and highlight both male and female voices. These findings are based on 17 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Rabat, Morocco including 53 semi-structured interviews and extensive participant observation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the state apparatus classifies who are the citizens to be symbolically included in the collective, and who are to be excluded by analysing interfaith marriages in the Israeli context, where ethno-national identity is society's main category organizer. I argue that the women's social-economic standing (working-class versus middle-class) and ethnic origin (Mizrahi Jews of Middle Eastern and North African ancestry versus Ashkenazi Jews of European ancestry) play an important role not only in their strategies but in the nationalist rhetoric against them. The paper also shows how interfaith marriages, although rather rare in Israel, determine that ethno-national boundaries are more permeable than they are first appear, although crossing and shifting them is never simple. Yet the importance of this phenomenon is not in its prevalence, but in its social and political impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper rejects the cases made in recent volumes of this journal for incorporating political economy into youth studies. A brief review of young people's transitions from education into employment in the UK during and following the 2020 and 2021 lockdowns shows how youth transitions research engages routinely with changes and continuities in politics, state policies, the economy and labour markets. It is argued that the main weaknesses in current transitions research arise from our lack of an up-to-date class scheme within which to locate subjects' childhood origins and adult destinations. However, the paper illustrates how young researchers occupy a privileged position from which to identify emerging, consolidating and declining social classes. The conclusion is that youth studies must necessarily foreground young people, that it must engage with the outcomes of political and economic processes but has no need to 'dig deeper' into political economy for alleged underlying root causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of migrant minorities in Europe has long been characterized by a turn to identity politics. This turn has had two shortcomings: First, it often conflates religion, ethnicity, and nationality, resulting in what I call "categorical astigmatism". Consequently, migrants find themselves lumped into categories they would not primarily identify with. Second, despite its importance in the lived experiences of migrants, class is treated as a "non-identity" and intra-migrant class differences do not get the attention they deserve. Building on these two criticisms, in this article, I first employ Bourdieu's theory of "classification struggles" to conceptualize "categorical astigmatism" and make a plea for categorical clarification. I then suggest the theory of intersectionality as a way out, highlighting the importance of class and its intersection with other markers of difference. Empirically, the paper builds on interviews with migrants from Turkey and Syria in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that elected officials are more responsive to the opinions of high-income citizens than to those of middle and working-class citizens in the United States. This is often explained by the fact that economic elites make campaign contributions to political elites, leading to decision-making that aligns with the preferences of the affluent. This paper examines the opinion-policy link in Swedish politics, where campaign contributions are relatively low. Despite this, the study finds that high-income citizens still receive the most policy responsiveness. Three alternative possible explanations are discussed. Do high-income citizens receive more responsiveness because (a) they are better able to put issues on the political agenda, (b) because they are easier to satisfy and prefer 'cheaper' symbolic policy reforms, while low-income citizens prefer more costly policies or (c) because the status quo bias works to the advantage of high-income citizens? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that processes of marginalisation experienced by white working-class students provide insight into systemic problems with the English education system. White British students eligible for Free School Meals (FSM) are a low attaining group. This research investigates factors affecting their engagement and achievement. Fieldwork in three comprehensive secondary schools in a London borough used qualitative methods to gather data on the perspectives of staff, students and parents. Using Bourdieu's conceptual tools to guide the analysis, the study found that performance pressure and funding cuts can result in an institutional habitus which privileges academic attainment, side-lines the social and emotional aspects of learning and misrecognises working-class capitals. Such habitus fosters pedagogic practices which reduce levels of felt safety and limit opportunities to actively engage and exercise agency in the classroom. These conditions often make fragile the learner identity of white working-class students (and others) and prompt disengagement from school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are histories describing in detail the development of early childhood education (ECE) around the world, yet not enough is known about this in the Middle East and the information on the origins of ECE in Iran is scarce and fragmentary. This article is the first of its kind to present an overview of the main developments rendering possible the establishment of the first kindergartens in Iran. In our account, we connect this genealogy of early childhood education in Iran to various trajectories: 1) the work of intellectual reformers; 2) the Iranian feminist movement; 3) the Constitutional Revolution in Iran (1906–1911); 4) religious reformist beliefs in Shia; 5) the missionaries' schools; 6) the Armenians' schools and 7) the age of girls' marriage. As we demonstrate, early childhood education in Iran emerged before the industrial revolution. It was mainly provided for intellectual and influential families, focused on physical education accompanied by music, while religious education was marginal. Our genealogical explorations indicate that compared to kindergartens in Britain and Europe, Iranian early childhood education has been an instrument for intellectual societal reform. It was the fruits of a transplanted tree nourished by various local cultural-socio-political trends and religious beliefs. The paper concludes with an assessment of the importance of local and international influences on the emergence of early childhood education and the need to explore this history with an intersectional approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writings on epistemic injustice have assessed how people can be harmed in their capacity as knowers when they are a racial minority, a woman, disabled and so on. But what about when they belong to the working class? This paper is an initial attempt to understand why class has so far received limited attention within writings on epistemic injustice and to respond to these reasons. It focuses on how testimonial and hermeneutic injustices specifically harm workers in ways distinctive from the harm one might suffer due to other social identities. It does this by drawing attention to the special case of industrial strike action and the play of conceptual resources and credibility assessments that influence the action’s success. Additionally, it provides a first-time exposition for social epistemologists on what I term the ‘class compositional approach’, derived from 1960-70s Italian labour struggles. This approach, I argue, succeeds in evading the criticism of class reductionism while developing recent philosophical work on class-based injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with people's attachments to historic urban places they experience in their daily lives. The topic has received growing emphasis in the realm of heritage studies, given its importance to the conservation and management of historic urban environments. Drawing on qualitative data collected from thirty in-depth interviews carried out in Edinburgh, Scotland, I explore the multiple ways in which (known as dimensions in place attachment literature) people develop attachments to historic urban places: from a kind of autobiographic attachments which were grounded in their everyday living and memories, and those of their families to intellectual attachments wherein they showcased their deep appreciation for the attributes that define a historic place. I also seek to demonstrate a class-specific nature of attachments at the intellectual level, adding a politicised view to the complexity of the phenomenon. In so doing, I demonstrate the many ways in which historic places are important to people's enjoyment of lives in the city, and the various roles the history of places and/or their historic attributes played in forging such attachments. I conclude the paper with discussions on findings related to the current state of knowledge in place attachment research and implications for heritage practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marxists often link the emergence of finance capital to developments in the categories of capital, such as flight to money capital, sometimes associated with changes in the organic composition of capital. While not disputing the importance of transformations in capitalist categories, this paper examines the causal role of working-class agency in the emergence of finance capital. The paper addresses finance capital in Britain, giving due consideration to a variety of causal factors cementing its dominance. It then considers the role of labour unrest in developing a working class in itself, gravitating towards and away from political expressions (syndicalism, social democracy) in pursuance of its immediate economic struggles. The overall argument is that the emergence of finance capital in the parasitic form it took in Britain was fundamentally a response to the power of a working class in itself. Parasitism became the default trend to control the working class and prevent any potential movement towards a working class for itself from gaining hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractPrevious research on alcohol consumption and leisure illuminates the ways in which drinking practices—including a preference for “craft” products—are entangled with notions of taste and distinction and linked to classed drinking identities and modes of “serious leisure”. However, little is known about how this plays out for light drinkers or short or long-term abstainers from alcohol. These supposed non-consumers have traditionally been located on the periphery of dominant drinking cultures. However, an expanding market of craft and speciality No and Low alcohol (NoLo) drinks in Western contexts presents new opportunities for light/nondrinkers to “do” leisure, (re)engage with the market and construct discerning (non)drinking identities. Drawing on findings from in-depth interviews with UK-based NoLo drinkers, this paper highlights how craft NoLo consumers draw on themes of skill, taste and expertise to align themselves with the discerning (middle-class) drinker and perform or embody modes of serious leisure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through her films, the Galician filmmaker Margarita Ledo Andión builds a singular benchmark on the margins of a peripheral cinema per se: the Novo Cinema Galego. Her performative and experimental narratives, in line with avant-garde films of other small European cinemas, her nationalist and feminist (political) discourse, and her condition as a woman filmmaker situate her filmography on the intersection of multiple peripheries. This paper analyzes her most recent film, Nación (2020), from the perspective of cinema made by women as minor cinema and an example of "fourth cinema" as an instrument to make visible the role of women in the class struggle and the construction of Galician national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on 'diaspora at home', a concept that encapsulates the unique dynamics between Hong Kong and mainland China, as an analytical tool to explore the cross-border experiences of 23 Hong Kong students at 11 universities in mainland China. It empirically ascertains how the made and imposed claims and identifications of these Hong Kong students resulted in inclusion and exclusion as their interactions with their mainland peers and institutions deepened. Specifically, it highlights how their 'diaspora at home' status offered exclusive access to privileged higher education opportunities, preferential treatments and opportunities for upward social mobility. Meanwhile, such a status also resulted in an overwhelming sense of political liability as they unwittingly became 'political tokens' and suspected political subjects amid the increasingly tense political atmosphere between mainland China and Hong Kong. This paper pinpoints the relevance of class and politics in understanding how diasporic groups engage with higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his writings, Bernard Magubane theorizes racial capitalism but without necessarily invoking the term. Instead, he frequently refers to "the political economy of race and class" in the South African society. First, Magubane traces the roots of capitalism and racism in South Africa back to European expansionism. Second, he grapples with dispossession during the colonial period and calls it "the fact of conquest". This period was a significant prelude to apartheid capitalism and racism. Third, having analyzed these forms of domination, he argues that black people in South Africa would be liberated through the insurrection of the working people. Magubane's main contribution is his use of historical analysis to understand the next move by imperialism and its impact on the interaction of race and class and the struggle for liberation. Magubane seeks to develop a clear theoretical framework to understand the nature of the South African society. In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate Magubane's contribution to Marxist thought based on his study of South Africa's racially hierarchical political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the discipline of International Relations (IR) to the ideas of Che Guevara and their legacy in world politics. As one of the most famous revolutionaries of all time, Che's legacy is complex, multifaceted, and deeply political. His thought carries across many concerns central to IR theory, especially decolonialism and anti-imperialism, offering a unique radical Marxist-humanism focused on revolutionary praxis. This paper explores Che's writing and speeches, arguing that the most important aspects of Che's legacy do not reside in his contemporary romanticization but in Che's emphasis on class analysis as a means to interrogate neo-imperialism in world order and thereby expose the possibilities for a genuinely internationalist (or cosmopolitan) politics of emancipation leading to a decolonized, self-determining world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the stories of women migrants from Latin America who found themselves living precarious lives and struggling to sustain former idealised notions of their racial and class identities in London. Dispossessed of previous class membership due to an onward feminised precarity, a diminished social capital, undocumented legal statuses, and menial stigmatised jobs, women clung to an idealised perception of social status (shaped by white Eurocentric aspirations) to negotiate and reconfigure class and racial anxieties in London. They engage in various strategies that include processes of whitening through marriage and children, performances of taste and beauty, and negotiating their racialisation at work. These cases reflect the relevance of the coloniality of power, its influence in the subsistence of racial and class ideologies in Latin America, and in a global economy of care that produces and reproduces postcolonial forms of intersectional racialised and gendered exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions why, despite capitalism's intimate connections with sport, it is rarely named, let alone explicitly discussed in sport management. It questions whether capitalism should remain as the invisible, ghostly backdrop wherein sport management is located and conceptualized. This paper is primarily a position and conceptual paper, though it is foregrounded with a search of the term 'capitalism' within leading sport management academic journals, conference abstracts, and textbooks. It also provides a synopsis of capitalism (as a global system of power) and suggests that capitalism has a ghostly presence in contemporary sport management scholarship. This paper advocates for an expansive understanding of 'sport management' as the organizing processes of sport activities, as opposed to the 'managing' modalities with capitalist values. Naming capitalism is a necessary first step for sport management research to become more accountable to social justice and emancipation. Naming capitalism makes it analyzable. It opens up intellectual space to support multi-racial, multi-gender working-class and anti-colonial struggles within and beyond the sport industry, furthering existing analyses on racism, sexism, heteronormativity, ableism, etc. with a renewed focus on contradictions under capitalism. Moreover, it opens up possibilities to theorize non-capitalist forms of organizing sport that challenge the default logics of the sport 'industry'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper frames the embodied experience of bicycling using theories of performativity and materiality. In doing so, the paper provides insights into embodied processes that regulate the gendered and classed cycling body across age. Drawing from interviews completed with newcomers to Toronto enrolled in a bicycle mentorship program, this paper highlights how context-specific social norms exist around who is read as cycling appropriately. Two norms consistently discussed are that cycling can be at odds with femininity and that it is a symbol of poverty. These norms act as discursive regulatory frameworks for gender and class performativity. Cycling can also be an experience of 'intense embodiment' in that it can bring the absent body back into consciousness. This experience is dynamic and elicits diverse emotions. Furthermore, cycling is not only found to increase people's awareness of their materiality, but also their bodily fluids challenge the notion of 'secure' bodily boundaries. These material processes can be gendered and/or classed, and can affect access to mobility and public space. By studying identity formation processes as they relate to cycling, this paper sheds light on the power-laden underpinnings of identity-based differences in cycling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is bodily-material dynamics of urban trauma in ruins of Miners' Welfare institutions in the Nottinghamshire coalfield, UK. Emergent geographical work on urban trauma has explored how attritional 'slow' violence enacts in space and time, emphasising the complexities of spatiotemporal processes of collective trauma. Processual theorisations in urban trauma literature are prefigured by those in recent ruins research where there is a retheorisation from ruin as object to ruins contingent of spatiotemporal processes of ruination. Bringing recent literatures on urban trauma into closer dialogue with ruins research, this paper makes a methodological contribution to bodily-material dynamics of urban trauma in spaces of ruination. Contributing to theoretical and empirical debates on industrial ruins and ruination, I advance two interrelated methodological positions: archival research and critically reflexive embodied ethnographies. Following a tracing of their development, I situate Miners' Welfares within theorisations of urban trauma and ruin(ation) before proposing a pluralistic and processual methodological framework. The utility of this framework is then enhanced by an empirical section arguing that bodily-material dynamics suggest moments of 'fast violence' imbricate the slow violence of ruination to constitute how urban trauma is textured into, and evoked by, the decline of Miners' Welfares. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes its cue from those given at the conference Psychotherapy and Healthy Masculinity. These prompted the author to reflect on how he experienced masculinity as a psychotherapist working with families within NHS England's CAMHS. The difficulties in children leading to their referral demonstrated a problematic parenting in which the diminished role of the father was causal. Beliefs about masculinity held within the family matrix were largely ones that functioned to fill epistemic lacunae. Such filling represents a double injustice. Not only is there very little empirically based thinking about fathers in our western culture for families to draw upon to make sense of their experiences. Instead, this dearth is often falsely compensated through ideologically derived pejorative concepts, that invariably do not relate to experience. The paper discusses the perniciousness of relying upon ideological perceptions of masculinity through focusing upon how easily they are acquired and work against the mental health of children and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the extremes of the transnational cleavage in Western European democracies, voters for far-right and green parties tend to hold polarising immigration attitudes. Yet, the extent to which immigration concerns divide mainstream left and right voters, and drive vote-choice at the ballot box for mainstream parties, is under-researched. In this article, I disentangle both immigration attitudes and mainstream electorates to answer these questions. I show that immigration issues divide electorates within the mainstream left and right along educational lines. Yet, the divide between low-educated and highly-educated voters, in particular regarding their cultural immigration concerns, is larger for the mainstream left. Secondly, turning to the drivers of vote choice, I find that cultural immigration issues explain voting for the mainstream right, particularly for lower educated voters, whereas economic concerns are associated with voting for the mainstream left, despite education level. The paper contributes to ongoing debates about immigration issues and voting by recalibrating the academic focus towards mainstream party electorates and internal divisions therein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Specialty coffee is increasingly produced and consumed as part of routine life in many cities in modern China, but the social and cultural shifts it has engendered yet to be systematically examined. By examining the intersections between social media and the operations of independent Chinese coffeehouses in the field of taste, this paper puts forward the idea of new taste among Chinese millennials, which comprises individual subjectivity, heterogeneous social relationships, and forms of class distinction. Using taste-oriented keyword searches on WeChat official accounts, 20 articles were returned and analyzed in terms of their textural and visual orientations to examine the processes underlying how taste is influenced in the consumption of specialty coffee in China. Findings suggest the importance of taste makers in this process, from routine creation of aesthetic ambience in the coffeehouses to the construction of affective taste spaces online, and the establishment of taste cycles from online to offline, which all underpin class privilege. Moreover, the emergence of an 'urban café community' appears to be characterized by specific forms of belonging resulting from a productive effect of the interplay between independent coffeehouses and consumers in everyday urban life in which a set of aesthetic boundaries reside. Second, these digital consumers distinguish themselves socially by positioning themselves as having a cosmopolitan taste grounded in coffee appreciation instead of merely consuming coffee for physiological benefits. These findings extend taste propositions through engagement of Chinese digital millennial consumers to uncover the underlying cultural classifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare state transformation has resulted in the expansion of private associations and the increased role of religious charities. In the context of the austerity crisis, the paper addresses how Caritas volunteers in an impoverished urban area in southern Italy deal with the bureaucratisation of resource distribution in face of increasing demands of 'aid'. The categorisation of poverty by welfare agents and the moral evaluations that underlie volunteers' approach to 'the new poor' provide insights to the explanatory frameworks they articulate in order to make sense of their compensatory role in the face of scarcer welfare state provisions. The paper highlights the linkages of formal and informal circuits in charity initiatives in order to analyse the interplay between procedural and moral definitions of poverty. It shows how volunteers adjust to the transfer of the responsibility to care from welfare state to charity and finally how they make sense of social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the study of work time, a wealth of influential ideas has emerged about the potentially damaging impact of too many hours in the labour market on the rest of peoples' lives, as well as about the negative economic ramifications of short hours working. The paper focuses on the temporal and economic well-being of female employees in Europe, stimulated by the importance of work time in debates over time poverty and work life integration. It asks whether women in shorter hours jobs are happiest with their time for paid work and leisure, but also what might the lower wages from reduced hours working mean for women, particularly those in low-level occupations. The paper shows first that although working fewer hours contributes to women's satisfaction with their time in many countries, it is long full-time hours that have the strongest (negative) relationship with women's temporal well-being across Europe. Second, the paper demonstrates the damaging impact of working in low-level occupations - both part-time and full-time - on the economic well-being of women's households. It stresses the importance of a combined work time and occupational class approach in the ongoing analysis of women's working lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the "intellectual monoculture" that organizes American IPE, this paper draws on Inayatullah and Blaney's conception of ethnological IPE and Escobar's analysis of the production and management of poverty in the Third World in order to study Appalachia. The paper focuses on Christian missionaries and educators and their work among populations of poor whites at the Konnarock Training School for girls. It shows how diverse actors transformed a stable set of social differences into stark interpretations of neediness, institutionalized those interpretations, and enacted them onto the bodies of locals in specific ways that reflected global, colonial patterns of stark inequality (1830–1930). The paper is organized into an historical narrative with four main points of examination: the contact zone where class and religious differences emerge as politically significant interpretations of neediness; the institutionalization of those differences as neediness through the construction of a church, mission, and school; the educator's discursive production of class and religious differences in a global context through their writings in a missionary magazine; and the educator's discursive production of scientifically measured differences of race, particularly a degraded whiteness. Through a cultural political economy of colonialism, Appalachia was produced as a peripheral zone populated by a marginal people within the world's economic core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on participant observation and interviews in two yoga studios in the highly socially stratified city of Marseille, France, this paper explores the understandings of yoga as a health practice that emerge at the intersections between yoga styles and their social contexts of consumption. Its insights emerge from the comparison of three modern yoga styles that were developed for Western English-speaking cultural contexts – Iyengar, Bikram and Forrest – and which differ in form but also in the chronology of their emergence on the global yoga market and that of their reception in France. These three yoga styles are also branded through contrasting mythologies of transformational healing, and the aim of this paper is to explore how a brand conceptualization of yoga as a health practice relates to or resonates with the embodied experiences of practitioners, and to the socio-cultural contexts in which practitioners and their practices are embedded. The paper contributes a new case study to the global yoga scholarship and to a poorly studied French yoga scene, but more importantly, it cross-examines the discourses through which a yoga style is branded, the way it is transmitted, and the social context and social positioning of the individuals who practice it. Combining perspectives on the body, narrative and rituals, it identifies how yoga healing is construed in relation to gender, ethnicity and class and the points of consensus and dissent that emerge from the encounters between French social bodies and exogenous yoga styles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

J.M.R. Lenz's comedy Die Soldaten (1776) depicts characters who are unfree and, to varying degrees, obedient to eighteenth-century authorities such as the family, religion, the government, and the class system. Despite this, Lenz prized the concept of freedom and his theoretical works suggest that the greatest force over individuals is their natural drives to perfection and happiness. This paper looks at these two sides of his writings and their implications for Die Soldaten. The analysis centres on the protagonist, Marie, as the figure of freedom stifled, demonstrating her story as an example of the moral fallout that results from obedience to opposing external authorities. It juxtaposes this depiction with the soldiers in the play, who are shown as having far less personal autonomy. This paper argues that Lenz's depiction of freedom and obedience in Die Soldaten exposes gaps in his own thinking about the relationship between morality and class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of 'class strategies' in policy formation is sometimes unseen as plans are unrealised in practice over long periods of historical time. 'Subterranean class strategies' are an extension of existing work on class to consider 'class work' on policy in the 'long unenacted'. Using the example of emergency feeding in a national crisis, the stark difference in school meal planning for post-World War 2 emergencies when compared to the COVID-19 crisis is discussed. Through an analysis of archival records, it is shown that 'subterranean class strategies' - the devaluation of school catering expertise by the army and the private sector, the lack of co-operation of independent schools, and localisation and privatisation - diminished the role of schools in emergency feeding. The paper concludes by considering how the concept of 'subterranean class strategies' could inform work on educational think tanks, privatisation and subsumption, and intersectional areas such as race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we employ "everyday techno-nationalism" as a critical lens to unpack the Indian government's ban of TikTok in 2020. We focus on social media discussions of the ban on Quora and Reddit, and examine how TikTok is perceived as a "Chinese" platform as contrasted, but simultaneously integral, to a techno-nationalist imagination of "Indian-ness." We put forward two arguments based on our findings. First, we suggest that TikTok's "Chineseness" is a populist affective outcome of the discursive articulation of Indian "nationhood," achieved by the effective use of an us-versus-them rhetoric, which signifies a process of digital territorialization amid globalized media flows. Second, we observe that the classist-casteist narrative underscoring TikTok's association with "cringeworthiness" marginalizes the working-class content creators – so prominently visibilized by TikTok – both from the media landscape and the nationalist imagination. Fundamentally, India's TikTok ban raises questions about statist interventions into people's media practices; and as importantly, their own understanding and use of digital technology, which, ironically, within a globalized era, seems to be only notionally more connected, but practically more partisan than ever. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Hochschild's theory of emotion management as a theoretical framework to interrogate women's expressions of anger on Love Island. Using both critical discourse and textual analysis, we provide a comprehensive analytical investigation of how anger is shaped across the intersections of gender, race and class, and how it is mediated through the genre of Reality TV. Our findings demonstrate moments in which women on Love Island do not conform to gendered, classed and racialised "rules of emotion". Rather, we argue that they embody an abject femininity by latently expressing their anger in order to negotiate relational issues of power and subjectivity. We further understand these expressions of anger as demonstrations of female solidarity within Love Island's strictly heteronormative power structures, which reinforces the notion that anger is a potentially productive entity, and is one that women can mobilise in order to fight oppression (Audre Lorde, 1981). However, our findings also demonstrate that women who express anger continue to be subject to provocation, sanctions and belittlement, both within production and among fellow participants. For women who are Black, and women who are working class, these processes of emotion management have intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The data privacy debate in India has evolved with respect to the government's biometric identity programme, Aadhaar that enrols welfare-dependent, poor populations to grant them access to government benefits. While legal challenges to Aadhaar by civil society groups argued that the biometric identity infrastructure creates conditions of mass surveillance and violation of individual privacy, the Indian Supreme Court in 2018 ruled that the government was justified in restricting individual privacy for the collective good of providing welfare in a transparent and corruption-free manner. Given the disproportionate burden on these populations to prove their identities to the state, this paper draws on a close reading of legal and policy texts, and activist documentation to argue that there is a need to move beyond the narrative of mass surveillance as privacy violation. Data privacy interests of the welfare-dependent emerge in the moment of biometric authentication, which creates anxieties of recognition when their authentication attempts fail or are deliberately falsified. Often, to have better social mobility, they are compelled to be physically mobile in order to enrol or update their records under conditions of physical disability and meagre socioeconomic means. These anxieties illuminate their privacy interests through a compromise of dignity or dignified living, a formulation articulated in the 2018 Aadhaar verdict. The paper makes a critical contribution to the global conversation on data privacy through a discussion of the Indian case that demonstrates the privacy-recognition nexus in local contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates claims that millennial youth are being jilted by gilded baby boomers. The interrogation is by comparing the education and early experiences in labour and housing markets, then (when possible) the subsequent lives, of three post-1945 British cohorts: the immediate post-war cohort who completed education between 1945 and 1960, their children who passed through the same youth life stage in the late-1970s and 1980s, and finally the post-war cohort's grandchildren, the millennials who have completed their education since the late-2000s. The analysis searches for gilded and jilted sections within each of these cohorts by comparing their lives with those of their parents. It shows that no cohort has been uniformly gilded or jilted, and that the label (jilted or gilded) which appeared most appropriate when a cohort was making its education to work, and family and housing transitions, has often looked inappropriate by the latter part of their lives. The paper argues that it is too early to apply gilded or jilted labels to any sections of millennial youth, and that current appearances that they are victims of generational inequity are due to a long-term failure to match increased investments in human capital within families and in education with investments in the economy and housing that would enable the millennials to convert their human capital into commensurate jobs and accommodation suitable for new family household formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class Matters, by Mahony and Zmroczek (1997), was an important collection marking working-class women's contribution to the academy and society. In taking up the question of class, this paper considers the ways in which a partial and particular discourse reflected its author's material circumstances, including her preferred conceptual interests as well as her un(self)conscious knowledge. In revisiting the way class 'mattered', and continues to matter – we devised and enacted an exploratory dialogical methodology to open up the original text to new meanings and interpretations influenced by generationally and geographically specific intellectual/theoretical vocabularies. The paper enacts this multivocality with reflections from each author, connected by a co-authored exploration of affect and the power and problematic of the 'autobiography of the question'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on my own experience as a working-class academic, as well of that of working-class students in the present, I discuss how the experience for working-class students in elite universities still includes many aspects of classism, even when those students can, and do, do very well indeed and even when policies are apparently in place to support them. With class not being a protected characteristic in the 2010 UK Equality Act, issues of classism tend to be ignored and relegated to the Widening Participation agenda, where serious issues of classism, tend to be ignored. The paper discusses how this the eliding and effacing of class has arisen and what needs to be done to confront it, including the central role of working class academics in the critique of logocentrism and the possibility of a new work towards an ecology of classed relations. The paper asks how a different understanding of class as currently lived might help advance an agenda for the study of class in higher education today and in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assesses the social constitution of senior BBC journalists and British politicians and considers the extent to which they reflect the general public. By examining ten variables – including gender, age, ethnicity, parental occupation and education – this paper shows the majority of the BBC and Conservative cohorts spent their formative years in the more prosperous regions of the UK and have family backgrounds that suggest relative wealth. Many also attended private secondary schools, and just under half studied at the elite British universities, Oxford and Cambridge. The senior Labour politicians, however, are a closer match to the national population in gender and regional influences. They also have relatively modest backgrounds, and few attended elite universities. This paper raises the question of whether middle class, metropolitan journalists, who have spent most of their lives in southern England, can identify with – and report on – issues that affect the greater British population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Punjab, when viewed through the lens of culture, presents a multifaceted and multi-dimensional cohesion. Within the frame of a cultural phenomenon, Punjab appears to be many Punjabs at once, a geographical, a political, an online, a feudal, and a diasporic Punjab. All of these many phizogs appear to be in continuous dialogue, negotiating for the supremacy of one structure. The paper aims to examine these kaleidoscopic patterns of a changing Punjab through the negotiations occurring within the cultural phenomenon of Sidhu Moose Wala as a singer, painting a picture of an evolving Punjab that persists along spatial, temporal, and cultural axes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper presents the influential Austrian sports publicist, official and athlete Otto Herschmann (1877–1942). He created a unique contemporary document with his book Viennese Sport in 1904. This book is a key text for understanding the political and social condition of sport in Vienna in its constituent phase. Despite this, the book has been virtually unrecognized even in the relevant literature. The study examines the social and political situation of sport in the central European metropolis of Vienna around 1900, focusing primarily on the class relations of sporting practices. The overall question is how British sport diffused into the stratified society of the Habsburg Monarchy. The main sources are Herschmann's book and contemporary newspaper reports which are contextualized with the relevant secondary literature. The theoretical framework of the study is provided by Bourdieu's reflections on the differentiation of the 'semi-autonomous field of forces' of sport, as he set them out in the two texts Historical and Social Preconditions of Modern Sport and Program for a Sociology of Sport. Overall, it becomes apparent that there was no uniform, linear establishment practice of sport in Vienna around 1900. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon contemporary analyses of the interconnections between stigmatized places and identity formation, this paper explores processes of place-based identity formation on a British council estate. Connecting post-structural theorisations of identity and space, the paper explores the tensions between structure and agency implicit within theorisations of place-based identity as a community. Conceptualising the entanglement of structure and agency in place making as "being placed", this paper offers an analysis of contradictions inherent in a structurally located agency. Founded upon ethnographic research of the material and cultural conditions of "being placed" on The Estate, the paper explores everyday resistances to place-based identity and the stigmatization of community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates attitudes towards death and the social factors that influence them among a sample of residents in Tehran, Iran. Using grounded theory and anchoring our analysis in the meaning of death (what people think happens after death), we were able to conceptualise three broad worldviews on death, which were then further refined into nine attitudes. Our research highlights socio-economic status as a factor potentially shaping people’s attitudes towards death. A large group of our respondents, mainly among less affluent groups, think about death daily, while many among the more affluent and the educated middle class prefer to avoid thoughts of death. Our study in a Muslim majority setting in the Middle East contributes to the existing literature on attitudes towards death by going beyond simple typologies, such as western versus eastern, traditional versus modern, religious versus secular, denial versus acceptance, to show that the diversity of attitudes towards death can both incorporate and transcend all of these dichotomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class is key to understanding the genesis and impacts of climate change. Nevertheless, it is commonly argued that 'we are all in the same ship', suggesting that emerging climate politics will not be conflictual along class lines. This paper demonstrates that (agrarian) political economy and political ecology scholars have not adequately scrutinized the relevance of class to contemporary environmental politics to counteract such claims. It also briefly considers two questions – can there be progress without conflict? and can there be conflict without an enemy? – before calling for the development of a Marxist theory of environmental conflicts in the Anthropocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schoolchildren's embodied subjectivity has often been understood as a bio-political tool to 'clean up' and modernize poor and marginalized communities. In many post-colonial contexts, school uniforms frequently appear as visual symbols of a child's clean, schooled body and democratic access to education. Through ethnographic research with 10–14-year-old schoolchildren in urbanizing areas in northern Tamil Nadu, my paper asks how children inhabit and co-construct the school uniform code's cleanliness discourse in their everyday lives. Studying plural school uniforms through a spatial lens, I explore schoolchildren's embodied and relational work in negotiating with the equalizing school uniform codes within the schools and the circulation of multiple school uniforms in the community outside. Engaging with a shifting visual aesthetic of embodied cleanliness in a context of class segregated schooling. I argue that school uniforms are discursive sites where exclusions of class and gender, with undertones of caste and age, are simultaneously reinforced and negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vietnam's offshore fishing industry remains a space dominated by men, with fish work being tied to notions of what it means to be a man. This paper uses interviews data and participant observation to assess the ways in which masculinities shape and are shaped by labour relations in offshore fishing in Southern Vietnam. Findings show that labour relations are maintained through an emphasis on the abilities of men to do difficult physical work, behavioural expectations associated with masculine norms, and a homosocial bonding culture at sea, in addition to a bonding culture on land that involves drinking and women as entertainment. Multiple masculinities are identified with varying degrees of fluidity as informed especially by class and with dynamics differing at sea versus on land. In a context of fish stock decline and international pressure for strict fisheries reform, efforts to sustain an offshore fishing workforce rely, in part, on the reproduction of a particular local hierarchy of masculinities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the International Journal of Lifelong Education archives in the period 1982–2020. We analyse how the Journal engages with the issue of inequality. This is accomplished by systematically identifying relevant articles within the archives, and reviewing these whilst taking account of the societal, cultural and political or economic contexts in which they were written. Most articles identified for review focused on specific disadvantaged groups, discussing ways in which adult education might help, support and strengthen them. A minority took a more critical approach, assessing the drivers for inequality, or problematising the role of lifelong education as a catalyst for addressing inequality or social injustice. In our analysis, we distinguish between inequalities related to class, gender and migration/ethnicity as themes emerging from our initial sweep of the archives, however these themes are represented unequally both in terms of number and attention given across the decades. Perhaps surprisingly, given the different forms of inequality addressed in the Journal, it seems that only very few of these papers can be directly associated with historical events and contexts relevant to the times in which they were written. Theoretically driven conceptualisations of inequality are rarities within the archives, with some notable exceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stay-at-home measures imposed by governments to counteract the COVID-19 pandemic have drawn attention to the domestic sphere. Besides spending much more time at home in general, people also required the private sphere to fulfill multiple functions, including as workplaces, schools, and fitness centers. Within a qualitative social research framework, the paper examines how people in Vienna, Austria re-ordered their homes during lockdowns to address these challenges. We discuss ordering work as a form of care work regarding the home's conception, realization and maintenance, and understand the home as being produced in and through practices, including ordering practices. In particular, we are interested in whether and how ordering practices gained higher significance during the pandemic, and in how—by reordering their homes—people re-negotiated their social relations and the inequalities connected to care work and the home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban studies are still troubled by Friedrich Engels' argument from 1872: that the bourgeoisie's only method to solving housing problems is to shift them elsewhere. Through analysing urban policies in Oslo, Norway, this paper demonstrates that the almost 150-year-old argument is still relevant. This cannot be confronted without a better understanding of class as a complex and constituting process in relation to urban policy. In this paper class will be analyzed through three clusters of causal relations: (i) a stratification approach, (ii) an opportunity hoarding approach (related to Weber), and (iii) domination and exploitation (a Marxian approach). Urban polices in Oslo is to a large extent consistent with a stratification approach – i.e. both individuals and places can become 'richer' and 'improve' without other individuals or places losing anything – and to some degree with a Weberian approach – the municipality wants to include local residents in education and labour markets. In order to confront the 'bourgeoisie method', we need to open the door to the third approach and discuss class in relation to the broader political economy. Rather than an area-programme with the aim of 'lifting the place', what is needed is class-programmes that aim at 'lifting the class'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do employees in "new services", such as coffee baristas and gym trainers in India, see their jobs? In this paper, we build on extensive fieldwork in gyms and coffee chains that cater to the emerging Indian middle classes. Our research highlights the importance of respect and recognition in making service interactions more meaningful for new service workers. Generally hailing from the lower middle classes, new service work offers important opportunities to interact with and learn from English-speaking upper middle-class customers and clients. Besides the opportunity to interact and learn, the acknowledgement they receive for their skills and (bodily) accomplishments make such professions attractive as well. Even if this holds the potential for upward socioeconomic mobility, our findings also point at the resilience of social hierarchies. Drawing on literature on service interactions and new middle-class formation in India, this paper provides important insight into how young Indians navigate and negotiate the opportunities and pitfalls that come with the country's changing socioeconomic landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social status in early-twentieth-century Shanghai hinged on varied markers. Wealth, race, and public conduct each affected social and cultural mobility in complex ways. This paper considers how these themes helped entrench social hierarchies by focusing on non-elite foreigners who occupied racially and socially ambiguous positions in Shanghai. Using the media representation of a murder as a point of access, this paper explores who these non-elites were and what they meant to the society they lived in, arguing that liminality such as theirs induced deep-seated elite anxiety over the stability of Western privilege and white prestige in colonial and semi-colonial environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]