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The article presents news updates from the field of sociology. Raymond E. Bassett, professor and chairman of the Department of Sociology at the University of New Hampshire, died on December 5, 1956. Charles Spurgeon Johnson was born in Bristol, Virginia, on July 24, 1893 and died in Louisville, Kentucky, on October 27, 1956. After receiving his bachelor's degree from the University of Chicago in 1918, he pursued graduate studies in sociology under Robert E. Park, Albion W. Small, W.I. Thomas, and later Ellsworth Fans. M.W. Hodges, of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research in Great Britain, has been appointed for two years to Great Britain's Scientific Mission in Washington for liaison duties in the field of industrial management and social science research. The Fourth Interamerican Congress of Psychology by the Interarnerican Society of Psychology was held at the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, from December 26-30, 1956. Luigi Sturzo Institute is holding a contest and offering a prize for a paper on sociology which the judges consider an effective contribution to this field of study both from the point of view of serious research and maturity of thought.

The sociology of knowledge suffers from a discrepancy between profound theoretical significance and inadequate empirical exploration. An understanding of the development of British management thought demands reference to the theoretical perspective of the sociology of knowledge. At the same time, despite the problems of handling historical data, the progress of this system of thought provides a useful empirical case-study in the light of which certain theoretical questions might be reviewed. These considerations determine the broad purpose and framework of this paper. Its first main section briefly reviews the overall developmental cycle of British management thought. The second analyzed the social functions of the content of management thought, and examines factors influencing that content at different points in time. The final section considers the acceptance enjoyed by management thought among those it was intended to assist and represent. Throughout the paper, emphasis is on the social context of British management thought rather than on its epistemological status, although these two facets are not entirely separable.

This paper is divided into three parts. In the first part, the present stage of development of management science in the United Kingdom is briefly discussed; in the second part are given a few "case histories," stressing the methodology; the third part discusses a few recent features of management science in the United Kingdom which seem to be interesting. Management science in the United Kingdom grew out of the military uses of operational research on the one hand, and psychological techniques applied to problems in personnel selection and related fields on the other. This historical background has influenced the way in which management science has progressed. One of the major problems in the United Kingdom at present is, I think, to find optimum conditions for creative work in applied sciences. In the United Kingdom there has been less experience of the research team than in the U.S.A. Often, top administration attempts to fit management research into the traditional hierarchy, with a resultant authoritarian structure. Also, it is rare in the United Kingdom to find a sociologist in a management research unit. This may be due to the nature of the development of management sciences or it may be due to some features of the British schools of sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was a dramatic turning point in the sociological career of Leonard Hobhouse. It occurred about the close of the first decade of his tenure of the Martin White Chair. But before speaking of that, something must be said as to how Hobhouse came into the sociological movement. His passage from the Oxford tradition of political philosophy, and the somewhat arid field of Teutonic epistemology, marked by the publication in 1901 of the book "Mind in Evolution," was no doubt deflected in a more sociological direction during the following years, when preparations were being made for the public launching of the Sociological Society in 1903. A public meeting was held in June, 1903, for considering ways and means to launch the projected Society, Hobhouse warmly seconded a resolution, moved by sociologist Oscar Browning, for the appointment of a committee to formulate the scope and aims of the Society and to draft its constitution. Hobhouse became an active member of the formative committee whose Report, having been accepted without amendment at the first general meeting of members, may be taken as the substantive basis of the sociological movement in Great Britain.

Reprints part of a study conducted by Vivien M. Palmer which was published in the "American Journal of Sociology," as of October 1927. In the series of papers and discussions presented at the first meetings of the Sociological Society, which were held in London, England in 1904, founders vividly summarized the state of sociology in Great Britain and outlined the role which the new Society hoped to play in future developments. It is illuminating to compare the status and aims as reflected at that time with the present attainments of British sociology. A consensus seems to run through the 1904 reports that, while a great deal of practical reform was being carried on in Great Britain, the scientific study of social life lagged behind. In the introductory address, James Bryce, first president of the Society, surveys the situation and suggests a programme which the new Society may follow in bringing this where of British thought into its own. His description of existing conditions and his proposed plans for the Sociological Society has been summarized in the article.

The article provides information on various journals related to economics and sociology. The "Economic Journal" contains papers by economist R.L. Wedgwood that discusses the statistics of railway costs. He analyses the recent returns of traffic and receipts, and contends that a more scientific statistical system should be introduced. Economist H.W. Macrosty submits proposals for an economic survey of Great Britain and physician Jacques Dumas discusses the present state of the land system in France. The "International Journal of Ethics" shares the views of economists. Professor J.S. Mackensie gives his opinion that late Edward Cuird has built up a solid treasure-house of wisdom that will outlast many erections in breadth of knowledge, balance and judgment, maturity of insight and power of luminous expression. Professor F. Tidily figures out the late Friedrich Paulsen, as child of a hardy, frugal, clear-headed and warm-hearted seafaring race who gave philosophical expression to the ideals of a stock from which so many intellectual leaders of the old fatherland had sprung, and upon the integrity of which the future glory of Germany depends.

Present a list of book received by the editorial staff of the British journal “The Sociological Review,” as of publication of the July 1968 issue. “Studies in Sociology,” edited by M. C. Albrecht; “Magazines Teenagers Read,” by C. Alderson.

In their pioneer work "Social Mobility in Britain" the authors describe as one of their main objects "an assessment of the amount and direction of social mobility in Great Britain since the end of the nineteenth century." The authors define three points on the scale of intensity of association: "Complete association," which occurs when all sons have the same social status as their fathers; "perfect association," existing when all sons, whatever the status of their parents, have equal chance of reaching a given status category; and "complete dissociation," which occurs when all sons have a status different from their fathers. Neither perfect nor complete association are likely to occur in practice. Consequently, the authors of the symposium propose to assess and interpret social mobility with the aid of the three indices and the tests of significance based upon them. The conclusions reached in the symposium may be correct. They are, however, given no support by the heavy statistical framework, unless the authors choose to define association in terms of the index.

This article lists papers on sociology which have been published in British journals. The article "Investigations of the Heredity of Psychosis and Mental Deficiency in Two North Swedish Parishes," by Torsten Sjögren has been published in the vol. 4, part 3, December 1935 edition of the journal "Annals of Eugenics." The paper "An Early Motive of Roman Imperialism," by E.T. Griffiths and "Nationalism in the Middle Ages," by G.G. Coulton have been published in the vol. 5, April 1935 edition of "The Cambridge Historical Journal." The paper "Laws on Health and Marriage," by C.P. Blacker, "The Berlin Population Congress and Recent Population Movements in Germany," by D.V. Glass, and "The Co-ordination of the Records of Births, Marriages and Deaths," by D. Caradog Jones have been published in the journal "The Eugenics Review."

Presents news briefs concerning the field of sociology in Great Britain as of December 1952. Initiation of a conference by the British Sociological Association from March 27 to March 29, 1953 at King's College of Household and Social Science in London, England; Information on the Second World Congress of Sociology being organized by the International Sociological Association from August 24 to September 1, 1953; Appearance of the obituary of Professor T. Geiger in the March 1953 issue of the "British Journal of Sociology."

Butler and Stokes' Political Change in Britain is reviewed, and criticised for focussing on a notion of electoral change which is singularly restrictive and which, moreover, has been noticeably absent in post-war Britain compared with other Western democracies. Three other kinds of electoral change. although ignored in the book, are shown to have been peculiar to Britain since 1945. These are (i) a persistent decline in the combined major party share of the electorate; (ii) a gradual fall in turnout; and (iii) an accelerating volatility of support between the two main parties. A more disturbing weakness in the study is that its general model of electoral behaviour, largely borrowed from the earlier Michigan studies, cannot account for these three electoral trends. Indeed, the model leads to predictions of electoral behaviour which are the very opposite of what has in fact taken place. In the light of the model's failure, some of its key concepts such as party jdentification, political generation and the model of partisan development as a learning process are subjected to critical scrutiny. No alternative model is tested, but plausible explanations of British voting behaviour since 1945 are offered which place a much greater emphasis on sociological and historical factors and on changes at the macro and elite level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on trends in teaching the sociology of development in Great Britain. The way that a subject is taught and the kinds of development which are occurring within it give a strong clue as to the direction of academic thought in that subject. For this reason, a discussion of how the sociology of development is taught in Great Britain tells about more than the mere teaching of an option in some sociology degrees. It also tells something about the state of sociology as a discipline and supplies with some indication of the likely developments in that discipline in the near future. Following the British Sociological Association annual conference in 1972, a survey was carried out with a view to ascertaining exactly what was being taught in that slot in the curriculum called sociology of development, comparative sociology of developing societies, or modernization and development. All the institutions of Great Britain which had been represented at the B.S.A. conference were surveyed by means of a postal questionnaire.

This article focuses on the definition of sociology in industrial relations in Great Britain. Industrial relations theorists and practitioners alike generally recognize that there is some need for sociological contributions to industrial relations questions. The term sociological or social are often attached to one common meaning which refers to those objectives or factors affecting behavior of individuals and groups which do not conform to what is supposed to be economic rationality. For many industrial relations writers, few of whom have received any formal sociological training, the term sociology therefore covers the analysis of factors which are seen as lying outside the logic of interest rationality which is at the root of collective bargaining. A more sophisticated interpretation of sociology, however, is reached when it is argued that the practice of industrial relations is at least partially determined by the type of norms accepted by actors in the work situation and the type of social structures which are derived from those norms.

In this article the author focuses on the sociological career in Great Britain. The author remarks that as a student he knew nothing of working-class life, and the great industrial north was a nightmare land of smoke and grime through which one had to travel to get from London to the Lake District. At Cambridge he read history, which was at that time, with a few exceptions, very badly taught. The experience was not, on the whole, either attractive or enlightening. Nevertheless his whole outlook on life changed very rapidly. Although, history was in general badly taught at Cambridge in the years just before the First World War, there were two teachers who not only taught the author a lot but also left their mark on his subsequent career. The author says that if only he had been a sociologist then, what an opportunity this would have given him to study, by participant observation and any other survey method not requiring a computer, the emergence of a structured society from a miscellaneous collection of individuals flung together by chance in a confined space and its subsequent fortunes.

This article focuses on the migration of British citizens between Great Britain and Europe, from 1924 to 1934. In each year of the span, more British nationals arrived in Great Britain from Europe than embarked for Europe. When British nationals arrive from Europe it is impossible to distinguish between those who were initially in Europe and those who merely traveled via Europe from, say, India, Australia, or New Zealand. Similarly the passengers from Great Britain to Europe include a number who do not finish their journey in Europe, but go forward to countries outside Europe. In order to determine the true migration of nationals between Europe and Great Britain, it is therefore first necessary to find out how many nationals passed through Europe each year when traveling between Great Britain and countries outside Europe. In 1921 the number of British passengers embarking from Great Britain direct to non-European countries was 268,300. Of these, 199,500 were classed as migrants and so changed their permanent residence. The other 68,800 nationals were therefore not changing their permanent residence, but had simply been visitors. Thus, of the 77,900 nationals visiting Great Britain from non-European countries in 1921, only 68,000 sailed direct to non European countries.

The article comments on the present situation and development in the social sciences in Great Britain. The social sciences in general, and in specifically, had a long pre-history. An intelligent observer in the year 1800 would not have had a word for sociology, and would not have known the phrase social science. Economics, and to a lesser degree politics, were firmly established in the universities before 1939. The importance of politics in the conduct of administration and the making of policy was recognized. The experience of economic depression was productive of a diffuse belief in planning which resulted in a new readiness of mind to accept social research. In 1945 this resulted in a growth of demand for social science education and information. All the social sciences grew steadily in the following years. Partly through the encouragement of UNESCO, national associations came into existence in such fields as politics and sociology. They were no novelty in economics. Social administration as a subject of study advanced with the growth of a welfare state. But the real revolution was to follow, and it still continues.

The article provides information about various documents related to sociology. "Programme of Concerted Practical Action in the Social Field of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies" released by the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and one of equal size on "The World Social Situation," are two United Nations publications which better than any others present materials of broad interest to social scientists. Resolution 535 (VI) of the General Assembly, which initiated this report, "Calls upon the Economic and Social Council to examine in detail... the social activities undertaken by the United Nations, together with the pertinent activities of the specialized agencies, in order to fulfill the various social tasks assigned to it by the Charter, and to take the necessary action to assure that efforts and resources are effectively concentrated upon those social problems the early solution of which can be promoted through international action, especially in the under-developed countries, both self-governing and non-self- governing. "Young Farmers' Clubs: Report of a Survey," by G. P. Hirsch, is a study of Young Farmers' Clubs in England and Wales and brings to the reader's attention the lusty spirit of enterprise and struggle for independence from national and county government which appears to characterize this youth movement in socialist Great Britain.

The article focuses on the sociological movement at the turn of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, founding and early history of "The Sociological Society" and with the beginnings of sociology as an academic subject. Certainly the sociological movement had something very close to a common working doctrine. Put in its simplest form, this doctrine held sociological investigation to require a prior or parallel examination of man's biological evolution. Emphases were differently placed, but very few sociologists could avoid a concern with the historical evolution of human nature, with man's adaptation to the conditions of existence and with the role of natural laws and biological mechanisms in social activities. The Sociological Society, at least for some of its founding members, was an institution to emancipate sociological science from the over-sight of academic economists and British anthropologists. In the language of the day, both eugenics and civics had become conflicting and dispersive specialisms. It had simply not been possible to create a unified sociology to be taught at University. Most courses in sociology founded at this time were intended to train people for social work.

The article focuses on the origin, nature and history of the Institute of Sociology or Sociological Society and its dissolution. The Sociological Society began in 1903. It was first a small group of men concerned to work out a social theory which would react on practice. It was an urge to interpenetrate every department of human investigation with the scientific idea. Its programme issued at the first meeting provided a framework for the Society. The various tasks included in the programme were to publish a Journal of Sociology, to hold meetings for lectures and discussions as customary to an efficiently organised learned society, to collect relevant periodicals and books and maintain them for reference in an adequate library, to maintain an interest in sociology in the universities and colleges in this country, to provide a research centre to aid the progress of systematic sociology and to establish and maintain a press for sociological publications. Director and treasurer of the institute Alexander Farquharson's death in 1954 created a state of emergency in Institute affairs. At the Council Meeting held on 7th July 1955, a declaration of solvency was made and at the extraordinary general meeting, which followed, a special resolution was passed to wind up the Institute voluntarily under the provisions of the Companies Act, 1948.

For the great majority of British citizens electoral behavior consists almost entirely of voting for a party candidate or not voting at all at a Parliamentary General Election, and it is with this form of behavior that this study is mainly concerned. Official statistics show the total turnout for all contested constituencies, but for anything more revealing than this one is dependent upon the findings of sample surveys. From these, however, the turnout rate for various sections of the electorate is established with a fair degree of reliability. It is seen that within the total figures there are considerable and politically important variations. Both political parties have been slow to see and to accept these changes, although one party has been much slower than the other. Their procrastination has been encouraged by the fact that voting behavior, based as it is largely on early socialization and a sense of duty, has not, so far, been affected sharply by changing political attitudes. However, the gap between political attitudes and voting behavior is steadily hardening and even politicians are coming to realize that complex changes in the class structure of post-war British society threatens in the not too distant future to end the old ideological simplifications about politics.

In Great Britain today, more married women are going out to work, first of all because of earlier marriage and, secondly, because of smaller families. Assuming that these trends continue, managers will find that more of their women workers will be married, and probably that their average age will be higher. Married women owe their first duty to their home and family. They therefore constitute a risk from managements point of view since they are liable to go absent or to leave altogether at very short notice in response to their family needs. However, the study presented in the article shows that in a factory which has become mainly dependent on such workers, latitude is allowed. If it were not, the firm would not survive. In a world in which more married women are ready to work and more employers need them, this is likely to be the principal lesson which managers will have to learn.

In a much discussed book, sociologist R. Pedley puts forward the view that the sixth forms of maintained grammar schools are the weakest link in the English education system. Their inefficiency is a result of their small size. Sociologist R.C. Oldfield has produced statistical evidence to show that small schools actually do significantly better than big ones. He shows that, although large schools naturally tend to get more awards than small, when the size of school is taken into account there is a significant tendency for small schools to obtain more awards per 1,000 boys than large schools. This article presents a study to examine the relation between educational achievement and school size. Findings of he study seem to show that Pedley is right in his view that the small schools are not producing such good results as the large. They show also that this tendency becomes more marked with higher levels of academic attainment. The better achievements of large schools are most evident in university awards and are markedly present in distinctions at advanced level. In passes and failures at advanced and ordinary levels the differences are less striking. However, it is not at all obvious from the results that Pedley is right in attributing the superiority of the big school to its large sixth form as such.

This article is directed at improving the sociological study of religion in British society. The discussion presented in this article has been directed at rectifying the major deficiencies in the study of religion in British society. The authors have in effect advocated an overall strategy of what might be called co-ordinated eclecticism, a strategy which would combine relatively reactive and relatively non-reactive techniques in both historical and contemporary contexts. It is important to mitigate the liabilities of the official, received religious-cultural approach to the study of religion. To be sure, a number of sociologists of religion have argued in similar ways about the pitfalls of this approach. On the other hand sociologists have not as yet pursued alternatives in terms of empirical research, as opposed to speculation. It is also important to develop more interest in the study of societal religious systems. The concentration on doctrinal traditions has kept the present analysis within the very narrow confines. It is also vital to know more about the historical profile of religion in single societies. In this way, one can begin to comprehend the overall dynamics and logical of categories of thought, symbiotic cognitive patterns, and so on.

This article discusses matters related to the British Sociological Association as of December 1954. The Executive Committee was impressed by the variety of interesting subjects for study groups suggested in reply to the referendum circulated some time ago. An analysis shows that the predominating topics are Town Planning and Housing, and Industrial Sociology. The Executive Committee will sponsor such a group or groups, provided that the initiative is forthcoming from members. Any members who would be willing to join a study group in London on one of the above subjects should get into touch with me. Accommodation would be made available in the evenings at Skepper House and the distribution of notices, etc., would be undertaken by the Association. In certain areas outside London it appears that members are already effectively organized. Members in Bristol or Oxford may care to be put into touch with existing groups in their areas. Those living elsewhere who are prepared to take the initiative should let me know, and if there is adequate local support will receive similar help from the Association. Professor Simey has tendered his resignation from the office of Honorary Treasurer. Professor Simey has been Honorary Treasurer of the Association since its inauguration in 1951 and his departure from office will he keenly felt. Professor W. J. H. Sprott, of the University of Nottingham, has been invited to fill the office and has kindly accepted.

This article presents news about the activities and meetings of the Sociological Society in Great Britain. On February 8, 2005 a lecture was delivered on "The Methods of Eugenics." The presiding member promised that Eugenics may be most briefly defined as the principle of selection for parenthood and that for the sake of convenience the subject may be discussed as either positive or negative the lecturer proceeded to examine certain suggested methods under both heads. The Annual Meeting of the Society was held in the hall of the Royal Society of Arts on March 8, 1909 read by the Secretary, together with the income an expenditure accounts, were moved from the chair and adopted. It was initiated that of the members of the Council the following were not seeking re-election-J.C. Hudson, C.S. Loch, David Mair and R.H. Tawney. J. Martin White was re-elected Honorary Treasurer and Victor Branford was the Honorary Secretary. Frederic Harrison, the retiring President, then delivered his Presidential Address, on "Sociology: its Definition and its Limits," which is published elsewhere in a number of the Review. On February 8, 2005 a lecture was delivered on "The Methods of Eugenics."

The article presents news items related to "American Sociological Association (ASA)." A conference to discuss cross-national research on community decision-making was held in Milan, Italy, from July 1 to July 3, 1969, organized by the Scuola di Formasione in Sociologia in Milan and the Committee for Comparability in Community Research of the International Sociological Association. The British Sociological Association has instituted a non voting category of overseas associate membership, the chief benefit of which is the receipt of the Association's journal, "Sociology." The Science Information Exchange of the Smithsonian Institute has recently adopted a nominal charge system for its services. At the same time, services which were previously reserved for federal agencies are now being made available to all users of SIE. "Social Science Research Council" will administer several programs in the coming year. Research Training Fellowships will be offered only for supplementary training that is outside the scope of the usual doctoral program in one's major discipline. These fellowships are tenable at a pre or post doctoral stage and preference will be given to innovative proposals by candidates who have demonstrated unusual aptitude for research.

The article focuses on various awards offered by and developments in several learned institutions. American Association for the Advancement of Science will award an annual prize of $ 1,000 for an essay in socio-psychological inquiry that furthers understanding of the psychological-social-cultural behavior of human beings. The Edward L. Bernays Foundation is offering a £ 5,000 award for a program to improve understanding between the people of Great Britain and the United States. Anyone is eligible to enter the competition by submitting a manuscript of 5,000 words or less. The Duke University Center for the Study of Aging and Human Development announces a two year research training program. The focus of the program will be upon independent work in behavioral science and psychophysiology in close collaboration with faculty members. The American Educational Research Association announces the election of W. W. Charters, Jr. as member at large of the Executive Board and Association Council. Dr. Charters is professor of education and research associate.