19 results on '"Attraction"'
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2. The Sublime in the Visual Culture of the Seventeenth-Century Dutch Republic
- Author
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Bussels, Stijn and Van Oostveldt, Bram
- Subjects
Aelbert Cuyp ,Amsterdam ,architecture ,artist ,art history ,attraction ,awe ,Christianity ,drawing ,Franciscus Junius ,God ,horror ,humanism ,humanist ,Jacob van Campen ,Longinus ,landscape ,Netherlands ,Phaethon ,painting ,politics ,prints ,Rembrandt ,Rubens ,religion ,sculpture ,seascape ,terror ,theater ,theatre ,bic Book Industry Communication::A The arts::AC History of art / art & design styles - Abstract
Contrary to what Kant believed about the Dutch (and their visual culture) as “being of an orderly and diligent position” and thus having no feeling for the sublime, this book argues that the sublime played an important role in seventeenth-century Dutch visual culture. By looking at different visualizations of exceptional heights, divine presence, political grandeur, extreme violence, and extraordinary artifacts, the authors demonstrate how viewers were confronted with the sublime, which evoked in them a combination of contrasting feelings of awe and fear, attraction and repulsion. In studying seventeenth-century Dutch visual culture through the lens of notions of the sublime, we can move beyond the traditional and still widespread views on Dutch art as the ultimate representation of everyday life and the expression of a prosperous society in terms of calmness, neatness, and order. The book will be of interest to scholars working in art history, visual culture, architectural history, and cultural history.
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- 2024
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3. Evolution, Biology, and Attraction
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Li, Norman P., Tan, Lynn K. L., and Choy, Bryan K. C.
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- 2021
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4. Chapter 13 Iran
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Zamani-Farahani, Hamira
- Published
- 2010
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5. Resolutions.
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French, Roger
- Abstract
INTRODUCTION Few histories of medicine are without an evolutionary approach. Histories adopting this approach are not now generally ‘whiggish’, but they invariably give much attention to signposts indicating the direction of the road and bearing legends such as ‘mechanism’ or ‘circulation’. Many of these directional milestones are clustered in England and the United Provinces of Holland, and, even in the seventeenth century, medical mechanism could be seen by a major figure in Paris as so much modern Dutch nonsense. But as we have seen, Learned and Rational Doctors were successful in the familiar territory of traditional natural philosophy where they did not need signposts or milestones. This was mostly the case in Catholic countries such as Italy and Spain, and we have glanced at some probable religious reasons for this. In Spain in particular, the universities were happy to do without the new doctrines from England and Holland, and viewed with suspicion the instrument of their dissemination, the tertulia, which were private associations. In 1700 the rector of the University of Seville wrote to his counterpart in Osuna urging the destruction of a tertulia.These organisations co-operated, he said, with the object of destroying the Aristotelianism and Galenism of the schools. There were also political and economic circumstances that seem to bear on the matter. The economic centre of gravity of Europe was moving north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
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6. The crisis of theory.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
All the order of teaching is troubled and the doctrine of Physick is endeavrd and learned altogether preposterously and confusedly, without any certain method. With these words Jacobus de Back reported the confusion in the schools at the collapse of traditional natural philosophy. He had taken his MD in Franeker in 1616, when medicine and natural philosophy were still sisters, as they had been throughout the Latin tradition. But by the 1630s not only were philosophers seeing a battle between Aristotelianism and the mechanical philosophy, but within medicine some of the major doctrines of Hippocrates and Galen had been shown to be wrong. De Back felt the pull of old loyalties and declared that he still belonged to the ancient physicians; but clearly they were going to need another re-evaluation to show that they still had authority in a changed society. How had this crisis come about? Rather than retell a traditional story of a revolution in natural philosophy, let us look at its relation to medicine from the point of view of the Rational and Learned Doctor, who still wanted to be successful. EPIDEMICS CHANGE MEDICINE The two great epidemics, the plague and the French Disease, left marks on European medicine. While the Learned and Rational Doctors struggled to get to grips with these new and unknown, or at least improperly labelled diseases, laymen took practical measures such as quarantine and isolation of the affected, and built hospitals to contain them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
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7. The outbreak: 1693–1700.
- Author
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Hall, Alfred Rupert
- Abstract
In march 1693 Fatio de Duillier had been invited by Newton to rejoin him in Cambridge at Newton's expense, and on 11 April (apparently in reply to this invitation) Fatio wrote: I could wish Sir to live all my life, or the greatest part of it, with you, if it was possible, and shall allways be glad of any such methods to bring that to pass as shall not be chargeable to You and a burthen to Your estate or family. Thereafter, the intimate and frequent correspondence between the two men ceases; the following summer was that of Newton's mental illness. We have no evidence as to what passed when Newton admitted his friend, at Cambridge, to the privacy of his manuscripts, nor subsequently do we have any record of how he reacted to Fatio's dramatic displays, first in private and finally in public, of his admiration for Newton and his conviction that Leibniz had stolen the calculus from Newton. If letters were exchanged between the two men, or if (as is unlikely enough, in fact) Newton disclosed his personal judgment of Fatio to others, the documents have failed to survive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1980
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8. Thrust and parry: 1710–1713.
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Hall, Alfred Rupert
- Abstract
Keill's offensive remarks in his Philosophical Transactions paper of (officially) 1708 were too much for Leibniz's patience. He felt that the time had come to demand redress, and so raised the dispute to the level of international diplomacy by formally protesting, as a Fellow, to the Royal Society against Keill's conduct in a letter of 21 February 1711, in which he demanded that Keill should apologize for his libelous insinuations. Newton himself, Leibniz alleged, had discountenanced such “misplaced zeal of certain persons on behalf of your nation and himself” when Fatio de Duillier had first attacked Leibniz as a plagiarist; Fatio had then collapsed without support and clearly Leibniz expected that Keill would do the same, especially under pressure from the Royal Society, which would be conscious of Leibniz's dignity, distinction, and influence even if Keill himself were not. Leibniz's letter to Hans Sloane, the secretary of the Royal Society, rings with a genuine note of injured innocence; he had, he wrote, never heard “the name calculus of fluxions spoken nor seen with these eyes the symbolism that Mr Newton has employed before they appeared in Wallis's Works.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1980
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9. The philosophical debate.
- Author
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Hall, Alfred Rupert
- Abstract
Leibniz's idea of the basic structure of the universe was, within the context of his era, far more conventional than that which Newton developed and regarded as alone consistent with a mathematical science of mechanics. Newton conceived upon the foundations laid by the Greek atomists one of the grandest generalizations of modern science: the idea that all the matter in the universe consists of particles, of which the smallest are atoms, which are impelled or retained by the forces mutually acting between them into a myriad of different configurations and an endless variety of motions, from which by successive stages all the observed manifestations of nature result. The idea of particles, or atoms, was by no means new; the novelty lay in the idea of fundamental forces, forces of attraction and repulsion, operating directly between the atoms, or particles. The prevailing theory of Leibniz and Newton's time, originating with Descartes, was that what we may ordinarily call a “force,” like magnetism or gravity, was only apparent, a kind of optical illusion; the reality lay in the movement of invisible, indetectable particles whose pressures on bodies cause the movements we attribute to forces. To this Newton's thoughts were completely opposed; forces, he thought, were real and prior, though he recognized that there might be still deeper explanations of the way the force worked. The first thing was to find out the nature of the force itself, the laws it obeyed, not to imagine hypotheses about streams of invisible particles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1980
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10. Open warfare: 1700–1710.
- Author
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Hall, Alfred Rupert
- Abstract
Newton's claim that Wallis's death, by removing from the scene the last of the older mathematicians, permitted Leibniz to paint an exaggerated picture of his priority in the development of the calculus does not seem plausible. However Newton might view Wallis, it is perfectly evident to us that in his correspondence with Leibniz, Wallis was far from displaying skepticism of Leibniz's rights to the calculus. Moreover, it would be evident to anyone having no more intimate source of information than Wallis's own Mathematical Works that Wallis had known nothing of Newton's mathematical development before 1676, nor of the Newton-Leibniz letters of that year, until long afterward. Wallis might indeed have proved, as an Anglophile, an ardent defender of Newton, but not on the basis of independent personal knowledge or (one might add without disrespect to one who had been a considerable mathematician in his own day) an independent personal capacity to judge the mathematical subtleties involved in the methods of differential calculus and fluxions. In actuality Wallis's own role in the slow warming up of the calculus dispute had been to act as an uncritical mouthpiece for Newton. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1980
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11. The emergence of the calculus: 1677–1699.
- Author
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Hall, Alfred Rupert
- Abstract
Newton'sSecond Letter was retained in London for lack of a safe means of conveyance until May 1677 and only came to Leibniz's hands in late June, eight months after it was written and about as long after Leibniz had settled in Hanover, in the new world where he had to make his career. It was, he acknowledged to Oldenburg, a “truly excellent letter … I am enormously pleased that he has described the path by which he arrived at some of his very elegant theorems.” And he reiterated his praise of Newton's results throughout the letter – no evidence here of a sense that anything had been begrudged him. Before turning to series again, Leibniz took up Newton's brief allusion to the method of tangents, leading on to the anagram (which Leibniz does not mention), and in doing so expressed “publicly” for the first time (unless in informal private communications) his calculus notation; dx, he said, is the difference between two closely related values of any changing quantity x, and dy the corresponding change produced in a second variable y, which is related to x by some mathematical expression. Then if dx is constant, dy will define the slope of the tangent at x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1980
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12. Harvey and experimental philosophy.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
Harvey's natural philosophy This story of Harvey began with the image of him raising his scalpel to begin the Lumleian lectures. It will be useful to return to that image in this final chapter. We have now seen how Harvey's dissection was related to his natural philosophy. We have also seen how his natural philosophy was based on an experiential Aristotelian model and a sensory and experimental practice that owed a little to Plato and a lot to Galen and the anatomists closer to Harvey's time. We shall be concerned in this chapter with an attempt to discover how important Harvey's experimentalism was for the new and much celebrated Experimental Philosophy of the seventeenth century. The question is centrally one of the validity of experimental knowledge compared to that of knowledge derived from other sources. We must first therefore look at what Harvey thought on this matter. His natural philosophy, in the course of practising which he came to discover that the blood circulated, changed – at least in its external expression – over the period with which we are concerned. He began as an anatomy lecturer who used a scholastic apparatus that included the Aristotelian and partly too Galenic notion that knowledge of a part included and was partly drawn from knowledge of its purposes. Harvey as an anatomy lecturer dealt with a disputed question, a traditional dubium, in a slightly unusual way, by means of a simple experiment (he punctured the ventricle of the heart of an animal). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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13. Overseas.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
Introduction: Descartes and Bartholin Many people did not first encounter Harvey's doctrines in his book, but by reading or hearing other people's reports or versions of them. There were two main vehicles of this sort that carried the forceful pulse and circulation over Europe. One was Descartes' new mechanical natural philosophy. We shall examine it in the next chapter. The other was the report by Joannes Walaeus on experiments he had made to support Harvey's conclusions. This report first appeared as appendix to an anatomy text which had been written by Caspar Bartholin and was being brought up to date by his son Thomas. In one form or another Walaeus' report reached at least eleven editions, and Thomas' book, favourable to Harvey and often carrying Walaeus' appendix, was translated into all European languages and even into Chinese. It clearly had an important role in the ultimate acceptance of Harvey's doctrines: we must look at the genesis of Bartholin's book. Communication and consensus: two controversies In England Harvey, Read, Primrose, Winston, Fludd and others were known to each other and were in a position to discuss the circulation. Overseas, however, the formation of any consensus depended upon means of communication, which become important in our study. Travel was important in communication. Harvey himself travelled widely in Europe (but not for academic reasons) and found himself arguing about the circulation from time to time. More characteristically, students travelled to one or more distant universities, and sometimes young men whose formal education was complete would take something of a Tour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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14. Circulation through Europe.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
We have now looked in some detail at the way people reacted to Harvey's doctrines in England and the Low Countries and at some of the mechanisms operating for and against the formation of a consensus of opinion. Comparable stories could be told about the other countries of Europe. In Spain, with one exception, the physicians remained Galenist until well after the middle of the century, and so beyond the timescale covered in this book. We have already glimpsed the Danish reaction. What follows below is a brief examination of how Harvey's doctrines were treated in Italy, France and the Germanic lands. Harvey's doctrines were, for his opponents, novelties that did not agree with an extant scheme of things and were therefore, they concluded, wrong. It followed for them that Harvey's method of producing these novelties, what we are here calling his natural philosophy, must also have been at fault. It was Primrose's complaint that Harvey took no note of medicine as an autonomous activity: of how the thought of its founders had been bound into an intelligible and trustworthy system of understanding and, importantly, practice, which circulation could only disturb. Circulation in Italy: Parigiano's attack on Harvey These sentiments and others that we must consider were developed a few years after Primrose's first attack by another opponent of Harvey, Emilio Parigiano, Latinised as Aemylius Parisanus. Parigiano was a Roman, thought of himself as a philosopher as well as a physician, and practised in Venice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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15. Two natural philosophies.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
Descartes reads De motu cordis For Harvey's doctrines to be rejected, or sufficiently accepted to form the basis of a new consensus, they had to be known. Some people read De motu cordis, others heard or read about its contents at second hand. What they made of it depended upon what was already in their minds; and however direct or indirect their knowledge of the book, almost everyone modified or misunderstood Harvey's doctrine. Such misunderstandings are basic to the processes by which a consensus came about and to its nature once formed. As we saw in the last chapter, personal communication played a large part in people's knowledge of new works in natural philosophy. Gassendi read De motu cordis in the year after it was published. He thought the doctrine of circulation was attractive, but accepted the medical view that the septum between the ventricles of the heart was porous. The heart could not therefore work as Harvey had claimed. Gassendi sent his opinions to Mersenne. Mersenne in turn discussed the topic with Descartes, who seems to have read the book by 1632. Mersenne was at the centre of a circle of correspondence concerned primarily with philosophical issues. Safe postal systems had been developing in Europe over the previous century and now allowed a comparatively rapid means of communication, by letters and the dispatch of books. Descartes was familiar with De motu cordis by the end of 1632. He too modified Harvey's doctrine. This modification is doubly important for the story of this book. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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16. Back to Cambridge.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
Introduction The Cambridge that had taught Harvey the philosophy of Aristotle was an important centre from which his views were subsequently disseminated. The story of the Oxford ‘Harveians’ has been told, and in making a tentative beginning to a similar story in Cambridge, we are concerned with Francis Glisson, who was a generation younger than Harvey (he died in 1677). Like Harvey, Glisson was a product of Caius College (MD in 1634), was a Fellow of the College of Physicians and lectured there on anatomy. From 1636 he was Regius Professor of Physic in Cambridge. He was therefore in a position to play an important role in determining how people reacted to Harvey's doctrine. Knowledge of the forceful systole and circulation was being generated both within the university and in the college, and a consensus in both institutions would have had an important influence on the English perception of Harvey's doctrine. In Cambridge, Glisson gave lectures and, like other university teachers we have looked at, conducted disputations. He also seems to have given academic orations. Men graduating in medicine under Glisson – and so defending his theses – shared his beliefs about the motion of the heart, arteries and blood. (One of the earliest theses in favour of the circulation under Glisson, that of Wallis, was in 1641.) In the College Glisson spoke in favour of Harvey from 1639, demonstrated the circulation as Goulstonian lecturer, and as one of the country's leading teachers played his part in the growth of a consensus. The same may be said of his membership of the ‘1645 group’ (see below). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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17. Early reactions in England.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
James Primrose The first published opposition to Harvey's doctrines was that of James Primrose. The son of a Reformist Scot, Primrose was brought up in Bordeaux. Younger than Harvey, he took his MD, at Montpellier, in 1617. He had also studied with Riolan in Paris. He chose to incorporate at Oxford – in 1629 – and was admitted as a licentiate to the College of Physicians later in the same year, Harvey being one of the examiners. He seems to have been an ambitious man, and it was not long before he had persuaded the king to allow him to give a public lecture on medicine. The embarrassed college put a stop to it, claiming that Primrose (still a licentiate) was not qualified. It may be that his book against Harvey (it appeared in 1630) was also conceived as a way of publicising himself. Historians have been uniformly negative about Primrose's writings, either because of aspects like this of his personality or because he appears to have been so wilfully blind to the truth. But for us Primrose is interesting as one of those who was not convinced by Harvey's research and presentation: his natural philosophy. A study that seeks to explore the fate of Harvey's doctrine – and in this chapter we are concerned with its early fortuna – rejections are as important as modifications, misunderstandings and acceptances. Primrose heard some anatomy lectures ‘as a new member’ of the college. These must have been either the ‘extraordinary’ lectures of the college, given for the last time in December 1629, by Helkiah Crooke, or Harvey's ‘ordinary’ lectures, completed in the college by 26 February 1630. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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18. The structure of De motu cordis.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
Introduction: exercises and declamations Harvey's task in presenting his case in print was to convince his readers. We can assume that he adopted what he thought was the most appropriate style of presentation to achieve this. The Harvey who had given much thought to presenting his discovery of the forceful systole with the utmost rigour, obsignatis tabulis, to the audience at his anatomy lectures in the college, would be unlikely to be more casual in announcing it, together with the discovery of the circulation, to the whole learned world in a printed work. He succeeded in the task of persuading his readers to the extent that by the end of his life the circulation of the blood (at least) was generally admitted. There was a consensus. In beginning to write De motu cordis Harvey was not in a strong position. He wanted to tell the world that he had discovered the true actio and utilitas of the heart. As a modern, he did not possess the authority of the ancients, whose opinions, indeed, he was trying to overturn. Although discussions of ‘action and use’ were recognised parts of ‘anatomy’, Harvey's task was not the simpler one of some of his anatomical predecessors of announcing a new discovery in morphology. But he shared their disadvantage of not being able to ‘demonstrate’ the discovery in a proper logical way ‘so that it could not be otherwise’. The ‘physical logic’ available to anatomists was indeed even weaker in attempting to demonstrate function than it was in showing structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
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19. Harvey's research programme.
- Author
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French, Roger
- Abstract
Harvey, Cambridge and Aristotle Harvey's natural philosophy, and the research programme that – it will be argued here – he derived from it, had Aristotle as its main source. Harvey would have first made acquaintance with Aristotle's philosophy at Cambridge. Natural philosophy was, of course, a traditional part of the arts course: in thirteenth-century Cambridge they spent the third and fourth year reading the libri naturales of Aristotle, the Europe-wide corpus of natural philosophy. The Edwardian statutes of 1549 also specify two years of philosophy, including moral philosophy, politics and ‘problems’ from Aristotle, Pliny or Plato. Perhaps the intention was to reinforce the old system of teaching after the uncertainties of the Reformation. Henry VIII had abolished the teaching of canon law and as a consequence civil law also suffered something of an eclipse in the universities. Medicine had never attracted large numbers at either university and the remaining higher faculty, theology, or now rather divinity, became an important instrument in the perpetuation of the new faith. Much more than before, the universities in England became predominantly schools of philosophy and divinity. But in Mary's reign the universities reverted to the Catholic church, and the papal legate, Cardinal Pole, removed the Edwardian statutes. Under Elizabeth the Edwardian statutes of Cambridge were renewed (1559) in a modified form. Now natural philosophy was included in the studies for only the last year of the four, between the BA and MA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 1994
- Full Text
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