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The Earth is currently undergoing a sixth global‐scale ecological crisis. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report of 2021 highlighted a need to curb global heating at 1.5 degrees above the pre‐industrial baseline, and outlined a range of likely impacts of climate change on global societies should no action be taken, particularly in relation to reducing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2050. Despite this need, policy‐based action at a nation state level is lacking, with talks at COP25 failing to reach necessary agreements. In response to this, and as we approach COP26, a significant global youth movement has been activated, with children and young people taking it upon themselves to highlight a need for climate and environmental action, calling for others to follow. This paper follows the emotional journey of one of its co‐authors, 11‐year‐old environmental activist, Lucie. Through the innovative approach of co‐production with Lucie, in this paper we detail the role of emotion in one youth activist's journey. From her initial reactions watching BBC's Blue Planet II, to the multifaceted highs and lows that have followed as she strives for change, we illuminate the emotional implications such experiences may have on children and young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an autoethnographic account of the "racialized activist body" in the White academy and in tandem the bio‐politics and bio‐ethics of its right to be an affective body or to possess its senses against the trauma of anti‐racist struggles in higher education institutions. The paper argues that in the postrace university, the "activist body" birthed through trauma becomes a conduit for the pain of others enacting it as a site for the deposition and transmutation of trauma in the quest for racial and social justice. It employs Bracha Ettinger's notion of "matrixial borderspace" to examine the interplay of social relations between of the activist body and other traumatized subjects in the provision of care as an activist. Two narratives unfold in the paper fusing the articulations of the main text with the paratext to unleash the tumultuous psyche of the activist and her journey of voicing resistance in her anti‐racist struggles. In the process, the activist body emerges as a "diseased site," overloaded with the trauma of others, yet numbed in its inability to reconnect with its own corporeality and professional identity in its interface with White governmentality. The paper asserts that anti‐racist struggles reassemble the activist body, tightly welding it with exhaustion which manifests in the pervasiveness of racial battle fatigue in the ivory tower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People have fought against racism for as long as it has existed and yet it persists in diverse and materially impactful ways. The primary challenge to eradicating racism is likely the power of white privilege. This paper argues that another important obstacle to progress has been the lack of a clear definition of antiracism that movement activists and scholars can collaboratively use to ensure that antiracist scholarship and efforts meet the full measure of the term's intention. While academia has struggled to converge on a definition, "lay race theorists" and movement activists—Black women in particular, have been participating in discourse online and through other venues where consensus appears to be developing around a definition. This article attempts to summarize activist discourse in defining antiracism as "the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms" and individual antiracism as "the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms, by (1) building an understanding of racism and (2) taking action to eliminate racism "within oneself, in other people, in institutions, and through actions outside of institutions," noting that "antiracism is an ongoing practice and commitment that must be accountable to antiracist Black people, Indigenous people, and other People of Color and consider intersectional systems of oppression." While research on the public conversation benefits from its easy access and limited additional burdens on movement activists, future research should test these definitions with movement activists to ensure that definitions and metrics are as relevant to the antiracist movement as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition‐building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As in other African countries, activists in Uganda play an important role during political campaigns. Monetary handouts, called 'transport refund', often facilitate their participation. Although these handouts often cover more than just the costs of transportation, the label indicates that mobility is seen as an important financial item for campaign activists. Despite this, little has been published about the role that mobility plays in the processes of political mobilisation in Africa. This article therefore examines mobility as an important yet neglected aspect of political mobilisation by evaluating the role of motorcycle taxi riders during elections in Uganda. Usually referred to as Boda‐Bodas, they are essential short‐distance transport providers in the country. Beyond that, being Boda‐Boda has become a way of survival, a form of social organisation, and a promise that every youth can make a living if he dares to face the dangers of the country's accident‐prone roads. Politicians have since discovered the potential of these bold young men and recruit them en masse ahead of elections. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2018 and 2022, this paper examines the unique mobilities inherent in Boda‐Bodas. It finds that characteristic mobilities enable their movements as transport providers and argues that these mobilities also enhance political rallies. Boda‐Boda motorcycle riders have therefore become a crucial activist group during political campaigns in Uganda. This acticle reviews the role of Boda‐Boda motorcyclists during political rallies in Uganda. It uses a mobility lens to highlight how political mobilisation modernised through the inclusion of more mobile activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical‐right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical‐right politics, both institutionalized and non‐institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical‐right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical‐right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical‐right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical‐right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical‐right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical‐right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More importantly, Arrington does not show what leads to the emergence of her "accidental activists": who are they before they are activists, and how do their stories and experiences of victimhood reinforce, impact, or otherwise shape their activism? Llamojha's life history helps us to understand what it meant to be a political activist in the decades of the Cold War, and how the war between two world powers affected the lives of ordinary people and activists, as they were accused of communism, jailed and persecuted. I Accidental Activists: Victim Movements and Government Accountability in Japan and South Korea i Celeste L. Arrington (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016) I Now Peru Is Mine: The Life and Times of a Campesino Activist i Jaymie Patricia Heilman and Manuel Llamojha Mitma (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) I Activist Archives: Youth Culture and the Political Past in Indonesia i Doreen Lee (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) Both the recent rise of populist leaders and the success of protest movements in the last decade have brought the study of political and social movements center stage. The youth activist is treated as a generic identity in I Activist Archives i : apart from a few vignettes in which certain activists' voices are heard, it remains unclear who the activists are: their class, gender, social and cultural identities do not come forward. [Extracted from the article]

The article reflects on the progress made in the fight against discrimination and stigma in relation to HIV/AIDS over the past decade. It highlights the positive impact of measures such as self-testing, pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), and antiretroviral therapy (ART) in reducing new HIV cases and mortality rates. However, it also acknowledges that discrimination and stigma still persist, particularly affecting transgender individuals who experience higher rates of HIV prevalence and discrimination. The article emphasizes the importance of culturally competent and respectful care for transgender individuals and calls for governments and international agencies to establish policies that address social determinants and intersectional stigma to ensure equity, dignity, and health for all. [Extracted from the article]

The transnational movement of climate activists is resorting increasingly often to acts of civil disobedience. Upon being prosecuted for those acts, climate activists across various jurisdictions are starting to plead the general criminal law defence of necessity. The present article takes the cases in which that defence was pleaded before Swiss courts as a case study to analyse the legal questions raised by the 'climate necessity defence', conceptualised as an instance of climate litigation. The article hence situates the Swiss cases within a broader framework, trying to draw interpretive insights from international environmental law and climate science, as well as the transnational case‐law on the climate necessity defence. The article's overarching submission is that a broad interpretation of the defence, tending towards accepting its applicability, is more in line with the current legal thinking on environmental matters than a restrictive interpretation rejecting a priori climate necessity claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the field of British political history's blind spot when it comes to race. Where modern British political historians are comfortable approaching politics in 'high' and 'popular' forms as well as in terms of ideas, institutions and policy, they often struggle even to see a politics of race in operation. Using examples drawn from research on the post‐1945 history of the white supremacist movement in Britain, this article maintains that the means to render race visible in the political history of modern Britain lies in the incorporation of previously overlooked perspectives. In search of these perspectives, it looks to black British history and critical studies of race. In particular, it highlights analyses and critiques of British racism by black political activists, from those who organised in response to the 1959 murder of Kelso Cochrane, to the Black Power groups of the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: James Baldwin (1924–1987) was a prolific African American author and activist whose writing centered primarily on race, sexuality, and religion. Baldwin's lived experiences and breadth of knowledge provided him with a unique perspective of the Black experience in America, a theme he frequently revisited in his work and the impetus for his involvement in the Civil Rights Movement Method: This article presents a psychobiographical application of Queering Black Racial Identity Development to conceptualize the life story of James Baldwin. Results: This study explores the life of James Baldwin, highlights his influence as a historical figure and agent of social change, and explores the "why" of his life and behavior. Specifically, his decision to return to the United States during the Civil Rights Movement and possible reasons he avoided politicizing his sexuality in the same way he did his racial identity. Conclusion: As an African American, nonheterosexual, male author and Civil Rights activist, Baldwin's intersectional identities played a significant role in his decision to dedicate his life to writing and activism. Limitations of the study are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Activism is responsible for many of the positive social changes we have seen across time, and is central to pushing for continued social change. However, these positive outcomes do not come without a cost, as activism can also be draining and can lead to physical and emotional harm for those involved. Social policies and intervention programs have addressed how to help people maintain their engagement with activism aims, though few have considered the motivational role of purpose in life. As purpose in life involves a sustained commitment to one's goals, having a purpose in life centered around activism may help an individual remain committed to activism and to the creation of change in the face of these obstacles. If activist purpose can help us understand and predict who is likely to remain engaged in activism, then it is valuable to consider what factors influence the development of activist purpose, in order to continue necessary social change. Thus, in this work we define activist purpose, and theorize as to what factors may be relevant to the development of an activist purpose by situating predictors of activism and collective action within the literature on pathways to purpose in life. This work may thus provide a greater understanding of how to encourage activism or reduce the harmful effects associated with activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional response to #BlackLivesMatter and anti‐Asian hate are shaped by crisis response with strategic plans, rather than structural change and investment in care networks. In this article, we offer our personal narratives to illustrate the possibilities of embodying carework to support student activists and illuminate how we collectively survive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effects of an anti‐racist narrative of a neighbourhood in Malmö, an important site of pro‐migrant and anti‐racist activism in Sweden. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2013–2016, the article analyses how this narrative was constructed as an effort to challenge the "crime‐due‐to‐immigration‐discourse" otherwise associated with Malmö and supported by far‐right political parties and their sympathisers in Sweden. The activists' place‐based narratives constitute attempts of commoning and of prefiguring a certain future of the city as anti‐racist. This article shows how a certain narration of a place in a particular urban context enables and encourages a strong activist space, important when conducting large‐scale struggles for social justice and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long‐standing debate regarding how whites respond to Black political activists who push for racial equity. Symbolic racism researchers have argued that white reactions result from a blend of racial animus and traditional moral values, while conflict theorists have argued they are more a matter of group interests. Others who take a politics centered approach argue that principled objections rooted in political ideology—not racial considerations—are the driving force. In this article, I outline the history of this debate, with a particular emphasis on the symbolic racism and group conflict perspectives and their theoretical foundations. Efforts to synthesize these perspectives have made a case that both feelings are aspects of whites' sense of group position and might be described as "collective racial resentment." Drawing on this concept, I argue that whites are likely to be angered by Black political activists because they are perceived to be a threat to the group's position. I then propose the more general concept of "collective racial emotion" to capture contexts where whites may feel paternalistic warmth if they believe their group's position is being protected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This chapter opens an analytic space to consider the resonance of "old places" in the contemporary moment through the lens of archaeology. Borrowing the term used by some of our interlocutors, old places are places that bear memory, that have accrued emotional attachment, and that intervene in the present as reminders of things that have happened before. Through these qualities, old places sustain life and relations. We adopt an expansive view of site formation processes that extends into the present and future and argue that studying contemporary site formation can unleash insights into the multi‐temporal constitution of the world we inhabit. We do not insist on a single approach to studying these processes, but rather suggest that the methodological and theoretical diversity that archaeologists and local communities bring together is key to studying and knowing old places in the present. We draw connections between a contemporary archaeology of old places and the emergent fields of contemporary archaeology and critical heritage studies, but also argue for retaining and fully incorporating the political and activist orientations of historical, feminist, African Diaspora, and Indigenous archaeologies—fields that have long centered the knowledge and concerns of contemporary communities—into this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a comparison of superheroes and so-called "Social Justice Warriors" ("SJWs"). The author explains that SJWs can be politically analyzed, examines how media and fans frame diversity within 2010s comic books in relation to social justice, and explores the social representation of Marvel comic book characters.

Throughout history, student activism has been a powerful force in promoting social and political changes. During the process, schools—serving in part as an institution of social control—often become a site of contestation, where student activists may clash with the school authorities when mobilizing their peers and fighting for protest goals. Focusing on Hong Kong's Anti‐Extradition Bill Movement, which saw extensive participation among secondary school students, this article examines how secondary schools in a non‐democratic context dealt with campus protests and how student activists negotiated space for dissent. Based on an on‐site survey on student protesters and semi‐structured interviews with teachers and student activists, we demonstrate how schools attempted to de‐politicize the campus through spontaneously expanding their "hidden curriculum," particularly by creating and repurposing school rules in the face of mounting student activism. In turn, progressive teachers and students developed innovative tactics to negotiate or circumvent these ad hoc school rules. Our findings contribute to the field of sociology of education and contentious politics by exploring the politics of school rules and the complex relationship between schools, teachers, and students during social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociolinguistics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In response to Buchanan's argument that ideologies function as doxastic immune systems, I invite him to expand on three issues. (1) What does it mean to have a perfect grasp of the principles of justice, and why should we think that someone with such a grasp should be in a position (even if unable) to act justly? (2) What is required to be fully epistemically responsible when in the grip of an ideology? (3) Might we learn more from contemporary Critical Theory about the workings of 'doxastic immune systems'? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)