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In this paper I argue through the double entendre of ‘data‐bility’ that how dateable one is on a dating app relies on data. This techno‐social framework enables an understanding of how dating apps are reconfiguring a politics of sexuality, circumscribed by digital technologies and data. Drawing on research with middle‐class women and gender‐minority dating app users in Mumbai and one dating app executive, the paper investigates how algorithms and users' digital behaviour together constitute data‐bility in three ways. First, dating app algorithms are designed to match those of similar social identities to one another. Second, dating app users engage with others' digital data on profiles and through message chats, reading class through these processes, deciding who to match/reject and correspondingly who is data‐ble. Third, users and algorithmic infrastructures come together to create new regimes of verification, through deeming some users ‘real’ and others ‘fake’ on dating apps, extending violent legacies of categorisation. Together, these processes result in data‐bility, a techno‐social order of digital dating oriented around the exclusion of those labelled ‘creeps’ along class and caste lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Reciprocal spaces," such as windows and balconies, connect the vertical and the horizontal, enable the flow of meanings and feelings, and join with other material artifacts to unite emotionally and socially those who are spatially distant, and socially and emotionally distance those who are spatially proximate. Cairo's balconies reveal that reciprocal spaces allow the gaze to be reoriented, the meaning to be circulated, and the feeling to be shared. They blur the distinction between the subject and the object, the observer and the observed, and the high and the low. Drawing on long‐term ethnographic research in Cairo and informed by the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Karen Barad, this paper shows that the balcony is entangled with other objects, spaces, and people in ways that materialize the socio‐economic hierarchies (especially class and gender), which structure daily practices and constitute urban subjects. Incorporating balconies in ethnographic research, this paper argues, enables us to be in the city while thinking of the city, undermining a dichotomy that has long troubled urban anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on agrarian change in India has largely employed class categories based upon data on land, assets and occupational status, which collapse women's class relations into those of (mostly male) households heads. In this paper, we interrogate this understanding of class building on the work of Carmen Diana Deere. Employing the first ever national time use survey conducted in India in 2019, we interrogate class as a labour process that intersects with caste and gender. Our analysis of the data using a Marxist‐feminist framework suggests the following. First, there exist intra‐household gendered differences in class locations. This calls to question theoretical frameworks that assign a cohesive class location to all household members that underlie data collection in India and elsewhere. Second, individuals participate in multiple labour processes depending on their caste and gender. Hence, they may be subsumed to capital in varied and sometimes contradictory ways. Finally, we find that both men and women engage in reproductive labour in addition to other forms of labour, which varies by caste categories. This finding further underscores and supports previous research on the importance of an expanded conception of work that includes reproductive labour. In sum, we argue for a more complex understanding of class in India, one that incorporates its caste and gender dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Dar es Salaam, an aesthetic politics of landscape shaped by the coloniality of space is central to middle‐class boundary work that drives the city's middle classes to congregate in the city's northern suburbs. The colonial city was divided into three racially marked zones that became known as uzunguni, uhindini, and uswahilini (the place of the European, Indian, and African, respectively). The coloniality of space remains as the spatial residue of this colonial enframing. It endures in an aesthetic politics of landscape in which ideas about what, and who, makes good urban space in terms of architecture, topography, and planning, and who deserves to live where. The paper examines how middle‐class suburban residents’ mobilisation of the coloniality of space naturalises existing social and spatial hierarchies in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists have long been interested in the meaning workers derive from their jobs. The issue has garnered increasing academic and policy attention in recent years with the concept of "meaningful work," yet little is known about how social stratification relates to access to it. This paper addresses this issue by exploring how the meaningfulness of jobs—as rated by their incumbents—is stratified across classes and occupations in a national survey of 14,000 working adults in the United Kingdom. It finds modest differentials between classes, with those in routine and manual occupations reporting the lowest levels of meaningfulness and those in managerial and professional occupations and small employers and own account workers reporting the highest levels. Detailed job attributes (e.g., job complexity and development opportunities) explain much of the differences in meaningfulness between classes and occupations, and much of the overall variance in meaningfulness. The main exception is the specific case of how useful workers perceive their jobs to be for society: A handful of occupations relating to health, social care, and protective services which cut across classes stand out from all other occupations. The paper concludes that the modest stratification between classes and occupations in meaningful work is largely due to disparities in underlying job complexity and development opportunities. The extent to which these aspects of work can be improved, and so meaningfulness, especially in routine and manual occupations, is an open, yet urgent, question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on a multimethod ethnographic study, conducted between 2016 and 2017 in Shirebrook, Derbyshire, England—a small and relatively isolated deindustrialising colliery town—examining how residents negotiate living in stigmatised territory. In doing so, microspatial strategies of distancing, avoidance, and deflection are illustrated, revealing how residents reassign and deepen stigma in particular locations within a stigmatised territory. This highlights the relationship between social and physical space, and while spatial strategies of negotiation do not mitigate stigma, they do (re)produce internal social hierarchies within a place that is homogenised from the outside through disparaging narratives. A key contribution reveals the significance of the racialised production of space in shaping how territorial stigma is negotiated within this distinct socio‐spatial location. Residents use strategies to redirect the stigma toward those seen as out of place and draw attention away from sticky sites of racialised urban stigma towards symbols of unspoilt rural Englishness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Disasters is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article contributes to Gender Work and Organization's Special Themed Section on Foodwork, by addressing the intersections of race, gender, and class in representations of labor, whiteness, and neoliberalism in popular and digital food cultures. The discussion responds to the journal's call for papers by examining the clean eating trend as a vehicle for the ideals of white femininity, and the techniques of femininity that are employed to convey messages of normalcy and exceptionalism in this contemporary popular food culture. In the analysis of an article in the high‐end home interiors magazine, Elle Decoration, the visual authoritativeness of clean eating advocates is considered to highlight the strategies and devices used to deploy ideals of white femininity and to create boundaries around a remodeled white female neoliberal self. The article aims to advance current debates regarding digital foodwork, by examining the esthetics of whiteness that are contained within the message of relatability communicated by social media food influencers. Thus, in keeping with the broader concerns of the journal, the article addresses developments in the fields of gender and digital labor, with respect to the overwhelming dominance of privileged white women in this sphere and the esthetics of their labor, which has thus far received limited attention within existing debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether producer cooperatives could serve as a stepping stone leading to socialism is a much debated issue in Marxian scholarship. It has now been recognized that producer cooperatives might possess paradoxical potentials of promoting egalitarian economy and democratic management whilst at the same time constructing class hierarchies. So far, agrarian scholars have already identified how pre‐existing social differentiation facilitated privileged members to exploit the marginal non‐members. However, they have not explored how members exercise their agency in challenging the class division. In summer 2013, at the height of China's cooperatization movement, I embarked on a project of "engaged anthropology" to mobilize shrimp farmers in South China to establish a cooperative so as to challenge agribusinesses that squeeze farmers' returns, but members ended up hiring outside labour. However, members tried hard to bridge the hierarchy between investors and workers as well as between managers and labourers in order to expand its membership and build the village's reputation. This paper traces how cooperative members deal with the dilemmas between profit maximization and egalitarian distribution, highlighting the importance of class analysis for a pro‐poor cooperative movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on the concepts and tools of Pierre Bourdieu to construct a comprehensive model of the contemporary British "food space." It uses multiple correspondence analysis to unearth a space structured in two key dimensions revolving around the lean and the rich. A host of supplementary variables are available to examine the relationship, or homology, between food tastes and broader alimentary dispositions, including orientations toward shopping, ethics and cooking. Indicators of social position reveal the structuring of the space by economic and cultural capital as well as gender, but also, updating and nuancing Bourdieu's own model for 1970s' France, by age, region, ethnicity and religion. Finally, the paper examines the relationship between position in the food space and physical, mental and existential wellbeing, demonstrating that orientation toward the less healthy and the less rich, corresponding with few resources, is, in some cases, accompanied by not only hunger and deprivation but profound worry and misery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates a shift in patriarchal media discourse related to women leaders' recognition and legitimation in the UK. We conduct a multimodal discourse analysis of an online newspaper article about the UK politician and Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, Angela Rayner, and analyzed public responses. Understanding the media as a means to distribute power and enable the challenging of norms, we contribute a theory of intersectional misrecognition in media's representation of women political leaders. This reveals an enduring and dynamic subordinate status of women leaders, shown specifically through the intersection of gender and class. We theorize that while women leaders continue to be misrecognized in the media, destabilizing their legitimacy, there is a demonstrable flexing of patriarchal discourse combined with stronger and accelerated resistance to ongoing sexism. We identify this resistance as productive in its call for consequences and a redistribution of cultural values, reflecting a discursive shift toward a productive resistance of resilient gender norms, evident in the intersection of gender with class. Intersectional misrecognition has value in making inequalities explicit for women leaders and where there may be productive tensions with potential to mobilize for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past few years have seen the rediscovery by political and media commentators of areas in post‐industrial Britain characterised as "left behind". It is rarely acknowledged that this attention to regional inequality has only come about after decades of political neglect and cultural erasure of these areas following deindustrialisation. Current ideas about regional inequality and proposed solutions to it—from the "Red Wall" to "levelling up"—are often conceptualised in ways that in fact continue this neglect, by homogenising these regions and imposing top‐down narratives about their demographic and political nature. This paper will contrast these developments with new approaches in several parts of the UK, focusing on democratic localism or "community wealth‐building", which have seen communities in "left behind" areas already addressing regional inequality, and offering their own alternative economic and social models, in a way that presents a more nuanced picture of both class and regional identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the motivations of those who train to fight at a Muay Thai and Kickboxing gym in East London, who view fighting (and training in the gym) as a means of coping with the harshness of work, as a financial supplement to work, and as an alternative form of work. It explores how the repetitive regimes of the body employed by fighters, such as dieting, twice‐daily training sessions and sparring, as both individual and collective bodily work, contrasts with their experiences of social life under capitalism, which is seen as unfair and unmeritocratic. This, it argues, leads people to seek refuge within the meritocratic sphere of the gym, which offers new opportunities, possibilities and a unique ability to master the self. It subsequently argues that we can understand training to fight as a response to class exclusion, stigmatisation, and helplessness under neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Miami, the US racial category of "white" is being re‐defined to include light skinned Latinx immigrants. In the process, US‐born white Miamians find themselves displaced from the top of Miami's social hierarchy as light skinned Latinx immigrants take over these social positions. This racialized Latinx social re‐positioning is particularly visible in Miami's restaurant industry where the developing social hierarchy leaves white women restaurant workers juggling their white privilege and their traditional gendered roles, with this playing out most profoundly amongst those who occupy "back of house," or kitchen jobs, where they become both racial and gender minorities. Through the case study of Geena, a white female cook, I will explore the extent to which the precarity of privilege motivates white women to be audacious actors of resistance in a racialized, hetero‐patriarchal restaurant industry. Using an intersectional framework to analyze Geena's lived experiences, this paper focuses specifically on the degree to which her ideas of hope are shaped by class, language, ableism, and sexual orientation. As I will demonstrate through Geena's case study, ideas of hope allow white women to reposition themselves as white saviors, effectively reasserting and reifying whiteness as a superior social category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an empirical exercise carried out in five villages of Odisha in eastern India, the paper looks into ageing of the farm population and the experiences and responses of farmers of various age groups to farming. The findings of the study indicate that agriculture is greying, farmers are getting older and the youth, particularly of higher and cultivating castes, are averse to farming. The unwillingness of these youths to join farming is mainly attributed to loss of social status, declining profitability in agriculture and discouragement of immediate 'mentors', the middle‐aged farmers, caused by the perpetual decline of farm income and loss of social recognition. The hitherto nonfarming youths, belonging to scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and service‐rendering castes, especially the female youths, are joining farming to fill this gap, mostly as leased‐in cultivators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To date, the expansive social science literature on artisanal and small‐scale mining (ASM) in Africa has received little attention from scholars of agrarian political economy. This paper attempts to bridge this gap, based on an in‐depth study of ASM in South Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The main argument is that the capital–labour social relation underpinning ASM in South Kivu has facilitated the emergence of a capitalist managerial class of dynamic and prosperous rural Congolese. This class has, in turn, been driving increasing sectoral productivity via technological assimilation and capital formation, while also making commercial and productive investments in other, non‐mining sectors. Drawing from the findings, the common conceptualisation of African ASM as a low productivity, subsistence activity is questioned, and the perception in the existing literature that African ASM miners and foreign mining corporations are not in competition for the same mineral deposits is challenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents findings collected in 2016–2017 from a multi‐method ethnographic study of Shirebrook, Derbyshire in the English East Midlands, examining the narratives used by the local authority (LA) and local residents that construct immigration as a social problem. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on race and migration by extending analysis beyond metropolitan localities with long histories of multi‐ethnic settlement, to consider a relatively small, peripheral former colliery town. The paper demonstrates how migration is framed as a social problem by central government funding streams with consequences for localities, and the influence this has on local narratives of social change. The construction of immigration as a social problem is rooted in the constraints of austerity and longer‐term processes of deindustrialization and economic restructuring, with representations and understandings of place being constitutive of anti‐immigrant sentiment. This article deepens our understanding of responses to immigration in the UK, and has broader implications for understanding the relationship between place, state polices and local narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the trajectories of Norwegians who, in their late‐thirties, possessed financial assets, such as securities, company shares and stocks, qualifying them as the wealthiest one percent nationally. We describe the accumulation of financial wealth over a 25‐year period in adulthood and study how different wealth sequences are linked to family origins and kinship ties. Although some Norwegians manage to build up large fortunes from relatively modest starting points over their life courses, we find that the value of the assets possessed by self‐made individuals, and their ability to retain wealth over time, differ significantly to those based on dynastic lineage. Among the latter group, profound wealth early in adulthood and strategic positions in the economy add to propel exponential ownership of financial wealth from a young age and throughout adulthood. This chimes with C. Wright Mills' suggestion that the amassing of great fortunes is driven by two mechanisms of the big jump that enables initial asset build‐up, and the accumulation of advantages that flows from advantageous economic and social ties. Kinship seems of key importance to ensure the efficacy of both mechanisms. Differences in the relationship of wealth accumulation and class origin seem to have little to do with educational strategies. We draw attention to direct wealth transfers and the institution of marriage as two little explored dimensions involved in dynastic closure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity narratives enhance the understanding of women's leadership, but there exist very few in‐depth analyses of negative identity tensions that influence agency. In this study, we examine the negative identity tensions of well‐to‐do women from small towns in India, who hold two leadership positions: organizational and social movement. We borrow from the discourse on well‐to‐do women's participation in social movements in India to draw on the notions of identity, perceptions of feminism, and patriarchal challenge. Our data are derived from 49 in‐depth interviews with women leaders. Findings from qualitative analysis and creation of a composite narrative show that negative identity tensions arising from two leadership positions are gendered in nature. Furthermore, agency is (i) contingent on one's reflection on challenges, (ii) rooted in an underlying principle, and (iii) practiced through the mechanisms of "managing femininity," a concept that is widely discussed in the Western paradigms of postfeminism and neoliberalism. This paper contributes to the feminist dialog on the global South in the context of gender, class, and geographical location intersection by revealing certain non‐Western ways of managing femininity. However, in the process, the hegemony of Indian men remains intact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with multi‐directional transactions between concepts and materialities in contemporary processes of urban renewal. Building upon insights gained from debates about the nature of materialities within urban geography, I treat buildings as complex associations of materials, technologies and human beings that are informed by concepts about social stratification and that simultaneously enact these concepts in the physical‐social landscape of the city. Processes of urban renewal therefore need to be understood as both conceptual and material interventions in the setup of the city that restructure the built environment, patterns of cohabitation, experiences of the urban and notions of self and other. I illustrate this approach with recourse to the case of urban renewal in the city centre of Mumbai, arguing that high‐rise buildings emerging from urban redevelopment projects translate the heterogeneity of the Indian middle classes into a spatial vocabulary that contributes to the creation of new social categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As neoliberalism has torn apart the policies of social and collective stability integral to the visions of welfare states post‐World War II, precarity has become central to the study of advanced capitalist societies. This contribution invokes literary explorations of urbanity to argue that the anthropological analysis of the "urban" is pivotal to the understanding of how contemporary precarity is made and experienced. It draws on my fieldwork with the French Gilets Jaunes movement. The study of the urban has a long history both outside Europe and the United States as well as within. By contrast, precarity has emerged as a key word in the historic centers of capital where states have abandoned aspirations for expanding wellbeing. The papers presented here explore the relevance of this concept to post‐colonial countries where life, as many have pointed out, has always been precarious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Miami, the US racial category of "white" is being re‐defined to include light skinned Latinx immigrants. In the process, US‐born white Miamians find themselves displaced from the top of Miami's social hierarchy as light skinned Latinx immigrants take over these social positions. This racialized Latinx social re‐positioning is particularly visible in Miami's restaurant industry where the developing social hierarchy leaves white women restaurant workers juggling their white privilege and their traditional gendered roles, with this playing out most profoundly amongst those who occupy "back of house," or kitchen jobs, where they become both racial and gender minorities. Through the case study of Geena, a white female cook, I will explore the extent to which the precarity of privilege motivates white women to be audacious actors of resistance in a racialized, hetero‐patriarchal restaurant industry. Using an intersectional framework to analyze Geena's lived experiences, this paper focuses specifically on the degree to which her ideas of hope are shaped by class, language, ableism, and sexual orientation. As I will demonstrate through Geena's case study, ideas of hope allow white women to reposition themselves as white saviors, effectively reasserting and reifying whiteness as a superior social category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Sinclair was a Belfast merchant who exercised a crucial influence on the formation of Ulster Unionism in the period 1886–1912. He had been a leading Presbyterian Liberal; but on Gladstone's conversion to Irish home rule became president of the Liberal Unionists, and worked over the next decades to secure the alliance of Presbyterian Liberals and Conservatives to resist home rule. This article will consider the extent to which a Presbyterian Liberal element remained within this unionist alliance by examining a series of elections, in which former Liberals challenged the policy of Thomas Sinclair and the unionist candidates he backed. It will focus on two pressure groups, the Presbyterian Unionist Voters Association (PUVA) and the Russellites, on the links between them, and on the role of one‐time Liberal Unionist MP, T.W. Russell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on 60 in‐depth, semi‐structured interviews, this article examines exchanges of support in cross‐class adult sibling relationships. Whereas previous studies of family exchange have largely focused on parent–child support and patterns of inequality across families, this study addresses a gap in the literature by focusing on sibling exchanges and within‐family inequality. How is support exchanged when expectations of peer equality are violated—when there is an economic difference between adult siblings? I find that cross‐class siblings engage in relational work to shape and reframe exchanges in ways that are more indirect, often involving third parties. I identify four types of indirect economic support—proxy support, dependent support, compensatory support, and shared resources—which contribute to our understanding of the dynamics of sibling exchange, and point to ways in which inequality can be interactionally managed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: State‐level laws governing recess policies vary widely across the United States. We characterize the presence of such laws and assess their associations with child‐level outcomes. Methods: The presence of a state recess law was determined using the Classification of Laws Associated with School Students (CLASS) database. Parents of 6‐ to 11‐year‐old children reported physical activity, overall health, school absences, school‐related problems, and ability to make/keep friends as part of the National Survey of Children's Health (NSCH). Logistic regression was used to compare outcomes in states with and without recess laws cross‐sectionally in 2018 and between 2003 and 2011/2012 using a difference‐in‐differences analysis. Results: In 2018, 20 states had a law recommending or requiring recess. Cross‐sectionally, the odds of being physically active every day (odds ratio, 95% confidence interval: 2.8, 1.2‐6.5) and having no difficulty making or keeping friends (2.9, 1.2‐7.2) were significantly higher for children residing in states with versus without a recess law. There were no significant associations in the difference‐in‐differences model. Conclusions: Significant cross‐sectional associations in 2018 were not confirmed by a difference‐in‐differences analysis of two waves of the NSCH. Short follow‐up time and the apparent weakness of existing state laws warrant further assessment of state‐level recess law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the role of gender and educational attainment in the extent and perceived consequences of family caregiving in middle age in Sweden, using data on persons aged 45–66 years from a nationally representative postal survey (n = 3630) conducted in 2013. The results confirm previous research regarding the role of gender and contradict it regarding the role of class. Among female caregivers, higher education is associated with lower well‐being, work performance and labour force participation relative to lower educated caregivers. When controlling for care intensity and other characteristics, these associations mostly remained. No significant associations were found among men. The results are discussed in the light of deteriorating working conditions in welfare service occupations in which many higher educated women work, and how service decline and increased fragmentation of eldercare increase the need for managerial caregiving (i.e., coordinating and handling contacts with authorities and care providers). For Swedish women, managerial caregiving increases risks of negative impacts on well‐being and work performance to the same extent as providing personal care. More research is needed to understand these surprising results. Tentative conclusions are that higher educated women experience more strain from combining paid work with family care, as their caregiving is more demanding and they more frequently work full‐time in high strain jobs. As they also have higher incomes, they both need and can afford to decrease their work hours to a greater extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital labour debate has produced manifold insights into new forms of work emerging within digital capitalism. So far, though, most research has focused on highly precarious labourers, neglecting the growing ranks of affluent 'tech workers'. I argue that this analytical oversight can be attributed to a narrow conceptualisation of digital labour. Thus, this article first proposes a broadening of the digital labour concept to encompass all work entangled with the digital economy. In a second step, I demonstrate the heuristic surplus of this theoretical broadening through a discussion of the empirical literature on tech workers. By bringing tech workers into the debate, I point to the cultural, technological and organisational relations between high and low‐paid digital labourers. Pursuing twin‐aims, the article combines a theoretical reconsideration of digital labour with an analytical discussion of the literature on tech workers to provide a more relational account of work and class in digital capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the social structuring of social capital, understood as resources embedded in social networks. The analysis integrates key theoretical–methodological insights from two distinct approaches concerned with social capital and inequality: the position‐generator approach associated with Nan Lin and the spatial approach associated with Pierre Bourdieu. Empirically, we exploit the possibilities of survey data containing detailed information about the social ties of a representative sample of the Norwegian adult population (N = 4007). By means of Multiple Correspondence Analysis (MCA), we construct a space of social ties, a spatial representation of systematic similarities and differences between individuals' social ties to a set of 33 occupational positions. In this space, social capital is structured according to two primary dimensions: (i) the level of social ties, in terms of individuals' number of contacts; and (ii), the quality of social ties, in terms of a division between being connected to others in high‐status positions and others in low‐status positions. By means of Ascending Hierarchical Cluster analysis, five clusters are identified within the space of social ties: a homogenous working‐class cluster, a well‐connected working‐class cluster, a cluster of high‐status ties, a homogenous high‐status cluster and a low‐volume cluster. Moreover, the analysis clearly indicates that the structure of social capital is connected to respondents' class positions, their volumes of cultural and economic capital and their class origin. The analysis thus draws attention to the role of social capital in processes of social closure, regarding both resource monopolization and class formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent studies of welfare state attitudes in the knowledge economy find very high generalized support for generous welfare state policies, both among the working and the middle classes. Has class become irrelevant as a predictor of social policy preferences? Or do we simply mis‐conceptualise today's class conflict over social policy? To what extent has it changed from a divide over the level of social policy generosity to a divide over the kind of social policy and – more specifically – over the relative importance that should be given to different social policies? Answering these questions is not only relevant to understand welfare politics in the twenty‐first century, but electoral politics as well: only when we understand what working‐ and middle‐class voters care about, can we evaluate the role distributive policies play in electoral processes. We use original survey data from eight West European countries to show that middle‐ and working‐class respondents indeed differ in the relative importance they attribute to social investment and social consumption policies. Middle‐class respondents consistently attribute higher absolute and relative importance to social investment. We also show that this emphasis on investive policies relates to the middle class expecting better future economic and social opportunities than the working class. This divide in anticipated opportunities underlies a new kind of working‐ versus middle‐class divide, which contributes to transforming the class divide from a conflict over the level of social policy to a conflict over the priorities of social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on AirBnB has often brought critical focus to the advancement of rentier capitalism and gentrification through the sharing economy. In this article we draw upon in‐depth interviews with women in London who host their shared living space on AirBnB, to present meaningful empirical examples of women utilizing the platform as a way of surviving. Often, women in our research turned to AirBnB after facing exclusion from traditional labor markets, based on gender, age and/or disability. Others relied on AirBnB to meet their own housing needs, for instance: subletting their own bed to meet rent payments. Rather than departing from a critical class analysis, we instead hope to nuance understandings of rentierism on AirBnB by focusing on these women as complex intersectional subjects of capitalism. While many hosts fall clearly into the category of rentier capitalists, making money through property ownership, the lived realities of hosting were often more complex. We therefore use these women's lived experiences to complicate understandings of class subjectivity in the "sharing economy", drawing upon an intersectional perspective to showcase women who are hosting in order to subsist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study unpacks how class processes shape understandings and practices of "good feeding" in families with young children. It brings a Bourdieusian class consumption focus together with food parenting studies and approaches feeding as encompassing a wide range of processes including cooking, shopping, and planning. To capture the lived experience of feeding work, the study draws on a longitudinal and ethnographic study conducted in the south‐east of England over the course of two years. The analysis suggests that, regardless of their resources, parents tend to internalize the dominant discourse on "healthy" and "varied" feeding. However, closer inspection of day‐to‐day practices reveals a nuanced class‐cultural patterning in how these terms are defined and achieved. Moreover, it reveals how different interpretations of key notions such as homemade, nutritious, and balanced generate practices that contribute to the cultivation of distinctively classed culinary agencies in children. This study also questions what potential role these understandings can play in reproducing taste hierarchies and maintaining symbolic boundaries from very early ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an ethnographic study of male manual workers in Blackpool, a large seaside town in the United Kingdom, and drawing on Bourdieu as a theoretical frame, this article explores the role of place in understanding conditions and experiences of precarity. With higher than average levels of deprivation, seaside towns have experienced particular employment challenges where precariousness is likely to be at the forefront of male manual workers' labour market condition. Results highlight the significance of the interplay between place, employment prospects, geographical 'constriction' and dispositions of 'provisionality,' which, together, produce 'uneven geographies' of labour. We develop the concept of 'place precarity' to show how precarity is fundamentally rooted in the spatial context and to capture how conditions and experiences of precarity interact with localised employment conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the influential 1995 article "Social Conditions as Fundamental Causes of Disease," Bruce Link and Jo Phelan described social and political factors as "fundamental causes" of death and disease. Whitney Pirtle has recently declared racial capitalism another such fundamental cause. Using the case of the water crisis in Flint, Michigan, she has argued that racial capitalism's role in that situation meets each of the criteria Link and Phelan's article outlines: racial capitalism influenced multiple disease outcomes, affected disease outcomes through multiple risk factors, involved access to flexible resources that can be used to minimize both risks and the consequences of disease, and was reproduced over time through the continual replacement of intervening mechanisms. We argue for Pirtle's conclusion using the extensive literature on racial capitalism and case studies concerning housing in the United States and Brazil and what Naomi Klein has termed "corona capitalism" in India. If races correspond to hierarchies of material security, as suggested by Ruth Wilson Gilmore, then these hierarchies and their causal effects are fundamental determinants of public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the interactional management of class relations using atrocity stories as a conceptual device vis‐à‐vis new case study data. We argue that interactionist ideas are well placed to comment on the hidden injuries of class in the higher education sector and demonstrate this using atrocity stories and Goffman's work. We use the atrocity stories of atypical cases (non‐traditional graduates of an elite university) to expose class differences. Atrocity stories and Goffman's work on cooling, impression management, and total institutions were used here to unlock extended interviews with graduates from the 1960s–1980s who attended one elite British university. The findings expose the manifestation of the English class structure and a variety of responses. The conclusion finds evidence of resistance rather than challenge. A call is made for more longitudinal ethnographic research exploring how universities might promote access agendas—with particular attention to those both upwardly and downwardly mobile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]