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The article presents information on the press in Great Britain. The press is still a vital force in Great Britain. Despite expanding radio and television, a deep recession, and the long list of failed ventures, newspapers retain enough social and political importance for new titles to be started. In mid-1992, for instance, there was a sudden expansion of the regional Sunday paper market. Eleven weekday morning papers have national coverage; there are regional morning papers covering Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and parts of England, as well as local evening and morning papers, local weekly paid-for papers and local weekly free papers. "Tabloid" papers fall into two groups: the Daily Mail, the Daily Express and Today are often referred to as "mid-market" papers, serving people with middle incomes. Although livelier typographically than the broadsheets, they contain longer and more complex news and feature items than the Sun, the Daily Mirror/Daily Record and the Daily Star. Broadcasting in Great Britain whether publicly or commercially funded, is required to be "impartial," that is, not to take an overtly political editorial stance.

During the last twenty years, interest in media education programs has risen dramatically, judging from the number of such programs that have sprung up in countries all over the world. But on examination these programs are seen to vary enormously from the standpoint of content as well as pedagogical approach. Our objective in this paper is to demonstrate that manifest differences among the programs conceal differences of a more fundamental character. They are differences ascribable to unobtrusive links these programs have established with the major theoretical trends in media study. We accordingly propose to systematically describe six typical media education programs--three American and three European--focusing on the role these programs regard the media as playing as well as on the characteristics of the audience addressed by the media. Our analysis will show that the pretheoretical assumptions of these six programs correspond in all essentials with six major trends in media research. This compels the conclusion that, if media education is to establish itself as an autonomous research field or even as a well-grounded pedagogical field, it will have to render explicit its theoretical foundations, This paper will also attempt to demonstrate that, although most media education programs do not present themselves as enterprises indebted to theory, they in fact do depend heavily on media theory. An overview of the status of media education around the world will first be presented, followed by a brief description of the major media research paradigms. An illustrative sample of six programs will then be analyzed and compared to the theories they are assumed to be affiliated with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a model of communication behavior in specific social contexts that has theoretical implications for telecommunications systems. Three primary dimensions common to all communication behavior are proposed: temporality, involvement, and control. Temporality is the experience of time in a given communication situation; involvement is the degree to which cognitive, affective, and sensory capabilities are employed in a communication situation; and control is the degree to which communicators can exert influence in a given communication situation. Furthermore, the present model situates these dimensions within social context, which is comprised of the prevailing culture, the specific interpersonal relationships involved, and the specific content or meaning shared among communicators. The model is based on a review of the relevant literature on the social impact of communication technologies. The paper concludes with implications of the model in four traditional areas of communication research (media effects, media uses and gratifications, the study of group processes, and communication policy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines one common technique employed by questioners to present for attention views which are potentially hostile or damaging to the podium and/or his clients. To emphasize that the neutrality of the interviewer is an artifice, Clayman employs the term neutralism to describe it. He points out that it is normal for interviewees to acknowledge and acquiesce to the neutral or neutralistic stance of their interlocutor. He claims that it is, in fact, constructed and maintained collaboratively. One frequent source of facts, stories and opinions is, of course, the newspapers. To investigate examples of attribution to the papers, sentence concordances were made of the words Post and Times since these words are common in newspaper titles. To recapitulate, then, a question from the floor is both more difficult to avoid and also more difficult to answer if the primary source quoted is an official, governmental one, or one which might generally be expected to be friendly. It is a relatively simple matter for the podium to rebut the criticisms expressed by those expected to be critical of or antagonistic to the White House -- political rivals, the Republican party, foreign enemies, the right-wing media, etc., because, since they are not neutral, the podium is under no requirement to be so either.

The article presents information on office procedures related to the field of journalism. Any journalist hoping to find stories and publish them for a particular readership has to be up to date with the news because otherwise it is impossible to identify what is news. All newspapers or broadcast stations have a newsroom where reporters work. Some larger newsrooms may also contain other editorial staff such as subeditors, features staff, library, sport or photographers. These are usually the main newsrooms for a paper or broadcast station. A big newsroom may have some reporters working as correspondents, specialising in some aspect of news work, education, local government, crime or health, for instance. Freelances are self-employed journalists who often prefer working for themselves as it allows them to pick and choose the work they do. Stringers are local people who write a few hundred words every week about their community, social group or sports club. These are usually rewritten by sub-editors, but occasionally contain a good story that requires extra work from a reporter. A local journalist can also work as a stringer for a national.

The article reports that no newspaper or news bulletin would sell without stories and it is the reporter's job to find them. Much news can be anticipated and is the routine of daily life. These diary stories are tracked by the newsdesk and allocated to the reporter. The first thing a reporter needs to consider when finding a story is the market. Most national newspapers, magazines and broadcast outlets these days have very clear ideas about exactly who their publication is aimed at. This is a little more difficult on the local scene, where the temptation is to aim at everybody in the geographic area. News is aimed at an audience, an audience that, in most cases, has to be persuaded to buy the product. Diary stories are notified to the newsdesk from a number of external sources and are entered in the diary. Advertisements often carry good stories, particularly for regional papers and radio stations. Public announcements from councils are also a good source of stories as they will often signal plans for major developments or changes.

This article presents information on the freedom of the press and the safety of journalists the world over. The ultimate constraint on journalists is said to be imposed through murder. The killing of Veronica Guerin, crime reporter of the Sunday Independent, in Dublin on 26 June 1996, highlighted starkly the dangers posed to intrepid investigative journalists. Yet her death raised serious questions about journalists training for dangerous assignments and newspapers cultivation of their star reporters personalities as a deliberate marketing ploy. Many laws exist in Great Britain restraining the media. In 1992, the White Paper, Open Government, identified 251 laws outlawing information disclosure. Two years later the Guild of Editors listed 46 directly relating to journalists. They included the Children and Young Persons Act 1993 and the Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993 which imposed reporting restrictions on industrial tribunals involving sexual harassment. The Criminal Procedures and Investigations Act 1998 gave the courts further powers to impose reporting restrictions.

This article focuses on the major ethical and political issues involved in the media's coverage of ethnic minorities. Many critics focus on the alleged institutional racism within the media industry when trying to explain the coverage of ethnic minorities. This racism is rooted in the country's imperial past, with feelings of racial superiority and crude nationalism now deeply embedded in the dominant culture. Local papers in Kent, England were accused of whipping up anti-immigrant sentiment in their coverage of asylum seekers. Concerns were also expressed after the newspapers Sun, Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail expressed ecstatic support for William Hague, Conservative leader, after his 18 April 2000 speech recommending the detention of all new asylum seekers in secure units and the formation of a special removals agency to get rid of rejected asylum seekers. The roots of racism are cultural, economic, political and are extremely complex. The long-hallowed cult of journalistic objectivity has too often been a veneer for what is essentially a predominantly white male point of view in news culture according to journalist John Phillip Santos of his experience in the United States.

It is argued in this paper that in spite of the fact that the media was seen as the central arena for deliberation about the national identity, such a discourse did not take place, with respect to the aftermath of the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin on November 4, 1995. The suppression of the public discourse during the period following the assassination did not result in the molding of the Israeli collective memory or the reinvention of the entire Israeli collectivity.

Four major patterns of media-politics relationship and numerous ways of political control over the mass media are identified in this paper. The notion of In/Outsider is introduced after presenting the mass media as performing a vital mediation function in any democracy. Since no power could remain uncontrolled in any democracy, a range of mechanisms is developed to ensure checks and balances between the In/Outsiders and other social institutions. The Israeli case seems to illustrate the continuous and Sisyphus process of media institutionalization in a new democracy. Social responsibility principles were accepted in Israel as part of democratic norms, with the changes demanded by the special circumstances of a young democracy.

Nonjournalistic business considerations that enter into management's judgments on critical issues are more diverse and infinitely more powerful. They entail relations with government, advertisers, audiences and elements in the media organization itself. The most often mentioned illustrations of journalistic courage involve the people at the top of organizations that have uncovered news that endangers the health or even the survival of the enterprise. A third of the publishers surveyed by Editor & Publisher report that their paper have had promotional tie-ins or revenue-sharing arrangements with people or institutions they cover in the news.

The article reports that bad news about social work, far from spotlighting every seeming failure of every type of agency with every client group in every media outlet is, in reality, highly discriminating. Its epicenter is policy failures and practice errors in local authority social services. Even these are covered very selectively, only getting into the national press when the issue has aspects, which tie to the wider news agendas of particular newspapers. For local papers the threshold of relevance is far lower, but the standing of the department as authoritative source accordingly higher. In considering how social work might be good news, it is useful to distinguish not only between media, and between agencies, but to consider the relevance of the work itself. This chapter will fall into three sections. Evidence about the potential of local press coverage from previous chapters will be reviewed and expanded. The symbiotic relationship between voluntary organizations and the news media will be explored, using NACRO, the NSPCC and ChildLine as illustrations.

This article presents information on how a power distance culture in a nation can affect individuals and organizations within that nation. The Guardian newspaper in Great Britain published, on October 24 1982, an account of similar incidents in Kenya, Zambia, Uganda and Tanzania. Under the heading "All the News That Governments See Fit to Print," the article stated that government authorities in the countries mentioned are beating back into position journalists and newspapers who overstep the official line. Where harassment and the threat of government acquisition have not cowed journalists and newspapers, sackings, bans and even imprisonment have been resorted to. The Rivers State Newspaper Corporation of Nigeria is a state-owned organization responsible for printing and publishing the Nigerian Tide group of newspapers. The Military Governor of Rivers State ordered the immediate detention of their editor-in-chief, the news editor and all other editors, and of all other persons directly concerned with the publication of the news. The author's boss, under cross-examination at the military camp, mentioned that the author was responsible for the facts published in the paper. He defended himself by claiming that he acted as directed by the boss, to whom he was accountable, and so he was responsible.

This article focuses on the political rights and civil liberties in Albania as of 1997. The media face financial constraints and legal barriers but the parliament unanimously abrogated the press law which put restrictions on journalists. The Association of Publishers and independent newspapers cite high advertisement, customs and value-added taxes as seriously undermining the viability of most papers. On the other hand, the government proposed changes in the judiciary. The Court of Appeal was decentralized, ostensibly making overt political interference more difficult.

It is becoming apparent in the literature, that communication scholars are ceasing to ask which form of communication--interpersonal or mass media communication--is superior, but instead they ask what are the likely effects of each medium. To answer this question we need to define clearly the terms "certain circumstances" and "certain criteria" for each case. This paper focuses on the circumstances surrounding attempts to persuade children to avoid behaviors that put them at risk for AIDS; it also explores the criteria of each medium that render it more or less helpful in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses issues concerning political rights and civil liberties in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as of December 1998. Citizens can change their government through elections. Human rights are generally respected. However, a local human rights organization, Caribbean Rights, has accused police of using excessive force and illegal search and seizure, and of improperly informing detainees of their rights in order to extract confessions. The press is independent, with two privately owned independent weeklies, and several smaller partisan papers.