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Relates that Eastern Europeans are looking to membership in the European Union (EU) as a way to end their countries' complicated business regulations. Examples of bureaucratic rigmarole which plagues even simple transactions, such as buying gasoline while on a business trip; The importance of notaries in this environment; Problems with the legislation drafted to fix the problems.

At a summit that was starting just as The Economist went to press in June 2004, heads of government of the 25 European Union (EU) countries were planning, after much haggling, to agree upon a new constitution for their Union. When EU leaders deadlocked in December 2003, Elmar Brok, a German who was a leading member of the convention, said that, if the constitution was not agreed on, Europe could slip back into the inter-state rivalries that led to the first world war. A failure to agree will not take Europe back to war, even if it could lead to a split within the EU. Nor would success necessarily mean the emergence of a new superpower called Europe. Point to any apparently significant aspect of the constitution--the Charter of Fundamental Rights or the creation of a European foreign minister--and somebody from Britain's Foreign Office will be at hand to explain that it is not as significant as it sounds. All the main achievements in European integration, from the single market to the abolition of frontier controls to the creation of a single currency, started life as words in a European treaty. Yet, for all that, there is considerable potential for the real world and the constitution to collide. Even if voters do not trash the putative constitution, European leaders might do it for them, by ignoring treaty commitments that prove too politically onerous.

Reports on efforts of Turkey's parliament to pass amendments to its constitution to stabilize the country's democracy and ultimately allow entrance into the European Union. Changes in legal rights of individuals; Law that gives men no higher status than women; Changes in punishments for crimes, including removal of the death penalty in most cases.

Summarizes business news for April 29, 2000. Impact of the possible division of Microsoft, as a remedy in the United States antitrust case, on the share price; European Commission action against Germany, Spain and Italy over telecommunication pricing; Initial public offering of AT&T's wireless division; International Paper's bid for Champion International; Renault's agreement to acquire Samsung Group; Other items.

The article explores the rise of political fragmentation in the European Union (EU) as the 2019 European Parliament elections approach. The leaders of nationalist parties called for a populist revolution against the EU's establishment. A number of issues are expected to influence the outcome of the elections, including Great Britain's exit from the EU, the General Data Protection Regulation, a ban on single-use plastics and the EU-Japan free trade deal.

The article reports on the goal of the New Hanseatic League alliance of Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Sweden to create reforms to the European Union (EU). Topics discussed include the impact of Brexit on the alliance, France and Germany's common economic position forming the basis for the package of reforms in the EU and the alliance's recruitment of Slovakia to sign its paper on the sovereign bail-out fund.

Examines a European Commission (EC) report reviewing its policies for dealing with vertical restraints among manufacturers, dealers and wholesalers, released in January 1997. The name of the paper, `Green Paper on Vertical Restraints'; Benefits such practices offer to consumers; Background on the European Union's approach; Why exclusive territories arise.

Discusses controversy in Germany over whether to postpone commitment to a European single currency. The significance of the issue to general elections to be held in September 1998; The issuing of a paper against delay by Chancellor Helmut Kohl's Christian Democratic Union and its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union; Focus on those who are proposing delay; The sentiment of the German people.

The article discusses economics in the euro zone in 2012, examining concerns about deficits and recessions in Spain, Greece, and Portugal and arguing that further integration is required to manage the euro zone's banking, growth, and sovereign-debt crises. The article examines a paper by the economist Jay Shambaugh which found that regional imbalances must be addressed through internal devaluation, which the article says is opposed by Germany.

The article discusses the differences between the antitrust policies of the U.S. and the European Commission and examines how each entity deals with firms that have substantial market shares. Details are provided about the industry standards in the telecommunication and computer industries. A paper written by economist John Vickers on the antitrust approaches taken by Europe and the U.S. is also described.

The article discusses the bridge-construction industry in Europe and the role of the European Union. Europe has recently been building spectacular bridges as eagerly as America once did: Britain's second Severn bridge was completed in 1996; Portugal's second Tagus one in 1998; Denmark's island-hopping Storebaelt East bridge in 1998, with a 1.6km main span, at the time the longest ever; the Oresund bridge joining Denmark and Sweden in 2000. More are to come: recently aired, a new down-river Thames crossing; and, on paper since 2002, the mother of all bridges, a 3.3km suspension bridge which, from 2011--supposedly--will join Sicily to the Italian mainland. All this bridge-building is good news for the contractors. France has two of Europe's big four construction firms: Vinci, lead partner in the new Greek bridge (as earlier in the Tagus one), and Bouygues. With Skanska, leader of the Oresund consortium, and Germany's Hochtief, these are a formidable quartet. By turnover, reckons International Construction magazine, Vinci and Skanska lead the world, and all four are in the top eight, with three firms from Japan (ever addicted to costly public works) and, perhaps surprisingly, only Bechtel from America. European Union finance is one reason for this unlikely European leadership. EU funds go into many construction projects in poorer regions, even in rich countries. Under EU rules, all public-works contracts must be open to all EU firms equally. Yet visible prestige symbols such as giant bridges usually go to local firms or locally led consortia. That was true of the two French projects cited above. It will probably be true of the bridge to Sicily. Outside contractors can and do compete in EU countries. Bechtel is involved both in the Channel link and in London's Underground. Spending a fortune on such giant projects may be great for the construction industry. Whether it is a good use of taxpayers' money is less clear.

The planned constitution for the European Union is stoking their fears of a nascent European superstate. But the prospect that many of the 25 countries involved in the negotiations will hold referendums on the constitution also presents those opposed to the Brussels mantra of "ever closer union" with a rare opportunity to halt the federalist steamroller. Referendums are ideal for the agitators known as Eurosceptics in Britain, Eurorealists in Scandinavia and Souverainistes in France. In elections, Europe is rarely a salient enough issue to sway voters. But in a referendum in which voters are asked directly about a European issue the sceptics have a chance of mobilising the "silent majority" that they believe shares their views. Referendums also allow the sceptics to paper over ideological divisions.

This article focuses on the issue of a common foreign policy of various countries of the European Union. On paper at least, the countries of the European Union (EU) agreed back in 1993 to share a common foreign policy. For good measure, they decided in 1999 to share aspects of defence as well. Many EU countries want to go even further. At a convention on Europe's future now being held in Brussels, Belgium, the German government, for example, says that a single European diplomatic service should replace national ones. Europe's three biggest powers, Great Britain, France and Germany, have distinctly different approaches. For domestic reasons all three countries' leaders positively revel in stressing the distinctiveness of their views.

Considers the expansion of the European Union (EU) into Eastern Europe as of April 1997. The EU's current preoccupation with solving the economic and monetary complications it already has; The significance of a paper by economists Richard Baldwin, Joseph Francois, and Richard Portes; List of possible benefits for both factions; Statistical analysis.