Search

The Earth is currently undergoing a sixth global‐scale ecological crisis. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report of 2021 highlighted a need to curb global heating at 1.5 degrees above the pre‐industrial baseline, and outlined a range of likely impacts of climate change on global societies should no action be taken, particularly in relation to reducing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2050. Despite this need, policy‐based action at a nation state level is lacking, with talks at COP25 failing to reach necessary agreements. In response to this, and as we approach COP26, a significant global youth movement has been activated, with children and young people taking it upon themselves to highlight a need for climate and environmental action, calling for others to follow. This paper follows the emotional journey of one of its co‐authors, 11‐year‐old environmental activist, Lucie. Through the innovative approach of co‐production with Lucie, in this paper we detail the role of emotion in one youth activist's journey. From her initial reactions watching BBC's Blue Planet II, to the multifaceted highs and lows that have followed as she strives for change, we illuminate the emotional implications such experiences may have on children and young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I call for geographers to engage further with a so far under‐explored concept of the socio‐ecological imagination, which I define as a variant of political‐geographical imagination(s) concerned with envisioning (and progressing) the transformation of relationships between human society and the rest of the planetary environment. In response to escalating ecological breakdown, and a recent surge in environmental movement mobilisation(s) led in many places by young people, this paper seeks to contribute to expanding understandings of the socio‐ecological imagination, drawing on interviews and participant observation with young environmental activists in the North East of England. The paper performs two major tasks. First, through analysing the ways in which the environmentalists narrate their imaginaries of socio‐ecological transformation(s), it is argued that dominant oppositional tendencies within participant narratives result from a tension between antagonistic and imaginative forms of transformative politics. Second, the paper explores in more depth the main forces constraining the imagination of alternative socio‐ecological futures, proposing three major interconnected barriers that emerge from the environmentalists' narratives: crisis lock‐in; colonisation of the social imaginary; and dualistic temporal imaginaries of transformation. In sum, I suggest that these barriers warn of an imaginative gap between our current social reality and just and sustainable futures, driven by structural and psychological pressures faced by activists in the current era of multi‐dimensional crisis. Bridging this gap can be aided by a greater engagement of geographers and environmental movements with a socio‐ecological imagination and a processual understanding of space–time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an autoethnographic account of the "racialized activist body" in the White academy and in tandem the bio‐politics and bio‐ethics of its right to be an affective body or to possess its senses against the trauma of anti‐racist struggles in higher education institutions. The paper argues that in the postrace university, the "activist body" birthed through trauma becomes a conduit for the pain of others enacting it as a site for the deposition and transmutation of trauma in the quest for racial and social justice. It employs Bracha Ettinger's notion of "matrixial borderspace" to examine the interplay of social relations between of the activist body and other traumatized subjects in the provision of care as an activist. Two narratives unfold in the paper fusing the articulations of the main text with the paratext to unleash the tumultuous psyche of the activist and her journey of voicing resistance in her anti‐racist struggles. In the process, the activist body emerges as a "diseased site," overloaded with the trauma of others, yet numbed in its inability to reconnect with its own corporeality and professional identity in its interface with White governmentality. The paper asserts that anti‐racist struggles reassemble the activist body, tightly welding it with exhaustion which manifests in the pervasiveness of racial battle fatigue in the ivory tower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People have fought against racism for as long as it has existed and yet it persists in diverse and materially impactful ways. The primary challenge to eradicating racism is likely the power of white privilege. This paper argues that another important obstacle to progress has been the lack of a clear definition of antiracism that movement activists and scholars can collaboratively use to ensure that antiracist scholarship and efforts meet the full measure of the term's intention. While academia has struggled to converge on a definition, "lay race theorists" and movement activists—Black women in particular, have been participating in discourse online and through other venues where consensus appears to be developing around a definition. This article attempts to summarize activist discourse in defining antiracism as "the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms" and individual antiracism as "the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms, by (1) building an understanding of racism and (2) taking action to eliminate racism "within oneself, in other people, in institutions, and through actions outside of institutions," noting that "antiracism is an ongoing practice and commitment that must be accountable to antiracist Black people, Indigenous people, and other People of Color and consider intersectional systems of oppression." While research on the public conversation benefits from its easy access and limited additional burdens on movement activists, future research should test these definitions with movement activists to ensure that definitions and metrics are as relevant to the antiracist movement as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition‐building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical assessments of the 1907 Hague Peace Conference, such as its 1899 predecessor, are usually framed in verdicts of success or failure. Although some specialist accounts rightly portray the Hague meetings as both successful and important, most analyses of the period emphasize their shortcomings, not least the failure to prevent war in 1914. This article interrogates why the existing historiography is framed in this simplistic—and ultimately misleading—success/failure dichotomy. Focusing on hopes and aspirations regarding disarmament ahead of the 1907 Hague Conference, it contends that networks of European and American citizen activists, by doing so much to bring the conference about and legitimizing disarmament as a topic for diplomatic discussion, ensured that immediate verdicts of the conference's work focused on the (practically nonexistent) outcomes in this domain. This lack of progress overshadowed all other accomplishments of the second Hague conference and established, well before 1914, a prevailing narrative of failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the relationship between activism, the individual and the lifecourse, this paper argues for the importance of conceptualising activism as a dynamic temporal, as well as spatial, process. Transferring Nancy Worth's understanding of youth transitions "as becoming" onto activism, and using empirical research with adults who were involved in organisationally mediated activism as young people, three states of activism are offered and considered: circumstantial, dormant and embedded. Firstly activism that is circumstantial, important in the moment, is shown to play a significant role for young people in making possible multiple potential futures. Exploring these connections between the past and future unsettles the recent (over)emphasis in the studies of children and young people and P/politics, of the "here and now". Secondly, it is argued that when involvement in organisationally mediated activism has finished, these experiences of activism have not ended but are dormant. They may be rejuvenated and curated at a different position in the lifecourse or following a new moment of conscientisation. Thirdly, contributing to a growing body of literature within activist geographies, instances where activism has become embedded in everyday spaces are examined. Complex transitions to adulthood are suggested to contribute to the nature of activism in these spaces. Going beyond the documentation of small-scale activisms, these activisms are also presented as entwined with other scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out an emerging discourse on defining and repairing the generational spiritual consequences of racism, victimization, marginalization, and isolation experienced by women of African descent, identified in this paper as "soul trauma." Drawing on the work of W.E.B. Dubois, Joy DeGruy, Iva Carruthers, and others, it establishes the deep and deadly effect of internalized white supremacy and cultural hegemony on the identity and socialization of Black women, an effect that requires substantial work and repair beyond what established human service delivery practices can provide to the essential core of one's being, the soul. This article posits the concept and practice of Sankofa as a form of holistic medicine in the repair of Black souls, specific to the use of Kindezi, a Kikongo education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As in other African countries, activists in Uganda play an important role during political campaigns. Monetary handouts, called 'transport refund', often facilitate their participation. Although these handouts often cover more than just the costs of transportation, the label indicates that mobility is seen as an important financial item for campaign activists. Despite this, little has been published about the role that mobility plays in the processes of political mobilisation in Africa. This article therefore examines mobility as an important yet neglected aspect of political mobilisation by evaluating the role of motorcycle taxi riders during elections in Uganda. Usually referred to as Boda‐Bodas, they are essential short‐distance transport providers in the country. Beyond that, being Boda‐Boda has become a way of survival, a form of social organisation, and a promise that every youth can make a living if he dares to face the dangers of the country's accident‐prone roads. Politicians have since discovered the potential of these bold young men and recruit them en masse ahead of elections. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2018 and 2022, this paper examines the unique mobilities inherent in Boda‐Bodas. It finds that characteristic mobilities enable their movements as transport providers and argues that these mobilities also enhance political rallies. Boda‐Boda motorcycle riders have therefore become a crucial activist group during political campaigns in Uganda. This acticle reviews the role of Boda‐Boda motorcyclists during political rallies in Uganda. It uses a mobility lens to highlight how political mobilisation modernised through the inclusion of more mobile activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical‐right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical‐right politics, both institutionalized and non‐institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical‐right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical‐right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical‐right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical‐right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical‐right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical‐right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores key lessons learned during the design and facilitation phases of a conflict resolution workshop with environmental activists in rural Appalachia. As these practice notes and analysis highlight, conflict resolution (CR) practitioners can support activists by engaging in robust preparation work in order to better understand how activists work together, how that work evolves over time, their frames for making sense of conflicts and new possibilities for collaboration. This work raises timely questions about the role of outside facilitator partiality in CR processes, especially when differences of power and marginalization within activist networks reveal fault lines that disrupt collaboration and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a longitudinal study that uses insights from postcolonial feminism to explore women's entrepreneurship as a political form of feminist organizing for social change in Saudi Arabia. Postcolonial feminist approaches challenge Western feminism, which can obscure the diversity of women's lived experiences, agency, and activism. Through Bayat's (2013) theory of "quiet encroachment," I identify the ways in which contemporary Western conceptualizations of feminist solidarity and social movements have dismissed "Other" women's "silent," protracted and (dis)organized activism in parts of the Middle East. By exploring how Saudi women have utilized their entrepreneurial space as a legitimate platform for change, I aim to enrich understanding of women's activism through everyday solidarity practices, which allow them to quietly encroach onto the previously forbidden political space. The findings exemplify how their activism "quietly" developed over time through a three‐step process—from the entrepreneur aiming to empower women within their organization, to developing feminist consciousness within their entrepreneurial network, to becoming a "political activist" lobbying for policy changes for women. These solidarity practices exemplify the West's relationship with "the Other," and reveal that feminist organizing for social change must be explored within its own context in order to fully appreciate its global political potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relationship between early anarchism and republican/nationalist ideas. We will focus on the case of British‐based activists grouped around the journal Freedom and their engagement with Irish nationalism during the Age of the Empire. Freedom, founded in 1886, was the most important anarchist journal of the English‐speaking anarchist–communist networks at the time and was the main editorial reference for the worldwide community of anarchist activists, mostly exiled, who resided in London at that time. Extending current interdisciplinary literature on transnational anarchism, we argue that anarchist views of nations, while rejecting the novel notion of the nation‐state, were associated with anti‐colonial struggles and with republican anti‐monarchical and egalitarian notions. Based on primary sources, we discuss the intersections between these Britain‐based anarchists and anti‐colonial Irish radicals, by engaging both with their writings and their international networks of solidarity, thus exploring the complex intermingling of anarchism, anti‐colonialism, and republicanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the increasingly popular approach of militant research and argues for the need to conceptualise it as a contradictory approach that exists against-and-beyond any form it takes. It understands militant research as a committed and intense process of internal reflection from within particular struggle(s) that seeks to map out and discuss underlying antagonisms while pushing the movement forward. Based on the author's experiences of doing militant research with Occupy London from both inside the university and through the Occupy Research Collective created outside, it argues that there are no ideal sites for doing militant research. It explores the opportunities of doing militant research within the university, pointing towards the potential for subverting the resources available, and highlights the barriers, in particular with relation to ethics. The Occupy Research Collective ( ORC) is then examined as an alternative space for doing militant research. In turn, a number of limitations of ORC are noted, including both its lack of resources and tendency to (re)create a form of doing militant research detached from broader struggles. While recent work has highlighted the need for militant research to operate antagonistically to the neoliberal university, and there have been calls to create new institutions outside it, this paper extends previous arguments by emphasising the need to criticise all forms of militant research in order to push struggles forward. It draws on John Holloway's widely referenced 'in-against-and-beyond' dialectical approach to emphasise the inevitable challenges of institutionalising militant research, no matter where this takes place. It concludes by suggesting that militant research should not shy away from embracing critiques of particular struggles and that further theoretical work needs to be done in terms of developing a more open and relational understanding of militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a contribution to the institutionalist approach to money through ethnographic research carried out in two local currency systems in Argentina (known as trueque). It argues that Argentinian local currencies must be considered as monies in their own right even if they differ from state and bank issued currencies, because they can be understood as systems of evaluation and settlement of debts denominated in a specific unit of account (the crédito). Money is said to be an ambivalent social relation because in the two cases studied it mediates very different dynamics, exacerbating inequality in one context and promoting collective emancipation in another. This difference is due to the kind of political communities that the crédito tends to forge. In both Rosario and Poriajhu, the political community is defined by a set of values that legitimizes ongoing monetary practices and institutions rather than the State's coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 26 December 2003 an Israeli activist was shot by the Israeli Army while he was participating in a demonstration organized by Anarchists Against the Wall (AAtW) in the West Bank. This was the first time Israeli Soldiers have deliberately shot live bullets at a Jewish-Israeli activist. This paper is an attempt to understand the set of conditions, the enveloping frameworks, and the new discourses that have made this event, and similar shootings that soon followed, possible. Situating the actions of AAtW within a much wider context of securitization-of identities, movements, and bodies-we examine strategies of resistance which are deployed in highly securitized public spaces. We claim that an unexpected matrix of identity in which abnormality is configured as security threat render the bodies of activists especially precarious. The paper thus provides an account of the new rationales of security technologies and tactics which increasingly govern public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a recent resurgence of what is often termed "prefigurative politics": activity in which people channel political effort into demonstrating in the present the types of social relations and practices sought at a future point in time. This paper engages with literature on prefigurative politics through reference to everyday forms of political and social action in the north Indian village of Bemni, Uttarakhand. We show that young people who migrated between urban centres and Bemni village played important roles as mentors, political activists and social helpers. They served as exemplars, seeking to alter the behaviour and attitudes of those around them at the everyday level. We make three key points on the geographies of this action. First, we diverge from most accounts of prefigurative politics in pointing to how such politics can be embedded in everyday life as well as unfolding within distinctive urban spaces, such as camps. Second, we highlight how migrants use their spatial knowledge and social skill to develop alliances, which, in turn, sustain prefigurative politics in the village, even as they move in and out of Bemni. Third, we demonstrate the significance among young people of a geographical narrative of "atmosphere" (mahaul) – and an associated notion that youth can change the mahaul through their practice. In making these points, we show that prefigurative politics can be a compelling conceptual touchstone, broad enough to address multiple geographical themes but focused enough on one idea – enacting goals in the process of struggle – to draw thinkers together and generate meaningful debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More importantly, Arrington does not show what leads to the emergence of her "accidental activists": who are they before they are activists, and how do their stories and experiences of victimhood reinforce, impact, or otherwise shape their activism? Llamojha's life history helps us to understand what it meant to be a political activist in the decades of the Cold War, and how the war between two world powers affected the lives of ordinary people and activists, as they were accused of communism, jailed and persecuted. I Accidental Activists: Victim Movements and Government Accountability in Japan and South Korea i Celeste L. Arrington (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016) I Now Peru Is Mine: The Life and Times of a Campesino Activist i Jaymie Patricia Heilman and Manuel Llamojha Mitma (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) I Activist Archives: Youth Culture and the Political Past in Indonesia i Doreen Lee (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) Both the recent rise of populist leaders and the success of protest movements in the last decade have brought the study of political and social movements center stage. The youth activist is treated as a generic identity in I Activist Archives i : apart from a few vignettes in which certain activists' voices are heard, it remains unclear who the activists are: their class, gender, social and cultural identities do not come forward. [Extracted from the article]

The process through which societal actors can exert direct influence on the behaviour of organizations has gained increasing attention over the past two decades and is increasingly referred to as 'social licence' or 'social licence to operate'. This paper documents the rise of social licence and analyses the relationship between information and communication technology (ICT), governance and the social licence. We argue that contemporary social licence and the increasingly prominent role societal actors have in private governance has been facilitated by technological innovation in the fields of media and communications, allowing interest groups to have a far greater reach, and direct interaction and engagement with the public, other interest groups and the industries concerned. Now, a larger population can rapidly contest traditional practices regardless of national borders, the issue concerned or the actors involved. The unpredictable, dynamic and subjective nature of social licence has prompted concerns regarding legitimacy of stakeholders, the information they disseminate and outcomes they promote. Subsequently, in an attempt to maintain political and corporate legitimacy, business interests are demanding more adaptable regulatory regimes. These political dynamics are resulting in the proliferation of network style governance that can adapt and cope with changing information, attitudes, values and beliefs. As a result a new era of experimentation and trialling alternative governance regimes has been born. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fluctuating forms of diversity have evolved as a result of cross-border interventions by civil resistance activists. Such diversity is nurtured by the inflows and outflows of individuals form very different backgrounds on a local stage of action. Discussing civil resistance as an arena in which such fluctuating diversity produces multilayered patterns of identification, this paper looks at Israeli and international activists who interject themselves temporarily into the local sphere of civil resistance in a Palestinian village. Here, solidarity activists form a highly diverse and shifting assemblage of actors who divide among themselves according to power-related ascriptions and privileges. As in a musical orchestra, individual activists and groups of activists each follow their own 'score,' but align their distinct functions with one another to wage a struggle collectively. Within this orchestra of civil resistance, diversity is not the obstacle to collective action but its very basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the progress made in the fight against discrimination and stigma in relation to HIV/AIDS over the past decade. It highlights the positive impact of measures such as self-testing, pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), and antiretroviral therapy (ART) in reducing new HIV cases and mortality rates. However, it also acknowledges that discrimination and stigma still persist, particularly affecting transgender individuals who experience higher rates of HIV prevalence and discrimination. The article emphasizes the importance of culturally competent and respectful care for transgender individuals and calls for governments and international agencies to establish policies that address social determinants and intersectional stigma to ensure equity, dignity, and health for all. [Extracted from the article]

This paper offers a theorization of how the state touches. Through an analysis of the extensive 2011 protests over Wisconsin Senate Bill 11, we interrogate the relatively non-violent interactions between police and protesters during the 17-day occupation of the Wisconsin State Capitol building. On display there were diverse police deployments of 'soft' force and haptic touching, technologies that enabled officers to subtly affect the movements and relations of protester crowds without resorting to familiar coercion- and consent-based politics. We offer a pair of concepts, cathexis and l'esprit de l'escalier, to diagram how statist touches were mobilized to catch individuals unawares and momentarily co-opt their bodily affects. These modes of control suggest much greater savvy regarding touch, force, and affect than is often granted in representations of the state apparatus. In light of this, we close with a reflection on the changing tactical grounds for struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transnational movement of climate activists is resorting increasingly often to acts of civil disobedience. Upon being prosecuted for those acts, climate activists across various jurisdictions are starting to plead the general criminal law defence of necessity. The present article takes the cases in which that defence was pleaded before Swiss courts as a case study to analyse the legal questions raised by the 'climate necessity defence', conceptualised as an instance of climate litigation. The article hence situates the Swiss cases within a broader framework, trying to draw interpretive insights from international environmental law and climate science, as well as the transnational case‐law on the climate necessity defence. The article's overarching submission is that a broad interpretation of the defence, tending towards accepting its applicability, is more in line with the current legal thinking on environmental matters than a restrictive interpretation rejecting a priori climate necessity claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the field of British political history's blind spot when it comes to race. Where modern British political historians are comfortable approaching politics in 'high' and 'popular' forms as well as in terms of ideas, institutions and policy, they often struggle even to see a politics of race in operation. Using examples drawn from research on the post‐1945 history of the white supremacist movement in Britain, this article maintains that the means to render race visible in the political history of modern Britain lies in the incorporation of previously overlooked perspectives. In search of these perspectives, it looks to black British history and critical studies of race. In particular, it highlights analyses and critiques of British racism by black political activists, from those who organised in response to the 1959 murder of Kelso Cochrane, to the Black Power groups of the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: James Baldwin (1924–1987) was a prolific African American author and activist whose writing centered primarily on race, sexuality, and religion. Baldwin's lived experiences and breadth of knowledge provided him with a unique perspective of the Black experience in America, a theme he frequently revisited in his work and the impetus for his involvement in the Civil Rights Movement Method: This article presents a psychobiographical application of Queering Black Racial Identity Development to conceptualize the life story of James Baldwin. Results: This study explores the life of James Baldwin, highlights his influence as a historical figure and agent of social change, and explores the "why" of his life and behavior. Specifically, his decision to return to the United States during the Civil Rights Movement and possible reasons he avoided politicizing his sexuality in the same way he did his racial identity. Conclusion: As an African American, nonheterosexual, male author and Civil Rights activist, Baldwin's intersectional identities played a significant role in his decision to dedicate his life to writing and activism. Limitations of the study are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Activism is responsible for many of the positive social changes we have seen across time, and is central to pushing for continued social change. However, these positive outcomes do not come without a cost, as activism can also be draining and can lead to physical and emotional harm for those involved. Social policies and intervention programs have addressed how to help people maintain their engagement with activism aims, though few have considered the motivational role of purpose in life. As purpose in life involves a sustained commitment to one's goals, having a purpose in life centered around activism may help an individual remain committed to activism and to the creation of change in the face of these obstacles. If activist purpose can help us understand and predict who is likely to remain engaged in activism, then it is valuable to consider what factors influence the development of activist purpose, in order to continue necessary social change. Thus, in this work we define activist purpose, and theorize as to what factors may be relevant to the development of an activist purpose by situating predictors of activism and collective action within the literature on pathways to purpose in life. This work may thus provide a greater understanding of how to encourage activism or reduce the harmful effects associated with activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional response to #BlackLivesMatter and anti‐Asian hate are shaped by crisis response with strategic plans, rather than structural change and investment in care networks. In this article, we offer our personal narratives to illustrate the possibilities of embodying carework to support student activists and illuminate how we collectively survive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effects of an anti‐racist narrative of a neighbourhood in Malmö, an important site of pro‐migrant and anti‐racist activism in Sweden. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2013–2016, the article analyses how this narrative was constructed as an effort to challenge the "crime‐due‐to‐immigration‐discourse" otherwise associated with Malmö and supported by far‐right political parties and their sympathisers in Sweden. The activists' place‐based narratives constitute attempts of commoning and of prefiguring a certain future of the city as anti‐racist. This article shows how a certain narration of a place in a particular urban context enables and encourages a strong activist space, important when conducting large‐scale struggles for social justice and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long‐standing debate regarding how whites respond to Black political activists who push for racial equity. Symbolic racism researchers have argued that white reactions result from a blend of racial animus and traditional moral values, while conflict theorists have argued they are more a matter of group interests. Others who take a politics centered approach argue that principled objections rooted in political ideology—not racial considerations—are the driving force. In this article, I outline the history of this debate, with a particular emphasis on the symbolic racism and group conflict perspectives and their theoretical foundations. Efforts to synthesize these perspectives have made a case that both feelings are aspects of whites' sense of group position and might be described as "collective racial resentment." Drawing on this concept, I argue that whites are likely to be angered by Black political activists because they are perceived to be a threat to the group's position. I then propose the more general concept of "collective racial emotion" to capture contexts where whites may feel paternalistic warmth if they believe their group's position is being protected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This chapter opens an analytic space to consider the resonance of "old places" in the contemporary moment through the lens of archaeology. Borrowing the term used by some of our interlocutors, old places are places that bear memory, that have accrued emotional attachment, and that intervene in the present as reminders of things that have happened before. Through these qualities, old places sustain life and relations. We adopt an expansive view of site formation processes that extends into the present and future and argue that studying contemporary site formation can unleash insights into the multi‐temporal constitution of the world we inhabit. We do not insist on a single approach to studying these processes, but rather suggest that the methodological and theoretical diversity that archaeologists and local communities bring together is key to studying and knowing old places in the present. We draw connections between a contemporary archaeology of old places and the emergent fields of contemporary archaeology and critical heritage studies, but also argue for retaining and fully incorporating the political and activist orientations of historical, feminist, African Diaspora, and Indigenous archaeologies—fields that have long centered the knowledge and concerns of contemporary communities—into this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Based on interviews with activists and local government officials and on secondary data, this paper analyzes the development and effects of the Roman Right to Inhabit Movement (RIM) from its origins till 2014. The first section describes the origins and characteristics of the new housing question in Rome. The second presents a brief genealogy of the RIM, paying special attention to how it has framed the housing question. The third describes the activities of the RIM by focusing on its interplay with the city politics and administration and the resulting changes in the housing policy of the city of Rome. The fourth section analyzes the modes of state regulation and of political articulation of the housing question that these transformations have brought about. The final section argues that these emerging arrangements are a significant example of how new forms of social protection are being created by urban movements after the neoliberal erosion of the welfare mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a comparison of superheroes and so-called "Social Justice Warriors" ("SJWs"). The author explains that SJWs can be politically analyzed, examines how media and fans frame diversity within 2010s comic books in relation to social justice, and explores the social representation of Marvel comic book characters.

Throughout history, student activism has been a powerful force in promoting social and political changes. During the process, schools—serving in part as an institution of social control—often become a site of contestation, where student activists may clash with the school authorities when mobilizing their peers and fighting for protest goals. Focusing on Hong Kong's Anti‐Extradition Bill Movement, which saw extensive participation among secondary school students, this article examines how secondary schools in a non‐democratic context dealt with campus protests and how student activists negotiated space for dissent. Based on an on‐site survey on student protesters and semi‐structured interviews with teachers and student activists, we demonstrate how schools attempted to de‐politicize the campus through spontaneously expanding their "hidden curriculum," particularly by creating and repurposing school rules in the face of mounting student activism. In turn, progressive teachers and students developed innovative tactics to negotiate or circumvent these ad hoc school rules. Our findings contribute to the field of sociology of education and contentious politics by exploring the politics of school rules and the complex relationship between schools, teachers, and students during social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schenk's book is elucidating in terms of its coverage of Russia's migration management bureaucracy. As a Tajikistani migrant political activist in Russia noted in a TV debate, Russia is the official heir to the Soviet Union: "we [migrant workers] are former Soviet citizens." Many of the "migrants" in Russia today are former Soviet citizens living in countries impregnated with structural economic problems laid out for them by the USSR. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Sociolinguistics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In response to Buchanan's argument that ideologies function as doxastic immune systems, I invite him to expand on three issues. (1) What does it mean to have a perfect grasp of the principles of justice, and why should we think that someone with such a grasp should be in a position (even if unable) to act justly? (2) What is required to be fully epistemically responsible when in the grip of an ideology? (3) Might we learn more from contemporary Critical Theory about the workings of 'doxastic immune systems'? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: We examine the demographic profiles of southern county‐level activists, who switched parties to see how they may differ from other activists affiliated with the party they converted to. Methods: With data from the 1991–92 and 2001 Southern Grassroots Party Activists (SGPA) projects, we use descriptive and multivariate analysis to determine which demographic characteristics distinguish party‐switching activists from non‐switching activists. Results: Across several important demographics, party‐switching activists are significantly different from the non‐switching activists of the party the former group converted to. Conclusions: In an increasingly contentious political era, the conversion of activists into opposite parties is one avenue by which the demographic makeup of party coalitions may shift, as party‐switching activists differ from activists who have never changed their affiliation. Converts can also bring different ideological and issue positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although international proclamations increasingly recognize legal sex beyond binary categories, domestic legislation is lagging behind. Germany and the Netherlands are the first countries in Western Europe where courts have ruled in favour of a third option. While the German constitution was amended to guarantee a third option, the Dutch government has refrained from implementing comparable legislation. What explains this difference? This article draws on parliamentary debates, newspapers and statements from activists to follow the trajectory of the third option. Building on literature on intersex rights legislation and the diffusion of LGBT rights norms, we find that an established progressive reputation can lead states like the Netherlands to take a back seat, while mobilization by activists was crucial in establishing the self‐determination of legal sex on the German political agenda. Our study contributes to unravelling the complex ways in which new norms shape – or fail to shape – domestic political outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

13 See Saadia Toor, I The State of Islam: Culture and Cold War Politics in Pakistan i (London: Pluto Press, 2011); Ayesha Jalal, I The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defence i (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). In my analysis, I examine how the politics of the state, resistance and terror is shown in Shamsie's fictions to operate through states of exception, creating precarious situations for characters who are marked as the living dead in modern political warfare. Kamila Shamsie was born in Karachi, lives in London, and has a strong affinity to the United States, having studied at Hamilton College and at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. In this analysis, the politics of sovereignty in the postcolonial state through anti-terror legislation has provided a means for modern states to exercise the right to kill by creating "the state of exception" and "the state of siege.". [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this essay, I reflect on six years of collaboration between myself and an organization of indigenous midwives in Mexico. I interrogate the process of finding common grounds between researchers and activists, which includes building a shared political vision of indigenous midwifery and negotiating disagreements on the different ways to impulse change. Building on my experience with Mexican midwives and activists, I share some of the tools we have used, both from within and outside of academia, to contribute to social change. I build on Shannon Speed's call for a "critically engaged activist research" to raise awareness on the urgency of moving from applied anthropology to activist anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the impact of the legal candidate quota for women in Indonesia following the 2019 general elections. It argues that the legal candidate quota is working to increase women's numerical representation, even if progress is gradual and hard won. Second, it has become clear that the position of candidates on party lists is critical for electoral success. Awareness of this issue empowers women candidates and activists to lobby political parties to improve women's positions on party lists as a demonstration of political parties' commitment to gender equality. A third observation is that the turnover of women parliamentarians remains high, which means women still struggle to build careers as legislators and to effect legislative change in the interests of women. The article also addresses the role of political parties in selecting and promoting a minimum of 30% women candidates and argues that party structures are an obstacle, especially party organisations that purport to promote women's issues. Findings from this study suggest that Indonesia does not need major electoral reform to strengthen women's numerical representation in parliament. However, women candidates will need more support from political parties if they are to win and retain more seats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement research has long examined why activists persist. Little attention has been paid, however, to how persistent environmental activists use personalized strategies to cope with challenges. This article draws on data from 30 in‐depth interviews with long‐term environmental activists to shed light on this understudied phenomenon. The interviewees point to a number of strategies they use to mitigate the challenges they experience in their activism:(1) they have a self‐care practice, primarily in the form of spending time in nature; (2) they adopt various personalized orientations, such as bracketing or ignoring structural environmental challenges, focusing on what they can control, deciding that they have no choice but to persist, focusing on long‐term outcomes, and being realistic about the possibilities of change; and (3) they integrate work, activism, and life balance by shaping their careers and sense of life purpose around the environment. The article concludes with a discussion of whether these strategies are generalizable beyond the environmental movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The chapter analyzes how the Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas.org), an online interactive platform developed to visualize and study struggles against environmental injustices worldwide, is used in higher education curricula to teach environmental justice and sustainability themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been a robust racial justice movement in the United States, which has pursued power with the goal of promoting wellness and liberating people from racially and historically oppressed communities. Organizations such as Black Lives Matter and Showing Up for Racial Justice continue building power and promoting psychological and political liberation. The purpose of our study is to investigate the developmental processes by which anti‐racist activists resist psychological and political oppression to approach wellness and liberation. We conducted 24 interviews from self‐identified anti‐racist activists in the United States and utilized thematic analysis to construct qualitative codes to identify the psychological and political strategies activists implemented in their racial justice work. We found that activists adopted four psychological strategies, two political strategies, and two bridging strategies to resist oppression. Psychologically, activists tended to examine political and historical contexts to understand the root causes of oppression and how their own oppressed and privileged identities fit within those larger systems. Politically, activists sought opportunities to enhance their capacity as activists and engage in critical actions to build power and seek liberation. Bridging these psychological and political domains, activists also formulated a theory of liberation and engaged in critical self‐reflection, which guided their political actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]