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Issue #49 of the Bank Street Occasional Paper Series, "Indigenous Pedagogies: Land, Water and Kinship," brings together Indigenous educators and researchers to demonstrate how Indigenous teaching and learning takes form across contexts. Indigenous knowledge systems, values, and ways of being are understood and enacted within socio-ecological systems grounded in reciprocal kin relations. This means that for Indigenous peoples, teaching, learning, living, and being in relation with human and more-than-human beings is central to their knowledge systems. The authors worry that forwarding Indigenous pedagogies for educators broadly could result in a romanticization or appropriation of indigeneity, but hope that it will contribute broadly to sustainable and just futures.

This book brings together a series of papers on education in rural Zimbabwe. It is informed throughout by the generative theory of rurality, which sees rural communities as the most significant agents in solving the challenges they face. Against this theoretical backdrop, the 13 chapters challenge policy makers, researchers and educators to confront the problem of poor academic performance among learners in rural learning ecologies. The book demonstrates that rural communities, in Zimbabwe and elsewhere, can improve their educational outcomes through community-led action, involving traditional leadership and other stakeholders. The key message is that communities have the opportunity to become the authors of their own destinies in shaping future educational results.

Written in 1939, this book outlines fundamental Catholic principles and policies that address problems associated with the agricultural system and rural living during the early 20th century. The manifesto was derived from Catholic social philosophy and espouses the benefits of an occupation in agriculture, including the development of private property; the fostering of homelife; and a culture that encourages initiative, prudence, thrift, courage, and other personal virtues. It was written in response to the growing disparity between urban and rural living that became apparent following World War I. These disparities were attributed to the reduction of foreign and domestic markets, costly national programs of economic self-sufficiency, and a steady migration of farm youth from rural areas to urban centers. The first part of the book includes 180 statements representing principles and policies related to the rural Catholic family, farm ownership and land tenancy, rural resettlement, Catholic rural education, rural Catholic youth, Catholic culture in rural society, rural community, the rural pastorate, rural church expansion, rural health, rural social charity, the farm laborer, farmer cooperatives, rural credit, agriculture in the economic organism, and rural taxation. The second section of the book consists of annotations documenting the factual and statistical resources that formed the basis of the principles and policies advocated by the Catholic Church. Contains references and an index. (LP)

This collection of nine research papers concerning aspects of the economy of China were written by U.S. college and university professors who traveled to China as part of the Fulbright Hays Summer Seminars Abroad Program. The papers include: "The Impact of Economic Reforms on the Status of Women in China" (M. Eysenbach); "China's Agricultural Economy and Policies" (L. Fletcher); "China: Economic Reform and Social Welfare" (L. Geiger); "China's Foreign Trade" (A. W. Khandker); "China's Economic Development" (E. Kim); "Rural Township and Village Enterprises in China" (S. Park); "Joint Ventures in China" (J. Rassi); "Chinese Enterprises: Responses to Prepared Questions" (E. Ryan); and "Treasury Bonds in China" (K. Weir). (DB)

In late 1980 several regional and national meetings were convened to develop a set of proposed national goals for linking education and economic development in rural America in the 1980s; the 9 commissioned papers in this report provide background information for the overall project and an appendix contains the resulting 10 proposed national goals. The papers include: "Rural America: The Present Realities and Future Prospects" by William P. Kuvlesky and James H. Copp; "Nature, Types and Scale of Rural Development" by Frances Hill; "The Role of Investment Capital in Rural Development" by Lloyd Brace; "Balancing Technological and Human Resources Development: A New Priority for Rural America" by Roger Blobaum; and "Rural Land Use: A Need for New Priorities" by Wendell Fletcher and Charles E. Little. Other papers address: "Linking Education and Local Development: An International Perspective" by Jonathan Sher; "Enhancing Traditional and Innovative Rural Support Services" by Mary A. Agria; "Toward a More Rational Education-Economic Development Connection in Rural America: The Collaborative Model" by Karl A. Gudenberg; and "State-of-the-Art Report: Exemplary Rural Education and Economic Development Initiatives" by Susan J. White. The 15-page appendix presents in turn the 10 priority issues of the conferences, identifies a central problem for each issue, formulates a goal in answer to the problem, synthesizes the discussion, and provides comments. (BRR)

The document presents 10 papers addressing special education programs in Wessex, England, and reviews of 11 books dealing with special education for disabled children. Papers have the following titles and authors: "The Development of New Services for Mentally Handicapped People in Horticulture and Agriculture" by D. Carter and A. Carter; "HANC--Hampshire New Curriculum" (a curriculum for clients of the Adult Training Center) by M. Shackleton-Bailey; "The Meaning and Significance of Curative Education" (a description of the Camphill Communities program which serves handicapped children in a family-style setting) by N. Hoffman; "In on the (1981 Education) Act" (a bill which introduced a new broad definition of children with 'special educational needs') by J. Rozenberg; "The Need for a Functional Philosophy of Rehabilitation" (a discussion of the need for a philosophy of rehabilitation that is both progressive and dynamic in its day-to-day operation) by C. Macfarlane; "What's So Special about Special Needs?" (focusing on the similarities as well as differences in the experiences and expectations of families with young handicapped and nonhandicapped children) by M. White; "'Police Week' in a Special School" (a program to develop in secondary aged special education children an understanding of the reasons why there are rules, laws, and police force) by C. Gardiner; "Integration in Oxfordshire" (a discussion of the success of a mainstreaming program at Alvescot School) by M. Burnham; "An Introduction to the Wessex Reading Analysis" (designed to provide an instrument to evaluate reading skills of elementary age children) by G. Hughes; and "In-Service Training for Special Education" (a discussion of the problems involved in providing inservice training) by J. Hosegood. A series of reviews of books published in 1981 and 1982 complete the document. (SW)

Chiefs and headmen, wealthier families and locally employed Christians The most fundamental change in the rural economy of Pondoland between 1910 and 1930 was the increased dependence of a majority of homesteads on wage labour. Yet, as has been argued, proletarianisation was not in the main predicated on rural differentiation; on the accumulation of resources by a minority of families in Pondoland and the expropriation of land and stock from others. Although the level of dependence on wages differed from homestead to homestead, the great majority of families from which workers came retained their rural homesteads, access to land and, to a considerable extent, access to cattle; the predominant form of proletarianisation was migrancy. This pattern of entry into wage labour had deep implications for the nature of differentiation in Pondoland. It has already been argued that the specific process of incorporation into the larger capitalist economy only modified, but did not transform, precolonial forms of political authority. As happened in areas of the Eastern Cape, for example, no significant class of wealthy peasants developed in the colonisation of Pondoland. Pre-colonial forms of rank and authority, which had implications for wealth in terms of income and productive capacity, were to some extent translated into a new context. This is not to suggest that the process of colonisation left social relationships in the countryside intact. The process of differentiation will be explored largely by means of different life histories, which may to some extent be regarded as ‘typical’, of men who were born and brought up in the early decades of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drought, East Coast fever and the crisis of 1912 By 1911, the year after Union, the economic position of most families in Pondoland was by no means desperate. The herds of cattle had been rebuilt, and the cattle population, at close on 280,000, was probably as high as before rinderpest (Table 5). There were more small stock in the area than ever before (Table 6). If the extension of cultivation had been constrained by lack of markets and rendered less urgent by the recovery of the herds, the homesteads still probably produced as much grain as they had immediately after the turn of the century. ‘Every kraal possesses its plough’, affirmed a magistrate in 1911–the number returned in the census of that year exceeded 14,000–and most could produce sufficient for subsistence in good and average years. Despite an apparent increase in population from under 200,000 to over 230,000 in the first decade of the century, land was not yet as short as in the rest of the Territories (Table 1). Pressure on arable plots began to show in a few locations, but in general the magistrates still thought that their districts were ‘by no means densely occupied’ nor ‘crowded’ and ‘thickly populated’. Immigrants from other Cape districts continued to find space in which to settle. Whereas roughly 9 to 10 per cent of the male population left Pondoland to work in 1911, the average for other Transkeian districts was around 18 per cent (Table 4). Yet the homesteads were now locked into the larger capitalist economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]