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Chapter 30 of the book "Plan Your Estate" is presented. It explores storing and revising one's estate plan when completed. It suggests securing the estate documents in a safe place and marking a copy in ink on the pages. It adds that major life changes need estate planning changes and one must review the plan with regard to changing the beneficiaries, moving to a new estate, or changes in the personal property. It also discusses aspects concerned with the living trusts, wills, and codicil.

Chapter 6 of the book "Angola" is presented. It presents information on cities and communities in Angola. Most Angolans live on the benguela plateau in small villages and rural areas. Nonetheless, almost 34 percent of the populations has moved toward cities because of the war. Capital city of Angola is Luanda, founded in 1575 by the Portuguese explorer Paulo Dias Novais. Other major cities are Huambo, Cabinda and Benguela.

Chapter 5 of the book "Trading Women's Health & Rights: Trade Liberalisation & Reproductive Health in Developing Economies" is presented. The chapter focuses on the impact of trade liberlization on the migration of women and reproductive health in China. Internal migration to industrialized urban areas has increased because of labor market restructuring.

The article presents conclusions on several open-border arguments. Immigration debates are still unwelcome and globalization generates economical and political inequalities. The primary lessons that can be acquired from examining the argument is the expectation to reap possible gains by adopting greater freedom of mobility for its residents. Various barriers to free mobility are also determined.

The article examines the obstacles to free mobility. The first is public opinion in the developed world. People in the developed world are afraid of immigrants because they are afraid that immigrants will threaten their security and well-being. The second obstacle is the result from public perception on the role and nature on the nation-state. And the third obstacle is the conventional wisdom ruling in developing and developed worlds.

The article depicts the significant cost associated with an international regime that limits human mobility. Economic analysis has contributed little improvement on understanding the issues on immigration due to the competing definitions and assumptions in the analyses. The study assumes fixed number of model parameters including the expected volume of immigration, relevant time horizons, and appropriate level of analysis.

The article provides an approach for understanding the relationship between migration and political development. Greater mobility will increase the negotiating power of individuals in their negotiation with those of the sovereign power. Clearly, the reluctance of powerful states is the biggest hindrance for the effective international solutions. Moreover, increased mobility is expected to strengthen democracy and the political voice of individuals.

The article presents two moral arguments for free human mobility. Moral arguments for free mobility that run along universalistic and egalitarian lines are seen as a strong argument enjoying a quality that is hard to ignore. In the instrumentalist argument for free mobility, free migration is seen as a means in attaining greater moral ends. It avoids problems related in recognizing and granting human rights. Moral arguments are depicted as the easiest arguments for free mobility.

Chapter 11 of the book "Handbook of Population" is presented. This chapter focuses on the impact of internal migration on demography. It examines internal migration as one event among several demographic phenomena that shifts persons across space. It offers information on population diffusion, urbanization and counterurbanization and migrant adaptation. It discusses the reasons for internal migration.

This chapter ponders on the challenge of the floating population of internal migrants in the People's Republic of China. Why should we link the internal migrants of China with the word challenge? Indeed, that people moving about across their own native terrain should be dubbed migrants is already a bit of a puzzle. This is especially the case for the ones in China, since they are very much viewed and dealt with as if outsiders, even outcasts, surely as elements who do not belong where they have arrived. At the heart of the plight of the incoming peasants in cities is the immaturity or less optimistically but conceivably more accurately one might say the stubborn, nagging, ongoing inadequacy of that elusive element, law, in Chinese society today. For could it come of age, could it fulfill its function, law could stand as the bridge that links up the nation with local exclusivism, the full citizen with the sojourning denizen, the subcommunity of the sidelined with the sphere of officialdom. Thus it is up to the law to bring together the discourse of rights with their delivery and to bend the institutional legacies of socialism to fit the immediacy of capitalism. It could also probably manage to tame the madness of the current Chinese marketplace.

This chapter focuses on the history of the fur empires, pattern of migration and colonies of agricultural settlement in North America. Settlement has been characterized for a long time as a story of hardy settler families civilizing the wilderness by hard and honest labor. In nineteenth-century North America, noble male individuals who never married saved women from savages and guided stable families to fertile lands. The men migrating to the fur empires of North America and Siberia did not fall for the lore. They entered into halfway alliances with the cultures of the first peoples by cooperation and informal intermarriage.

This chapter focuses on the state of forced labor and refugees in the Northern Hemisphere to the 1950s. Under the influence of natural rights philosophy, the revolutionary principles of popular self-determination, and a new awareness of regional cultures, peoples incorporated into empires with a hegemonic ruling culture sought political self-determination throughout the delayed nineteenth century from 1815 to 1914. To bolster national-imperial economies, the forced migration of slave workers became part of Soviet, German, and Japanese state policies. Governments of the democratic states or empires tightened labor regimes.

This chapter focuses on the pattern of internal migrations in Europe from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. In the seventeenth century, shifts of power between states, rivalries between empires, and further wars of religion changed patterns of migration, though some patterns did remain intact. In highly developed urban Italy and the urban Netherlands, processes of deindustrialization and sectoral economic change resulted in massive downward or upward adjustments of labor forces that were often predominantly female. Regional labor migration systems emerged. Mercantilist policies and urbanization processes mobilized large numbers of men and women, and political dissenters had to go into exile.

This chapter focuses on the pattern of forced labor migration in and to the Americas. In the Americas, the early sixteenth-century Spanish enslavement of Caribbean peoples ended with their annihilation, and the Spanish importation of slaves from different peoples resulted in cultural fusion. Among the colonizers, agricultural producers needed labor bound to the soil, while entrepreneurs in mining and mass production of export crops needed labor bound from long distances. Thus, two seemingly contradictory methods to obtain labor without paying wages were used: the enforced immobility and the enforced mobility of Indios.

This chapter analyzes the nature of mobility and migration from the eleventh to the sixteenth century. The medieval and early modern periods, once said to be characterized by peasants bound to the soil, were in fact times of high mobility. In a transcendental sense and as a topos of medieval literature and thought, men and women were on a road through life. Merchants traded across Europe and between civilizations. The colonization of land necessitated migrations of rural families. The populating of towns required migrations of unmarried rural women and men.

This section introduces topics and issues related to migration. Migration, once defined as a crossing of borders between states, is already understood as a social process and appears as a basic condition of human societies. It begins with departure out of parental households and ranges as far as transcontinental or transoceanic moves. On the other hand, marriage migration from one village to the next could involve more demands for adaptation than a move from a society to an ethnic enclave a continent away. In this survey, no restrictive definition of mobility and migration has been adopted, though distinctions are outlined.

The article presents information on the anchored nature of Senegalese transnational networks. Although migration can be conceived as a creative process, there exist socio-cultural contexts of greater permanence and sustenance that 'may be seen to be sustained by institutions which tie them to homelands in much more concrete ways than through the imagined worlds erected by the creative resource of fantasy.' The Senegalese have emigrated for mainly economic reasons and in particular because of the crisis in the traditional agricultural structure, which produced the following historical pattern: firstly urbanization in Senegal, secondly western African internal migration, thirdly emigration to Europe (mainly France), and finally internal European migration (to Italy from France) and a change of direction in migration to Europe (directly to Italy). Most migrants are men who migrate as individuals and follow the paths shaped by migratory chains, and they tend to be highly mobile on Italian territory as well as transnationally. The holy city, the post-colonial towns, the suburbs of Dakar these are the homes which most of the Senegalese transmigrants reproduce abroad, from which they set out and to which they want periodically and finally to return.

This chapter demonstrates that countries should not embark on a large dam project if they cannot handle involuntary resettlement. Public sector agencies are limited in their capacity to handle resettlement. Genuine commitment to doing resettlement is the key to success. However, economic rehabilitation of resettlers is the weakest aspect of planning. Intelligent planning does not necessarily imply microplanning. A general structure of plausible income opportunities is enough to establish a basis for budgeting and initiating implementation with the resettlers.

This chapter illustrates the importance of understanding program objectives for resettler rehabilitation and income restoration in the Nangbeto Dam project in Togo. The government performed beautifully in planning and executing relocation for displaced families. However, once the relocation was proclaimed a success, it considered the job done. With this, the government failed to consider long-term issues that would affect the livelihood of resettlers. This allowed conditions to deteriorate in the resettled areas without ringing alarm bells that might trigger corrective actions.

This chapter illustrates the high resettlement costs that resulted from inadequate planning in the Itaparica Dam project in Brazil. Insufficient estimation of the costs of land development led to funding shortfalls. Not only did the project fail to ensure availability of farm credit, but it also delayed titling. The farmer's union forced the introduction of a maintenance payment without limitations to keep it from becoming an entitlement. Each mistake caused delays. With each delay costs escalated.

This chapter illustrates the conflict that resulted from poor resettlement planning and settler resistance in the Kedung Ombo dam construction project in Java, Indonesia. The government has pursued a program of transmigration to take pressure off the densely populated island by moving families to new settlements. Most families refused to move for various reasons such as the inadequacy of land compensation. The confrontation between government and displacees received international publicity and resulted in a relaxation in restrictions as to where displacees could move.

This chapter illustrates the issues in determining fair compensation for people affected by the Pak Mun dam construction in Thailand. The construction was a relatively small project involving limited resettlement. While it was in the government's interest to accommodate the settlers to keep the project on schedule, the government's willingness to negotiate may have contributed to demands for increasing compensation. Relocation proceeded smoothly, but at a high cost. With few exceptions, resettlers have done well in terms of both increased incomes and quality of life.

This chapter demonstrates the restoration of income from resettlement practices employed on dam projects in China. The restoration of incomes was in large part the result of a government mandate to ensure social welfare of the displaced families. The World Bank identified the projects as best practice examples of a properly planned and executed involuntary resettlement. The projects are similar in many ways. Both dams are in narrow valleys surrounded by hills and have reservoirs about 100 kilometers long.

This chapter discusses the Upper Krishna resettlement project in India. The driving force behind the project is the 2000 deadline for determining watersharing of the Krishna river among the states through which it flows. Given the primacy of moving ahead with completion, the government relegated resettlement to a low priority and proved unwilling to shift resources. The World Bank placed pressure on the government to focus on resettlement in every way the bank could. However, despite the bank's intense efforts, the government dragged its heels in making corrections.

This chapter introduces the study on resettlement operations. The projects selected range widely in size. They displace about four times as many people as other World Bank projects with dams. Resettlers did not complain about their compensation for lost houses and trees that were economic assets. The record with relocation was uneven but on the whole satisfactory. The tempo of relocation is generally driven by the advancing water. Critics project a grim picture of the impact of dams on the incomes of involuntary resettlers.

This article focuses on resettlement operations done in dam projects. The concerns of nongovernmental organizations about resettlement often focused on the predicament of families displaced by dams. Allegations about mishandling of resettlement and blame for damage to the environment are among the challenges faced by the World Bank in demonstrating that it is a responsible and caring development agency. On assisting borrowers in improving the circumstances of resettlers and their ability to restore their income, the record is mixed but improving.

Chapter 42 of the book "Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective," Third edition, edited by David B. Grusky, Manwai C. Ku and Szonja Szelényi is presented. It focuses on the Gatreaux program, a mobility plan based in Chicago, Illinois. It suggests that it is possible for low-income black families to make permanent escapes from neighborhoods with concentrated racial segregation and poverty without compromising gains in education and employment.

Examines the considerable growth of internal and external migration in the population of Russia, which exemplifies the consequences of social and economic globalization. Migration patterns and crises; Inter-country policy issues; Brain drain and human capital deficits; Transit refugees; Institution of the Federal Migration Program in 1994.

The article presents information on various issues related to ethnicity and nationalism. The late twentieth century, with its language of "ethnic cleansing," is an epoch in which ethnicity and nationalism have come into their own. In a recently published anthology on ethnicity, the editors have written that ethnicity has now become a central issue in the social and political life of every continent. The "end of history," it seems, turns out to have ushered in the era of ethnicity. Students of nationalism also argue that ethnicity and nationalism are closely linked. The analysis of nationalism in Scotland provides a good, apparently negative, instance of this. In recent years, much has been made of the fact that what underlies Scottish nationalism is a "sense of place" rather than a "sense of tribe." In other words, Scottishness is based on living in a common territory despite clear and abiding social, religious and geographical differences. Some writers have drawn the implication of this "territorial" sense of nationality that it is a second-best definition, in the absence of a strong sense of ethnicity, the sense of tribe.

It is recommended in this chapter that any comprehensive roster of transnationalism from below should include mass actions carried out transnationally as well as organized or collective purpose activities. An alternative means of delimiting the field of transnational studies to a manageable size and focus is to demarcate it as the study of migrants who retain ties to their homeland. Mobility constitutes a centerpiece of transnationalism. This is particularly true of the literature on Mexican transnationalism. Studies of transnationalism need to address whether bodily mobility is the exception or the rule for different groups of transmigrants.

The article examines the mobility patterns of 128 African American families. The economic upward mobility of black families has been reflected more in the attainment of family units in which two parents are present and both are in the workforce. Substantial improvements occurred during the 1960s and early 1970s in the income level, educational attainment, school enrollment, and home ownership of black married couples. The important factor that has been proposed as a barrier to mobility of very poor families is the bifurcation of black families into poorer and more affluent groups, with the latter moving into predominantly White urban and suburban communities. The rigidly segregated communities of the pre-1960s were closed to blacks who had the resources to move into more affluent housing, and thus poor and wealthy blacks lived in the same neighborhoods, attended the same schools and churches, and participated in the same black institutions. The concentration of poor blacks within urban centers, the intensification of the impoverishment of single mothers, and the lack of exposure to persons who are attempting to be upwardly mobile contribute to the decline in middle-class families.

This article explores trends and patterns of occupational mobility among U.S. men using the 1962 and 1973 Occupational Changes in a Generation surveys. The occupational structure, as reflected in a distribution of persons across work roles, interacts in several ways with the process of occupational mobility. In a direct, but sometimes subtle way, the occupational structure limits or channels mobility opportunities. In father-to-son mobility, the occupational distribution of the fathers of a cohort of men is an initial condition which necessarily affects the mobility chances of the sons.

This chapter analyzes notions of place, ancestral spacetime, history and remembrance as revealed in, and through, the tree symbolism of the ancestral miyoomb shrines among the aLuund people of southwestern Congo. What turns a space into a place for the aLuund of southwestern Congo is, literally, its rootedness in the past and its capacity to constitute, and conjure up, a living spatialized memory and link between past and present. Trees convey a meaning of rootedness, of immobility. The tree simultaneously conveys the idea of a central nexus, combining notions of immobility with images of interconnection, knotting and hence mobility. Physical and metaphorical roots can thus emerge out of any social and material landscape, thereby allowing the transformation of forest into village, turning the subjects of newly conquered, dominated space into localized subjects, and rooting the present place into the ancestral past while tying it to Luunda history. The Luunda social system is characterized by matrilineal descent and viri- or patrilocal residence. The aLuund's experience of their daily environment is rendered by means of metaphorical-metonymical processes that combine and shift between the complementary attributes of sense, gender and orientation.

Introduction Any attempt to treat the rural history of such a large and varied area as that embraced by the term Spanish America must first make clear the conceptual difficulties and the limitations imposed by uneven research. One approach has been to divide the entire area by elevation into lowland and highland or by zones of plantations and haciendas. This permits a broad and useful distinction between the sugar-producing, former slave regions such as the Antilles and the classic hacienda-dominated landscape of central Mexico or the Ecuadorian highlands. But the usefulness of this scheme disintegrates as one attempts to squeeze additional regions into it. The Cuautla depression in the Mexican state of Morelos, or Salta in Argentina, for example, both had many of the features of plantation life, such as capital intensive sugar centrales and a modern national market, but their labour force was drawn mainly from the smallholder Indian peasantry. Another typology can be drawn along vegetative lines, that is, to examine rural society in terms of the crop it produces. To the extent that coffee or tobacco or sugar do in fact produce certain common or general requirements this scheme is useful, but only up to a certain point. The coffee plantations of Cundinamarca led to a very different society from that found among the independent smallholder coffee growers of Caldas or Costa Rica. And while it is true that the classic hacienda built on the high culture remnants of Mesoamerica and the Andean highlands shared several features, there are wide ethnic and cultural differences among both landowners and village workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

General trends During the period from independence until the middle of the nineteenth century – in general a period of economic stagnation, or only modest economic growth – the population of Latin America as a whole grew at a rate of about one per cent per annum. This was in line with the rate of growth of the more developed European countries but less than that of the United States. It was also lower than the rate of growth during the late colonial period, a rate which had been expected to continue or even to accelerate after independence. In Mesoamerica and the Andes, where subsistence agriculture predominated and where the population was predominantly Indian, population growth was slow, hindered by conditions which can only be described as Malthusian. For example, after 1825 the population of the central states of Mexico grew at annual compounded rates which varied between 0.4 and 1 per cent; the northeastern states of Veracruz and Chiapas experienced somewhat higher rates of population growth; the population of the north-west and Yucatán decreased consistently until the 1870s. The regions of Latin America suitable for the cultivation of staples in demand in the industrializing European countries witnessed somewhat more dynamic demographic growth. Although the population there was generally sparse, it tended to increase faster. For example, the expansion in cattle raising was responsible for populating the pampas of the River Plate area. The rural population of the province of Buenos Aires – excluding the capital – increased at a staggering annual rate of 4.2 per cent between 1836 and 1855. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on sources of the African American population in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The article attempts to find out whether these African Americans are native Philadelphians or they are immigrants. It is often tacitly assumed that the African Americans of Philadelphia are one homogeneous mass. This assumption can be misleading. The slums of Seventh and Lombard streets are largely the results of the contact of the African Americans with city life, but the African American in question is a changing variable quantity and has felt city influences for periods varying in different persons from one day to seventy years. That the African American immigration to the city is not an influx of whole families is shown by the fact that 83 per cent of the children under ten were born in Philadelphia. Of the youth from ten to twenty about one-half were born in the city. The great influx comes in the years from twenty-one to thirty. Much of the immigration to Philadelphia is indirect; African Americans come from country districts to small towns; then go to larger towns.

Examines the contemporary social forces which serve both as obstacles to the fuller development of Negro family life and as opportunity screens through which many families have been able to move toward social achievement. Explanation on geographic mobility; Impact of migration on family and community life; Characteristics of education which make it a major key understanding of Negro family and community life.

The article focuses on the impact of the formation of racial ghettos on the civil disorders in 1967 in the U.S. Between 1910 and 1966 the total Negro population in the country more than doubled, reaching 21.5 million, and the number living in metropolitan areas rose more than five-fold from 2.6 million to 14.8 million. The number outside the South rose eleven-fold from 880,000 to 9.7 million. Negro migration has from the South resulted from the expectation of thousands of new and highly paid jobs for unskilled workers in the North and the shift to mechanized farming in the South. However, the Negro migration is small when compared to earlier waves of European immigrants. Even between 1960 and 1966, there were 1.8 million immigrants from abroad compared to the 613,000 Negroes who arrived in the North and West from the South. As a result of the growing number of Negroes in urban areas, natural increase has replaced migration as the primary source of Negro population increase in the cities.

The article describes an activity program for children which explains individuals and/or groups the mobility of people.