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This conceptual research analyses the historical development of the German concept of "Bildung" to the Danish "dannelse." The starting point is J.G. Fichte's 1808 "Addresses to the German Nation," in which "Bildung" is analyzed as a key concept. The paper illustrates the influence Fichte had on N.F.S. Grundtvig, the "father of modern Denmark," with important adaptations based on English liberties and Nordic mythology. Grundtvig's "dannelse" is then analyzed based on his 1832 "milestone" work, "Nordic Mythology." The paper finds that "Bildung" and "dannelse" can be considered parallel concepts of similarity in their shared emphasis on the mother-tongue as a "living language," and focus on social cohesion. However, "Bildung" and "dannelse" can also be characterized as concepts of difference, in that: 1) "dannelse" popularized "Bildung," meaning that it was not just for the academic bourgeoisie, but the entire "folk"; 2) freedom of expression is fundamental to "dannelse," in contrast to the stability of will and moral order in "Bildung;" 3) in "dannelse," national unity is expanded to a wider circle of belonging, the whole of humankind; 4) Nordic mythology is a social cohesive in "dannelse," to contrast Fichte's more rational conception of "Bildung." Written by a British author for an English-speaking readership, this research does not feign to be more than a prefatory glance at two rich and complex concepts. However, in shedding light on the historical development of "Bildung" to "dannelse," it aspires to edge readers closer toward a shared conceptual understanding or, more aptly, to better understand misunderstandings.

The paper focuses on the sociological adaptation and development of the mental mapping method within the study of national identity. 'Mental map' is defined as a spatial image or model formed over time in the individual or collective consciousness, while the method of mental mapping is interpreted as a graphic representation of a certain area by an informant at the request of a researcher. The study is based on the empirical application of mental mapping to the analysis of national identity among Ukrainian students (n=942). The paper outlines methodological and theoretical specifics of mental mapping and indicates perspectives of this method in the context of a visual sociological paradigm.

This paper explores the complexities of language and identity in contemporary South Africa. The on-going English-Afrikaans debate points to broader issues of power and identity. Several scholars have convincingly shown Afrikaans as inextricably linked to Afrikaner nationalism. During apartheid, Afrikaans was contentious as the language of the ruling elite and tool for Black oppression. This paper investigates how Afrikaans-speaking Coloured learners are caught in the debates around language and racial hierarchies. Results of the study show some scepticism about learning English in a predominantly Afrikaans-speaking Coloured township community. While a "progressive" part of the community strongly associates English with elitism and power, a more "conservative" part views English as a threat to the preservation of Coloured identity. The study concludes that in spite of Afrikaans' awkward position in South Africa's linguistic historiography as the language of the oppressor and the oppressed, it should be considered a marker of Coloured identity. Finally, this study adds to our understanding of racialized identities and in-betweenness as regards language (and cultural) identities in South Africa.

The years of independence have changed various social, political, and literary realities in Kazakhstan, which has affected the thematic and stylistic expressions of Kazakh writers. Thus, research should identify the ideological, social, and thematic features of modern literary writing produced during the years of independence. In particular, social symbolism's role in transmitting national ideals should be scrutinized simply because such sentiments have various literature, cultural, and educational repercussions. Hence, this paper distinguishes the main issues and ideas revealed in post-independence fiction to give a diachronic analysis of the thematic scope of modern Kazakh literature. Following this, this study discusses the themes and topics found in post-independence Kazakh short fiction to shed light on how these texts can be used pedagogically.

Despite their prolonged history of immigration to the UK, studies on Turkish Cypriots' acculturative processes have been scarce. Utilizing 20 semi-structured interviews with three generations of Turkish Cypriot immigrants living in the UK, this paper explores the acculturation processes of Turkish Cypriots by focusing on their sense of self, ethnic and national identity delineations. How do they identify themselves, and what do their identifications suggest about their acculturation? In an attempt to contribute to the empirical studies on the acculturation and identity of "other white" immigrant groups, we argue that there exists a bi-cultural/multi-cultural self with varying degrees of closeness to the host country, as well as hyphenated (British Cypriot), multi-hyphenated (London Turkish Cypriot) and travelling identities that are constructed through experience, time and place. Although there exist some intergenerational differences, it can be said that Turkish Cypriots have been open to the idea of integration starting from the first generation and, in general, have high acculturation, which was evident from the narratives of how they situate themselves within the ethnic and national identities.

Cosmopolitanism and nationalism are often presented in binary terms, as standing in opposition to each other, especially with regards to education. In this paper, we establish a framework for studying education policy today through the lens of a concept we have developed: 'cosmopolitan nationalism'. Many education systems around the world are grappling with and simultaneously integrating both cosmopolitan and nationalist elements in policy objectives, curricular content and pedagogic approaches. Through an in-depth analysis of three country examples -- China, the US and Israel -- we outline four different manifestations of education policy that can be explained by employing the analytical lens of cosmopolitan nationalism: (i) the increasing prominence and visibility of the International Baccalaureate within these three public education systems; (ii) reforms of specific curricula elements and pedagogies legitimised with reference to approaches assessed as globally leading through international assessments; (iii) efforts to promote national education systems as international beacons of best practice; (iv) creation of alternative education provisions that are promoted globally for very specific purposes and populations. We argue that, given our heterogeneous sample of case study countries, and careful analysis of these, a cosmopolitan nationalism lens offers important insights into education policy-making today which has the potential to be applied in other contexts.

This paper reports findings of a qualitative study that explored international students' identity negotiation during their cross-border studies against the backdrop of the internationalisation of higher education in Asia. Through a comparative narrative-based case study of two Burmese international students' experiences during their studies in a Hong Kong university, the paper reveals both similarities and differences in their negotiation of (1) identities as "non-local"/"international" students in the university context and (2) national identities in relation to the local community and the imagined global/international community. In particular, the findings illustrate the divergent ways in which the two international students negotiate the meanings they attach to the "non-local" student label, respond to local students' (mis)recognition of their national identities, and perceive the (in)compatibility between their national and global identities. Overall, the findings point to the diversity and heterogeneity in international students' experiences which appear to be variably shaped by differential dispositions and capacities in exercising strategic agency for identity (re)construction. The case study also calls for the need to problematise the reification and over-simplification of the so-called "international student experience" and argues for the importance of paying attention to the complexity of international students' identity negotiation in the context of international education.

"Songspirals are a university for us, they are a map of understandings" (Gay'wu Group of Women, 2019, p. 33). This paper is authored by Bawaka Country, acknowledging Country's ability to teach and share. Country is homeland and place. Country is everything and the relationships that bring everything to life. Country is knowledge. This paper is shaped and enabled by songspirals. Songspirals are sung and cried by Yolnu people in north east Arnhem Land, Australia, to awaken Country, to make and remake the life-giving connections between people and place. The Gon-gurtha songspiral leads this paper, showing us how a Yolnu Country-led pedagogy centres Country's active agency by learning through, with, and as Country. This pedagogy shares with us the ongoing connections within and between generations to ensure that knowledge remains strong and that sharing is done the right way, according to Yolnu Rom, Law/Lore. This learning is predicated on relationality and responsibility. It is a more-than-human learning in which human knowing is decentred and Country is knowledgeable. It is a learning which recognises and respects its limits and it is a learning in which the ongoing sovereignty of Yolnu people is front and centre.

This paper was inspired by empirical encounters with students and teacher-administrators who engaged with an online European education initiative, which raised questions about whether and how their practices were situated as local, transnational, or national(ist) endeavors. The conceptual, theoretical, and methodological resources of social topology and critical border studies guided our inquiry by a focus on bordering practices and how these generate spatiotemporal forms and movements, and evoked a "typical national form" which is characterized as a singular, stable, linear, and flat "topography." An innovative methodology is deployed to scrutinize how practices with this online, European initiative continue, challenge or complement that typical national form. The findings demonstrate how the use of topographical indexes and tropes (re-)materialized characteristics of these typical national forms, while the combination with topological relations introduced multiplicities and "levels" in these forms. Moreover, spherical forms, bouncing movements, and tunneling movements challenged the singularity, stability, linearity, and flatness of the typical national form. Building on these findings, the paper sets forth the argument that this online European education initiative mainly challenges the enactment of nationalism in classrooms by encouraging learning and thinking through "translocalities," which accentuates distances and differences that are being crossed without appealing to the typical imaginary of the "nation" with linear, stable, flat borders.

Using the Rushdie papers as a case study, this essay discusses questions of commodification, access, preservation and cultural nationalism related to the acquisition of the literary archives of post-colonial authors. Who should own this archive? What is the archival fate of writers with a tenuous relationship with their place of birth? Finally, how does the well-guarded, commodified, expensively acquired archive privilege aura and secrecy over the treasures in the readily available, published literary corpus? This reading suggests that we need to attend equally to the aesthetic value of the literary imagination as part of the discussion in archival studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the concept of cosmopolitan nationalism and its intersection with education policy. It challenges the binary view of nationalism and cosmopolitanism, arguing that education has been influenced by globalization and the pressure to internationalize curricula. The concept of cosmopolitan nationalism recognizes the conflicting pressures within national education structures that promote both internationalization and local relevance. The article calls for theoretical and empirical contributions to further explore and understand the role of cosmopolitan nationalism in education policy and its impact on global and local imperatives. [Extracted from the article]

One of the products of globalization in sociolinguistics is the emergence of transnational regimes in language policy, in which power is exercised across boundaries of traditional nation states. This paper engages with audit culture, a transnational policy mechanism which involves the continuous evaluation of nation states' performance through the use of purportedly neutral, typically quantitative instruments. As achieving broader visibility in public discourse is a key part of how such evaluations enforce language policy regimes, the paper presents an analysis of how an audit instrument, the Education First English Proficiency Index, was recontextualized in media discourse in Thailand over a 6-year period. The findings highlight an apparent discontinuity, as much of the neoliberal rhetoric in the audit instrument was not taken up in Thai media. Rather, the recontextualization was selective, with elements of the audit texts being integrated into an already established language policy regime in Thailand, built on nationalism and developmentalism. These findings point to the need to consider how language policy mechanisms like audit culture can facilitate synergies between hegemonic ideologies, particularly when they are recontextualized across different scales.

This paper offers a philosophical analysis of Israel education as reflected in the Jewish education research literature. Six distinct conceptions are identified that all share an educational objective to engender personal and collective Jewish commitment with Israel as an integral value. This conceptual mapping revealed the need for writers on Israel education to clarify what they mean by the idea of Israel's "complexity" and to address the philosophical difficulty with the reliance of much Jewish religious identity outside of Israel on comprehensive liberalism. This paper addresses this philosophical challenge by outlining an alternative paradigm of Israel education called mature Zionism.

This paper explores the governmentality in Macao's higher education (HE) by exemplifying how neoliberalism and Chinese nationalism simultaneously inform the governmental rationalities and technologies in the city. Like many other systems, neoliberalism has substantially shaped Macao's HE. However, owing to post-colonial identity, Chinese nationalism has become a significant driving force in the development of Macao's HE after the handover. On the basis of governmentality and a qualitative single case approach, this paper demonstrates how the neoliberal logic and nationalist discourses frame the governmentality in post-colonial Macao's HE. The paper further argues that the recent development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area signifies an intensification of national integration that is deliberately associated with a wave of marketisation in HE. These developments represent the economic and political imperatives of Macao's HE policy and provide insights into Chineseness in HE within the contemporary political context.

This paper aims to explain the path of higher education development and governance in (post-colonial) Hong Kong in light of the concept of hybridity. The paper begins with a historical review, delineating the establishment of major universities in Hong Kong, thereby illustrating how hybridity informs the trajectory of higher education development in the city. Considering the tensions and conflicts that emerged during the post-colonial transition and underlining the influences of managerialism and political activism, the paper draws on data from interviews with university council members and student leaders to outline the issues on university governance in Hong Kong. This paper argues that the response of the Chinese central government to the social unrest in the city represents a re-Sinification process that redefines the idea of the university in postcolonial Hong Kong.

Following a period of close to a century when the Irish language was placed at the margins of the education system under British rule, there was a radical change in curriculum provision following political independence in Ireland in the 1920s. The importance of the Irish language in defining sovereignty, national identity, and nationhood in the Irish Free State was central to these curricular changes. Within months of the achievement of political independence, curriculum policy was revised to include provision for the teaching of the Irish language to all pupils in primary schools as well as the use of Irish as the medium of instruction in infant classes (the first two years of primary school). The education system became the linchpin in the political and cultural campaign to restore the Irish language as the vernacular. This paper critically examines how nationalist thinking in Ireland, which had its origins in nineteenth-century European discourses, impacted on curriculum decisions pertaining to the Irish language in the early 1900s. Focusing on the interrelationship between nationalism, language, and education, it traces the process and provisions of curriculum development in Ireland in the 1920s. Overall the paper argues that the influence of nationalism as understood in the wider European context of the time shifted emphasis in Ireland away from bilingualism (Irish and English languages) to the revival of the Irish language in the 1920s, primarily through the education system, to add political legitimacy to the new Irish Free State.

Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative.

Linguistic plurality is a situation in which a speech community speaks more than one language. It is a complex sociolinguistic phenomenon that helps explain the complexity of human nature. Human beings cannot exist in isolation and are therefore inclined towards interaction and transaction. The need and desire to interact leads to language contact, where two or more languages co-exist and are constantly used by people who share definitive interests. Linguistic homogeneity is illusory, since there is hardly any linguistic community that is absolutely monolingual. Despite the complexity of linguistic diversity, the world has recorded tremendous developments in the arts, sciences, and technology. This highlights the strength that lies in diversity. The utilitarian nature of multilingualism can be explored for the growth and development of human society, as language is a key factor in development. Although multilingualism might pose a threat to nationalism, it is apparently the basis of nationhood in Nigeria, having existed even before colonization. The purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of linguistic plurality for sustainable development. This study uses a descriptive and qualitative methodology, heavily relying on the nativist theory and the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) as its major underpinnings. Drawing from these frameworks, the paper observes that language acquisition occurs naturally with the presence of the Language Acquisition Device (LAD), and consequently, languages are used to perform functional roles. The scope of this work is limited to multilingualism and sustainable development in Africa, with particular emphasis on Nigeria.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the clubs and club memberships of 491 elite women in three eastern Australian states in the 1930s. It is the second part of a descriptive analysis of these women's biographical sketches in Who's Who-type collections, now out of copyright, published in Australia in the 1930s: Victoria (1934), New South Wales (1936) and Queensland (1939). Design/methodology/approach: Using mixed methods within a prosopographical approach, described fully in the first paper on these data, this is mainly a quantitative analysis. After the numbers of club memberships of the women are given and compared on a state-by-state basis, a taxonomy of five main types of clubs was created and the clubs and club memberships listed for each of them. The five types are: (1) social and cultural clubs; (2) sporting clubs; (3) imperial, national and patriotic clubs; (4) professional clubs; and (5) service and educational clubs. The paper then explores the similarities and variations at the state level in the women's club memberships across the five types. It should be noted that the article does not include charities to which the women contributed because they required a separate typology and analysis to be taken up elsewhere. Findings: The paper frames women's clubs as informal educative networks where women were able to acquire the knowledge and skills in modernity for effective participation in the public sphere. The analysis shows that three-quarters of the 491 women were members of one club or more. Overall, the women listed 340 separate clubs with 1,029 memberships across the five types. The state-by-state analysis giving lists of clubs, and numbers of memberships per club in each type, enumerated variations of women's clubs at the state level. Overall, the analysis suggests that the "club habit" for such women was a substantial historical phenomenon at this time. Originality/value: This is the first study to encompass women's club memberships across three Australian states. Quantification of women's involvement in clubs has proved difficult, however, by using a prosopographical approach, this study creates a unique quantitative picture of the club data contained in 491 elite women's biographical sketches from the 1930s.

Acknowledging the reproductive function of schools, this paper explores three pivotal periods of Irish second-level education over the past century and considers how these periods were influenced by the political context at that time. The analysis shows that an insular nationalistic period that used schools as a vehicle for social and cultural reproduction was replaced from the 1960s to the present with an economically outwardly looking period that used schools as a vehicle to advance economic development while maintaining their reproductive function. Throughout this time, a meritocratic rhetoric dominated that downplayed continuing educational inequalities. The paper highlights how the political backdrop to these changes goes some way to explaining the nature of the policies and practices implemented and argues for greater attention focused on the political backdrop to education policy in general. With the fragmentation of the political homogeneity that once dominated Irish politics and in the context of a rise in populism globally, the paper raises questions about how this changing political climate is likely to influence future educational policy, particular policies focused on educational disadvantage.

The 2002 'glonacal' paper described higher education as a multi-scalar sector where individual and institutional agents have open possibilities and causation flows from any of the interacting local, national and global scales. None have permanent primacy: global activity is growing; the nation-state is crucial in policy, regulation and funding; and like the other scales, the local scale in higher education and knowledge is continually being remade and newly invented. The glonacal paper has been widely used in higher education studies, though single-scale nation-bound methods still have a strong hold. Drawing on insights from human geography and selected empirical studies, the present paper builds on the glonacal paper in a larger theorization of space and scale. It describes how material elements, imagination and social practices interact in making space, which is the sphere of social relations; it discusses multiplicity in higher education space and sameness/different tensions; and it takes further the investigation of one kind of constructed space in higher education, its heterogenous scales (national, local, regional, global etc.). The paper reviews the intersections between scales, especially between national and global, the ever-changing ordering of scales, and how agents in higher education mix and match scales. It also critiques ideas of fixed scalar primacy such as methodological nationalism and methodological globalism--influential in studies of higher education but radically limiting of what can be imagined and practised. Ideas matter. The single-scale visions and scale-driven universals must be cleared away to bring a fuller geography of higher education to life.

The article presents the cover as well as the list of editorial board members and the table of contents for the issue.

This paper examines the nature of global citizenship education in Chinese secondary schools by investigating what kind of global citizens these institutions try to develop in the twenty-first century. Drawing on qualitative data from six high schools in China, the study reveals a distinctive Chinese perspective shaping the understanding of global citizenship. Educators purposefully harmonise the attributes of global citizens with cultural and traditional values inherent to the Chinese context, actively seeking common ground while adhering to national government policies. The research underscores a deliberate effort to connect global citizenship with the necessity of adapting to international competition and China's role in world leadership. Furthermore, notable variations emerge among schools in their conceptualisations of developing global citizens, reflecting diverse expectations aligned with the different strata of students within China's highly centralised education system. This exploration provides insights into the nuanced nature of global citizenship education in Chinese secondary schools.

This article aims to unpack global-local dynamics in education drawing on the cases of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and ASEAN Citizenship Education in Cambodia. By analysing recent education strategies and policies, curriculum framework, and textbooks, this paper unveils (a) to what extent have ESD and ASEAN citizenship been incorporated in education plans and policies, as well as curriculum and textbooks, (b) what changes are there in the discourses around each norm over time; and (c) how has the ministry appropriated these two norms similarly and differently to fit its agenda. These two cases highlight the fact that nation-(re)building has been, and still is, the key development agenda in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia, and this agenda works as a filter through which transnational norms are interpreted and appropriated. A comparison between the two cases also highlights that the ministry strategically utilises time to achieve their best interests.

This paper analyses faculty experiences tackling global knowledge asymmetries by examining the decolonisation of higher education in Africa in the aftermath of the 2015 'Rhodes Must Fall' student uprising. An overview of the literature reveals a rich debate on defining 'decolonisation', starting from a critique of Eurocentrism to propositions of alternate epistemologies. These debates are dominated by the Global North and South Africa and their experiences of curriculum reform. Our focus is on the experiences of political scientists in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. These countries share the same Anglophone political science traditions but represent different political trajectories that constitute a significant condition for the discipline. The 26 political scientists we interviewed acted toward increasing local content and perspectives in their teaching, as promoted in the official strategies of the universities. They noted that what was happening in lecture halls was most important. The academic decolonisation debate appeared overambitious or even as patronising to them in their own political context. National politics affected the thematic focus of the discipline both as far as research topics and students' employment opportunities were concerned. Although university bureaucracies were slow to respond to proposed curricula changes, new programmes were approved if there was a market-based demand for them. International programs tended to be approved fastest. Political economy of higher education plays a role: dependency on foreign funding, limited national resources to conduct research and produce publications vis-à-vis international competition, and national quality assurance standards appeared to be most critical constraints for decolonising the curriculum.

Considering the contradictions in the structured and static approaches to the nation and national identity observed world-wide and fluid "trans-" approaches to language in applied linguistics and sociolinguistics, the paper explores how national identity is constructed and sustained nowadays, specifically in digital spaces both discursively and non-discursively. Based on the notion of 'practice' by Theodore Schatzki (2002), the paper focuses on the translingual practices in relation to national issues and events in Bangladesh drawn from digital spaces through a virtual ethnography. The findings in this paper show that translingual practices and national identity may apparently seem fluid in digital spaces. However, actors nurture beliefs, values, and ideologies in their translingual practices with reference to a territory-based notion of nation, religion, and national identity. Their discursive construction of nation and national identity also seems entangled with a non-discursive bundle of activities and symbolic and material artefacts within material arrangements of spaces. Verbal violence and terrorism accentuating nationalism get immediacy and are concretized in materially mediated semiotized spaces. With an immediate focus on spatial dynamics, while acknowledging the ethos of the post-structuralist approach to language, the paper, hence, indicates the necessity of transgressing the 'logocentrism' in language and identity research in applied linguistics and contributing to the recent development in the post-humanist applied linguistics.

Since 1990, a large and dynamic global science system has evolved, based on grass roots collaboration, and resting on the resources, infrastructure and personnel housed by national science systems. Euro-American science systems have become intensively networked in a global duopoly; and many other countries have built national science systems, including a group of large- and middle-sized countries that follow semi-autonomous trajectories based on state investment, intensive national network building, and international engagement, without integrating tightly into the global duopoly. The dual global/national approach pursued by these systems, including China, South Korea, Iran and India, is not always fully understood in papers on science. Nevertheless, China is now the number two science country in the world, the largest producer of papers and number one in parts of STEM physical sciences. The paper investigates the remarkable evolution of China's science funding, output, discipline balance, internationalisation strategy and national and global networking. China has combined global activity and the local/national building of science in positive sum manner, on the ground of the nationally nested science system. The paper also discusses limits of the achievement, noting that while China-US relations have been instrumental in building science, a partial decoupling is occurring and the future is unclear.

As it emerged in the late twentieth century, Empire promised a new era of global cooperation and stability through a seamless integration of late capitalism and neoliberal technocracy. Premised as an end to history itself, all that was left to accomplish was to tinker at the margins, stimulate corporate enterprise, embrace financialization and technological innovation, and encourage liberal rights and inclusion. As we enter the third decade of the twenty-first century, the narrative fictions sustaining Empire have broadly collapsed at the level of symbolic identification and belief. Empire has entered into a period of global emergency and mutation. Engaging with Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's work, this paper considers what might emerge when we read education into the circuitry of Empire's decay. First, we locate Empire within foundational tensions in modernity, using Kantian philosophy and colonialism as examples, to foreground the idea of education as immanent to historical processes of creativity, resistance, and innovation. Second, we highlight dead-end responses, from space colonization to neo-fascism, as representations of how modes of education circulate to stabilize and contain Empire's crises, specifically in relation to capitalism, nationalism, and identity. Lastly, the paper develops a political ontology of education "after" Empire.

Purpose: By the mid-19th century the British colonial state introduced liberal education to India. Amongst various disciplines, political economy illustrates the concerns of the colonial state with the education of Indians, and its anxiety with quelling political discontentment. The emerging Indian nationalist intelligentsia also utilized ideas from classical political economy, first taught in educational institutions, to critique colonial policy and proposed the development of "Indian Economics", suited to national economic interests. This paper explores the development of political economy as a specific knowledge form in Calcutta University and Bombay University, and its connection with colonial educational policy. Design/methodology/approach: This study relies primarily on university records and the proceedings of the Education Department to bring out the politically sensitive nature of the teaching of economics in colonial India. Findings: The study finds that political economy grew from being a minor part of the overall university syllabi to becoming part of the first university departments created in early-20th-century India. The government and nationalist forces both found the discipline to be relevant to their respective agendas. The circulation of knowledge theoretical framework is found to be relevant here. Originality/value: The history of political economy in Indian universities, especially during the 19th century, has not been dealt with in any detail. This study tries to fill this gap. The close connection between politics and the teaching of economics has also not been studied closely, which this paper does.

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the relationship between religious and linguistic nationalism in Sri Lanka in the context of the controversy on singing the national anthem in Tamil during National Independence Day celebrations. It illuminates how language and religious policy work together to maintain Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony and exclude Tamil speakers as second-class citizens in postcolonial Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach: The examination of the anthem controversy includes language and religious policy documents, newspaper articles and YouTube videos. Findings: The national anthem as a site of struggle is a powerful case to explore how nation-states' actors mobilize affect, intertwining ideologies on language, religion, ethnicity, geography, and so on to maintain and reinforce dominance over minoritized groups. Therefore, the authors believe that (singing) the national anthem can be a site of study for language policy. Research limitations/implications: The authors acknowledge that the data used in this study are only in Sinhala and English and identify the need for further research using data sources in Tamil. Originality/value: While this paper generally contributes to the scholarly dialogues on religion and language, it also sheds light on understanding politics in Sri Lanka. Finally, the authors propose that any meaningful policy implementation efforts toward achieving linguistic justice in Sri Lanka need to include parallel policy changes that promote equality among religions.

Purpose: In an editorial introduction essay for the special issue on Religion, Literacies, and English Education in Global Dialogue, the editors frame papers in the special issue in dialogue with previous scholarly literature around three central lines of inquiry: How do children, youth and families navigate relationships among religion, spirituality, language and literacy? What challenges are faced by language and literacy teachers and teacher educators around the globe who seek to respond to diverse religious and spiritual perspectives in their work? And what opportunities do teachers seize or create toward this end? How are developments of language and literacy theory, policy, curriculum and ritual entangled with race and religion? Design/methodology/approach: Taking an essayist, humanistic approach, this paper summarizes, interprets and comments on previous scholarly works to frame the articles published in the special issue "Religion, Literacies, and English Education in Global Dialogue" in relation to the field and in relation to one another. Findings: Denise Davila, Matthew Deroo and Ilhan Mohamud reveal the relationships young people and families forge and navigate among spiritual literacies and literatures, digital technologies and ethnic identities. Heidi Hadley, Jennifer Wargo and Erin McNeill illuminate how teachers' vocations, as well as their pedagogical goals and curricular artifacts, can become deeply entangled with religious and spiritual sensemaking. Kasun Gajasinghe and Priyanka Jayakodi expand perspectives on both the ritualization and racialization of religion through nationalist policies surrounding national anthem performances in Sri Lanka. Anne Whitney and Suresh Canagarajah discuss how spiritual commitments, communities and experiences interact with their scholarly trajectories. Research limitations/implications: The essay concludes with a discussion of scholarly capacity building that may be needed for conducting research on religion and spirituality in relation to languages, literacies and English education on a global scale. Practical implications: The second section of the essay discusses challenges faced by language and literacy teachers and teacher educators around the globe who seek to integrate diverse religious and spiritual perspectives into their work. It foregrounds how many teachers and teacher educators work within contexts where ethnoreligious nationalism is on the rise. It highlights the need for language and literacy educators to develop curiosity and basic knowledge about diverse religions. Further it calls for teacher educators to engage with teacher candidates' religious identities and sense-making. Social implications: Because it considers religious and spiritual sense-making in relation to language and literacy education, the social implications of this work are significant and wide-reaching. For examples, the paper questions the conceit of secularism within education, pushing readers to consider their own spiritual and religious identifications and influences when they work across religious differences. Originality/value: This paper identifies, interprets and assesses current threads of work on religious and spiritual sense-making within scholarship on languages, literacies and English education.

The modern history of Nepal started after the Kingdom of Nepal was formed during the 1760s through a series of military battles, which is now known as a national unification campaign, led by Prithvi Narayan Shah. The history of mass education, however, started during the 1950s when a political uprising overthrew autocratic Rana regime that had ruled the country for more than a century. This paper aims to explore Nepal's educational history by analysing key educational policy documents produced by the Government of Nepal as well as its major donor the World Bank from 1950 to 2020. The paper uses international political economy as a theoretical framework and critical policy sociology as a methodological approach. The key argument of the paper is that, since some of the problematic assumptions of modernism, nationalism, and globalism have guided Nepal's policy agendas, its education system has not addressed multifarious challenges faced by its citizens. The theoretical and methodological approaches taken for exploring the interconnections between education, economy, and politics will be helpful for future researchers to understand the significance of education not only for economic development but also for the institutionalization of democracy in both developed and developing countries.

This empirical study attempted to examine cultural and national values in relation to the teaching of musical multiculturalism, which is defined as music from regions around the world, as well as Taiwanese nationalism (i.e., a desinicized version of national identity based on Taiwan's localization movement) in school music education. Data were drawn from questionnaires completed by 70 in-service and 40 pre-service teachers between February and October 2018. Two major questions will be explored in this paper in response to the changing society of Taiwan: (1) how do teachers feel about music teaching related to diverse music cultures; and (2) how have they reacted to Taiwanese nationalism in school music education? The findings indicated a significantly higher preference for teaching traditional Western music versus that of other cultures among all the teachers. In addition, the participants with more experience exhibited a significantly greater preference for teaching traditional Chinese music and national education compared to their less experienced counterparts. Based on the survey data, this paper will argue that there is a cultural gap between teaching traditional Chinese music, Taiwanese local music, and other music cultures alongside the question of nationalism in contemporary music education in Taiwan.

This paper is about socialising Saudi female preservice teachers (PSTs) while they are attending university into the role of educational leadership. This leadership role should be broadened to include nation building per the tenets of Saudi Arabia's national development plan, "Vision 2030." After discussing nation building and profiling the Saudi educational context (including educational reform initiatives), and after explaining Islamic understandings of educational leadership (values and traditions), an overview of the intentionally planned professional socialisation process is presented. The paper culminates in ideas around what an aligned curriculum might contain so Saudi female PSTs are exposed to educational leadership for nation building while at university. With intentional socialisation into this role, upon graduation, they should be more inclined to assume a role in nation building by: (a) influencing the educational sector, players, and policies to benefit the nation; and (b) convincing other sectors of the value of women and the education sector in ensuring an ambitious nation. Insights apply to other nations engaged in nation building including Arab nations.

This paper looks empirically at how the UK's policy of securitisation within education impacts on the meso-level space of cultural ethos and pedagogy within two majority non-white secondary schools and one majority non-white further education college. It does so primarily by documenting how British Values and Prevent policies enabled through the British Government's Counter-Terrorism and Security Act have impacted on institutional ethos both in terms of objective structures and staff subjectivities. It is argued here that the security-curriculum ensemble is a recognition of this meso-level space by central government and represents a development in moves made to restrict access and agency within this space, and even to circumscribe this space through symbolic violence. This paper concludes by urging school/college leaders to exercise their agency at the meso-level; to recognise this space as a place for democratisation and decolonisation as an equitable alternative to enforced cultural 'upgrading' and in(ex)clusion presented through securitisation policy that is in reality an instrument of symbolic domination.

Over the past decades, neo-Zionist discourse has gain prominence in Israel. This approach, which gives preference to the definition of Israel as a Jewish state over its definition as a democracy, is a specific version authoritarian populism. This paper explores how educational discourses, policies and curricular changes are being shaped by right-wing populist organization and politicians to strengthen New-Zionism, while delegitimising liberal-democratic values. The paper draws on three examples. The first focuses on the campaign to ban the activist groups 'Breaking the Silence' -- a group of army veteran who collect testimonies on Israel's misconducts in the occupied territories -- from entering schools. The second example is the case of 'Im Tirtzu', a right-wing organization, and their campaign against left-wing influences in the academy. A third example focuses on the changes to the compulsory civic curriculum -- an example to the ways in which education is used to perpetuate a particular notion of Jewish nationalism. These cases help reveal the reactions of academic institutions to such actions, and the partial acceptance they have gained in recent years. They also show how the boundaries of the political were redrawn and the role education policy and institutions play in delegitimizing left-wing critique.

The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) has garnered increasing attention since its inception in 2000. Correspondingly, there has been heightened interest in 'PISA poster countries' like Singapore and Shanghai-China. Yet to date, little is known about the processes and dynamics of the construction of PISA discourses within these 'poster countries'. This paper examines the Chinese print media's reception and interpretation of PISA. Using content analysis of media reportage in 2010, 2013 and 2016, the paper identifies core patterns and themes within the media-generated PISA discourses in China and traces changes in the media discourses over time. The findings shed light on a 'mediatisation' process where the Chinese media's interpretation of PISA gets shaped by culture-specific factors such as dominant political ideology, national aspirations, and histories. As such, PISA has acquired localised meanings in China and serves as an instrument to promote national development agenda and justify education reforms.

This work challenges the mainstream media's notions of presenting the region of India-administered Kashmir and enables one to view the culturally diverse, shifting frontier through a different lens. The paper challenges the representation of Kashmir in the mainstream national and international print media, which serve as an instrument and power's pedagogical tool for the public. The media is used to shape people's imagination and elicit certain political or apolitical positions as well as reinforce predispositions and behaviours according to agenda. Hence, the media's perspective needs to be examined closely. This work replaces the framework of ethnonationalism, which contours the media's representation of Kashmir, with an alternative framework of civic nationalism, which will bring about a different understanding of the region for the public. This framework not only unravels the conflict from twelfth century onwards, but also illuminates historical reasons for the present-day conflict, which is a vital component in conflict resolution. Unpacking the theory of Civic Nationalism and presenting evidence of Kashmir's diversity by delving into the heterogenous region's social, economic, cultural, and political spaces, the paper aims to unravel this comprehensive framework which counters the hegemonic, pedagogical national and international medias' narratives on the conflict. The authors not only attempt to enliven aspects of the region's social history and contextualise/reframe the oppressed people's movement for self-determination from the Civic Nationalism framework, but also decode the present-day conflict by unravelling its root causes.

Schooling has long been identified as a tool for nation-building and cultural reproduction. In early post-Federation Australia, English and literacy education played a significant role in producing colonial subjects. Although Australia today is heralded as a successful multicultural nation with momentum growing for constitutional recognition of First Nations peoples, English education remains haunted by the legacies of colonisation. This paper, based on a workshop given at the 2022 AATE conference in Darwin, proposes placestory as an orientation in subject English aimed at encouraging more historically and culturally nuanced imaginings of being and belonging in Australia. The paper provides an account of the development of English education in Australia as a contextual rationale for reimagining English education as situated within postcolonial possibilities. The paper then discusses three possible orientations for placestory: restore(y)ing place; becoming-with place; and place as being.