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Urban architecture can be used to assert thru supremacy via symbolic capital and symbolic domination. In turn, the architecture becomes a product of the future and of social change that is leading to both recognition of symbolic dominance and a field of power contestation. However, despite can generate positive effects, the reassertion of power practice in the architecture does not always occur smoothly and peacefully. The implementation of the power such as progressive societal and legislative agendas is also possible, in common with the rhetoric of unity in pluralism. This becomes a symbol of production of a group with its own set of preferences and is also mostly used to an increasingly broad distribution of power ruling regime. In this situation, the representation of the architecture can lose its aesthetic autonomy and becomes an effective medium in structuring and representing the power in the framework of everyday life. This paper is written based on a qualitative approach by collecting and structuring field data through several methods such as observation, fieldwork study, interviews, and group discussion. Through this paper, it is used to show how the practice of power has been connecting to urban architecture in Pekanbaru city. This connection became a key role in reinvigorating the existing field of privileged practices. This can be found Malay architecture has been appointed the main reference for urban architecture that must be applied on built forms of the city. From this case, urban architecture becomes a designated agent that is regulated and directed by whoever holds the power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Bourdieu's theory of capital, we present the results of research on the forms of symbolic capital of entrepreneurs and their conversions into economic, social and cultural capital. The research is industrially and spatially positioned within the software industry in the Republic of Croatia and is based on a qualitative methodology. Face-to-face indepth interviews were held supplemented by observations. Empirical data were analyzed using the techniques of grounded theory. The results show that the software entrepreneurship is characterized by a wide range of symbolic resources that are valuable in the context of acquiring economic capital and cultural capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the mechanism by which mentoring produces benefits? What explains why mentoring benefits some more than others? While extant scholarship is focused on the characteristics of mentors/protégés or the content of mentoring relationships, I show that the success of mentoring is a function of structural factors like mentors' field position. Using data from interviews with 27 art school professors, I show how mentors (professors) activate capital on behalf of protégés (students) and how the capital activation process is constrained by the structure of the art world and mentors' position within it. I found that professors activate capital through four primary activities: giving advice or instruction (cultural capital), passing information (social capital), mining networks (social capital), and exerting influence (symbolic capital). I also found that capital activation--thus, the success of mentoring relationships--was constrained by professors' position at field intersections. Professors positioned at field intersections--e.g., professors with gallery representation--were more valuable to protégés, on average, than mentors positioned in one field only. This paper addresses the mentoring literature by showing how the structural context of mentoring can constrain protégé outcomes. This paper also addresses organizational field theory, where research on field intersections and capital activation are underdeveloped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship in political sociology has found evidences to support the "taxation leads to accountability" argument, yet "how participatory" public consultation should we anticipate from state officials to render taxation legitimate remains undertheorized. To bridge such intellectual gap, a qualitative study on Vallejo and Stockton, two California bankrupt cities which implemented direct and indirect consultation respectively in exchange of taxation, constitute an appropriate matched pair. Specifically, this ongoing research project seeks to investigate why Vallejo decided to launch Participatory Budgeting with 30% of its one percent sales tax, public consultation in the form of doing budgeting "by the people," whereas Stockton decided to build a citizen's oversight committee to oversight how the government spent the voter-approved three-quarter percent sales tax, public consultation in the form of doing budgeting "for the people.". To study the mechanisms determining the format of public consultation, I use a multimethods approach, relying on archival and interview-based data collection and analysis. I argue that the more asymmetrical distribution of political capital in the political field, the more possible direct consultation would be institutionalized net of other considerations. Situated in a political field with a more balanced distribution of symbolic capital, elected officials in Stockton were riskaverse and opted for bargaining indirect consultation for legitimate taxation in way with low return but low risks. On the contrary, elected officials in Vallejo opted for a choice of high risks with high returns because they were in a political field with a more asymmetrical distribution of political capital. Direct consultation then became their choice for legitimate taxation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the migration of a religious "minority" that is largely invisible within migration studies, namely the Muslim Filipino domestic workers. In doing so, this article highlights how religious belonging intersect is negotiated, from before these women leave their country, during their time in the country of destination, to when they return to the Philippines. This research therefore underlines how boundary work affects the religious belonging of this Muslim "minority", by presenting the Middle-East as an opportunity to perform norms of "Muslimness". It also highlights how performing these norms appears to be an opportunity for these women to challenge the status of being a "minority" in the Philippines. Moreover, this article shows how these Muslim "minorities" access a certain symbolic capital when they return home by becoming a Hajji and a Balikbayan (returnees). Finally, this research shows that religious belonging shape migration aspirations of Muslim Filipina domestic workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The logic and structure of programs offered by one children's extracurricular activity organization is investigated in this ethnographic study of girls' programs in a gymnastics club in the suburban Midwest. By exploring how instructors utilize charismatic symbols and practices both to encourage children's buy-in and to regulate the promotion of individuals within a hierarchically structured system, I suggest some of the benefits perceived by children participating in the lower-level, recreational programs offered by the gym. I find that the gym encourages large enrollment in the lower levels in order to financially support its highly competitive and resource-demanding team, that coaches view themselves as providing transferable cognitive and social skills, and that recreationally involved girls understand gymnastics knowledge and skills as symbolic capital that can be converted into social capital in other youth contexts. These findings shed light on more general processes by which children turn to their advantage activity participation that they may not have begun voluntarily, and which is structured by organizations with goals imperfectly aligned with their personal objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on advocacy organizations show that these organizations play a significant role in processes of social change. This paper addresses an understudied topic in the scholarship on advocacy organizations: the role they play in the generation and mobilization of symbolic capital. The paper explores the relationship between symbolic capital and social change and examines how advocacy organizations produce symbolic capital on behalf of marginalized populations and silenced social issues. Based on Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical conceptualization, the paper discusses a case study in which advocacy organizations, by means of a transformation of symbolic capital, brought public attention to the hidden issue of impoverished Holocaust survivors in Israel and successfully facilitated their achievement of longdenied social rights. Our findings reveal how the successful generation and management of symbolic capital may help legitimate social claims and promote social policies that favor marginalized or silenced populations. Based on this case study, we suggest a four dimensional conceptual framework for the analysis of symbolic capital development in processes of social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although support for military personnel appears high, it remains unclear whether pride in military personnel and gratitude for their service translates to support for their wellbeing after service ends, and they become veterans. Furthermore, no research to date has investigated whether the actual level of support for veterans' benefits may be overstated due to a societal injunction to "support the troops". In this paper we employ a list experiment, a technique that allows investigators to identify the extent of socially desirable reporting on topics, and introduce some recent innovations in the analysis of such data that allow for true multivariate modeling. In doing so, we are able to reveal both the "true" extent of social support for recent military veterans' healthcare and for their inclusion in social life, as well as for the extent to which some groups overstate their support for veterans. To briefly anticipate our results, we find that while the public appears to offer overwhelming support for social engagement with, and spending on healthcare for recent veterans, there is substantial over-reporting of this support. There are important differences in levels of "true" support by age, race, media exposure, and political ideology, and variation in the extent of socially desirable reporting by a host of demographic and other factors. True support is differentially felt, as is the extent to which people overstate their true support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts on topics about organizations and the natural environment which include barriers to greening the relief supply chain, alignment of consumers around low-carbon competitiveness, and the application of scenario analysis in industry sectors regarding climate change adaptation.

Humanitarian values are often discussed as a part of western (or global) culture or ideology. On a micro-level they feature as part of surveys on individual values and more recently in ethnographic observations on values in action. In this paper, I adopt a meso-level approach and examine how humanitarian meanings are evoked and contested in a specific field of organizational practice. Based on in-depth interviews with desk officers in 20 of the world's largest humanitarian NGOs, I examine how actors in this field draw symbolic distinctions among each other. Symbolic differentiation among agencies cannot be explained as the direct outcome of competition for funding; nor is it only the result of pre-existing intellectual or national differences. Rather, diversity is also generated reflexively, that is, it is mediated by the social space these actors share and it is shaped by the relationship agencies have with each other. Agencies compete for a specific type of symbolic capital, humanitarian authority. I sketch stages in the development of field of practice organized around this authority and map the symbolic structure of the field. The authority draws on the suffering; yet in its most distinct form it prioritizes the purity of humanitarian principles over actual benefits for suffering populations. It is humanitarianism for humanitarianism's sake. Resources from other fields are considered sources of pollution. The most important sources of heteronomy or pollution (in the field's own terms) are donor governments, non-state political actors, religious organizations, profit, and the media. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociology of development and economic sociology have largely ignored some of the most important sectors driving national economic development in low- and middle-income countries, namely tourism, investment-attractor industries and cultural exports. To a significant extent these sectors rely on intangible qualities of products and services—qualities emanating, in part, from the cultural heritage of the people engaged in production, comprising what we call the cultural wealth of nations. These seemingly intangible cultural qualities, their empirical indicators, their management, and their effects on national economies motivate this paper. We offer an initial elaboration of the cultural wealth of nations concept, its indicators and consequences. Then we provide an illustration of two developing countries in different world regions and their efforts to manipulate symbolic and cultural capital to advance economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Choice of friends for adults is generally thought to involve considerations of similarity and proximity. Michèle Lamont's influential work, Money, Morals and Manners, revealed that individuals form friendships differently depending on the salience of various forms of symbolic boundaries. I focus on the use of cultural boundaries in friendship formation and its relation to the possession of cultural capital. Ordered logistic regression models of 1993 General Social Survey data reveal strong associations between being 'cultured' oneself (as defined by the possession of various forms of cultural capital) and valuing cultural characteristics in friends. I posit that the use of cultural boundaries in friendship selection constitutes a form of cultural capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facing the thinning of lineage identity among the 21st century urbanities in China, ancestral rural hometowns are adopting new strategies to re-create identities among urban emigrants in order to gain access to their resources. This article explores the strategies used to re-compile the family registry (jiapu) to enlist the urban later generation emigrants. The main strategies include: change the definitions of who counts as a "family member", discard value judgment as the central function of family registry, and redefine the family obligation. The new strategies allow rural clan members to "plug in" into the resource flows of the modernizing parts of China, sometimes with remarkable success. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflections on culture in sociology have for a long time led up to reflection in terms of domination. The works of Pierre Bourdieu aimed to highlight the latter aspect as much on the position of writers as within literary social circles. Contemporary poetry, in offering an area of study apparently biased towards the theory of "field", invites the sociology analysis to return to the bourdieusian critical apparatus and with that the concept of domination along with another associated concept, that of power. The distance between the theory of "field" and empirical reality, measured notably through the distribution of symbolic capital and the social trajectories of poets, represents an invitation to revisit other conceptual tools stemming from the theory of social networks, the socio-economic taken by literary movements. This article is thus an attempt to present a typology of cultural producers according to their position in the networks, and from there a definition of the stakes of power and forms of domination at work in contemporary French poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores how oppositionality can be used as a strategy in the formation of collective identity, that is, in the construction and (re)production of a group's belief system and knowledge about reality. It discusses how the European Union (EU) is attempting to construct its own collective identity through audiovisual representation as a way to fight against U.S. economic and cultural dominance. CineDays film festival is a great example of how the EU is using textual production as a site of oppositionality, because it was created with the explicit intent of asserting and promoting Europeanness in (audio)visual representation. It offers a critique of the oppositional strategy of identity formation by the EU.

Knowledge-intensive organizations are particularly susceptible to participants' discursive moves because of the ambiguity of members' "knowledge" and communicatively rich nature of these environments. Using Bourdieu's notion of symbolic capital, this qualitative study analyzes the communicative processes by which some individuals' and groups' knowledge came to be considered more valuable than others' knowledge. In this case of an Internet-based organization, members routinely guided activities in ways that positioned their own knowledge as the most valuable. Through various micro-practices, members changed organizational priorities, engaged in knowledge turf wars, and altered or maintained the knowledge-compensation criteria within departments that all shaped the perceived value of their knowledge. The self-serving features of members' activities became more apparent against the backdrop of executives' espoused goals, labor market trends, and the main client's expressed interests that all conflicted with members' more situated actions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the important tasks of contemporary economic discourse is to demonstrate that globalization is a neutral scientific concept. This perspective allows for the justification of certain neo-liberal policies. Thus, the political decision makers of developed countries indicate criteria of good governance, performance, and economic austerity; in a word, they indicate the proper economic policies of development. In the same way, decision makers of developing countries also believe and apply the models coming from North. There is even heated competition among political decisions makers of developing countries to prove their commitment to such policies. How do these people arrive at this competition? Why do they internalize such values, without doubt? This paper tries to show that in spite of claims of universalism, the economic discourse of globalization, far from scientifically objective, is in fact, part of the process of ?neo-liberal socialization?. Indeed, the economic discourse is a circuit of socialization. For this reason, globalization is a means of ?neo-liberal socialization?. We will see how, from its framework of thought through its channels of execution, the current economic globalization creates violence. In light of the works of Michel Foucault, Marcel Mauss, and Claude Lévi-Strauss, I will work on the concept of symbolic violence, proposed by Pierre Bourdieu. Based on the writings of Kant, Hegel, Marx, Weber, and Habermas, I will show also how values operate in symbolic violence. Finally, employing the Zelizer circuit, I will give examples of symbolic violence in monetary practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extant routine literature mainly examines the endogenous change and stabilisation of routines and the responses of organisational routines to organisational change and the power dynamic behind those changes are less explored. Employing Bourdieu's theory of practice, we analyse how power dynamics affect the development of organisational routines, once external change is introduced. Drawing on an in-depth qualitative case study of a merger between two academic institutions (Edinburgh College of Art and the University of Edinburgh), we argue that routines' responses to organisational change depend on (a) the field within which the routine operates and (b) the actors' symbolic capital and position taking during change implementation. Our findings contribute to both scholarly work in routine research and change management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explore how race serves as a "resource" or source of advantage to whites. I offer both a conceptual and empirical arguments for critically examining color-blind narratives and ideologies of meritocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]