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The administrative bodies, as well as the legal entities entrusted by law with the exercise of public authorizations, are obliged to provide the parties (legal or natural persons) with protection and easier realization of their rights. However, enabling the protection and realization of the rights of the parties must not be to the detriment of the rights of third parties, nor to the detriment of any public interest determined by law. The administrative bodies are obliged to act according to the Law on General Administrative Procedure (LGAP), on the one hand to strive to protect the legal order and the rule of law, and on the other hand to provide protection of the legal rights of legal entities and individuals. All of these can be achieved by applying the administrative agreement as a legal institute which with the purpose and meaning due to which it was created justified its existence. The administrative agreement according to the LGAP of the Republic of Macedonia is an agreement between a public body and a right or natural person (party), whose subject is performing a public service under the competence of a public body when it is published by law, and is in public interest and it does not restrict the rights of third parties. What is specific about administrative agreements is that they have a number of similarities with two other important legal institutes, namely, administrative acts and civil law agreements. However, despite the similarities between them, there are significant differences, which are the position and role of the parties in relation to the administrative, ie administrative agreements, so it is necessary to distinguish these agreements, ie distancing from administrative acts and civil law agreements. According to the LGAP, the administrative contract can be annulled by a lawsuit in front of a constitutional court, it can be amended if the legal requirements are not met, or it can be terminated. The administrative bodies should be a professional service, ie they should play the role of an efficient partner, and thus they will contribute to easier realization of the activities that are of interest and importance for the parties. However, this does not mean abandoning the legal mechanisms of acting from a position of power, but achieving a public interest, which does not always coincide with individual interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ohrid School of Law is the property of Institute for Legal & Economic Research & Education Iuridica Prima and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current study investigates the link between heterosexual relationships and delinquency. In this study, we rely on structured interviews with 1035 adolescents and a longitudinal design in order to explore the influence of variations in a) dating interest and involvement, b) permissive sexual attitudes, and c) number of sexual partners as influences on later self-reported delinquent behavior. Supplementary analyses examine the influence of heterosexual involvement on the level of delinquency of friends, the delinquency of romantic partners, and the development of a "partier" identity. Our analyses investigate whether the influence of heterosexual contacts appears uniquely gendered, based on prior work that has emphasized the role of boyfriends and other cross-sex contacts for understanding adolescent girls' levels of delinquency involvement. We found that adolescent involvement and interests in dating and sex contribute to delinquency in early adulthood. This held true even after controlling for past delinquency, delinquent friends, and other factors previously found to be reliable criminological predictors. Supplementary results are also discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did black Republicans in Darien, Georgia, consistently defeat Democrats at the polls, even after Georgia was redeemed in 1870 and even after Reconstruction was dismantled in 1876? Secondary sources, including histories and ICPSR data provide support for an interest group theory of partisanship but lack the precision required for an explanation of why Darien was exceptional. A systematic analysis of Darien and Ridgeville populations, compared to a five percent sample of the U.S. (including Georgia), using data from the Ninth (1870) U.S. Census of Population and Housing, ultimately provides the key to explaining why Darien was peculiar. In Darien, a black and mulatto middle class had the economic and political resources to take advantage of the short-lived opportunity provided by Radical Republican Party governance in 1870. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional explanations of unionization have recently received tremendous support. This study revisits Western's (1994, 1997) institutional model and considers several modifications and alternatives. I conduct a multi-level analysis of employed workers with the late 1990's wave of World Values surveys of 18 affluent democracies. While controlling for sex, age, education and a basic class schema at the individual-level, I analyze country-level indicators of contending explanations. Moreover, I control for each country's historical legacy of unionization in order to compare the sources of deunionization. The analyses show that left party control of government and ghent systems remain powerful sources, though ghent is less so after controlling for historical union density. Neo-corporatism and wage coordination are insignificant while a measure of workplace access appears to be the more salient indicator of centralized labor markets. Consistent with recent sociological research, I find that inflation, unemployment, and economic growth have no effect. In addition, I find no evidence that international trade and investment influence unionization. Evaluating Hechter's (2004) solidaristic theory, I find limited evidence that the welfare state reduces unionization and contradict his claim that immigration undermines unions. Finally, I offer a revised institutional model by supplementing Western's model with social security transfers and right party control of government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new generation of fine grained measures of welfare policy - income replacement rates (IRRs), recipience figures, scales of de-commodification-- is emerging that allows for a far more precise analysis than earlier measures of programs spending per capita or as a share of GDP. For example, IRRs allow one to analyze benefit retrenchment in bad times when the sheer increases in entitlement demands on spending may boost social appending as a share of GDP. Although IRRs have been evident in the literature since the early 1990s work of Esping-Andersen and Walter Korpi and collaborators, they have only really available made it into the public domain with the recent work of Allan and Scruggs. Yet Allan and Scruggs have not analyzed income replacement for public pension. Moreover, their landmark work has examined changes in social insurance policy without attention to changes in, as well as levels of, explanatory factors. We extend the analysis of IRRs to minimum and standard public pensions in 18 affluent democracies, 1975-2000. We find that partisan cabinet, economic globalization and aspects of socio-demographic need and fiscal performance are crucial, more emphatically and subtly so when error correction models are used. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we seek to document the universe of groups that currently engage in political protest at the state level. Using a dataset that covers all fifty states for a four year period, we find that the protest sector consists of a remarkably diverse set of actors, with no category of actor accounting for more than one fifth of the population. The most active sets of protesting groups (those comprising more than 5 percent of groups) include civil rights groups broadly construed; church-based and religious organizations; unions (both public and private-sector), groups representing the interests of the poor, the disabled, and the ill; groups representing the interests of children and students; and environmental groups. All other groups for which we coded (e.g., seniors, hunting/gun rights, gun control, recreational groups, anti-tax, consumer advocacy, businesses, etc.) each account for less than 5 percent of the total. We note in our conclusions that the largest groups of protesting actors, though diverse, are typically mobilized constituencies of the Democratic Party. We suggest that protest at the state level may function not so much as protest against the status quo, but as a particular mobilization tactic for one political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies have shown that people tend to punish unfair behavior of others even if such punishment is costly and of no strategic interest. This willingness to sanction antisocial behavior can not only be observed if actors are treated unfairly themselves, but also if they observe that third and unrelated other persons are treated unfairly. It has been reasoned that this tendency for "altruistic punishment" can partly explain fair and norm-abiding behavior in humans that seems to contradict the selfishness axiom of both neo-classical economics and standard evolutionary theory. The present study shows that people are more willing to sanction an unfair behavior that is directed at them as compared to unfair behavior that is directed to an unrelated third person. Furthermore, our study shows that people tend to anticipate such behavior of others if they have the chance to treat others unfairly themselves. However, although weaker than the willingness to sanction unfair behavior towards oneself, the tendency to sanction unfair behavior towards a third and unrelated other person was quite strong and was also anticipated by our participants. Offers to such an unrelated third person were much stronger when participants had to fear that an unfair offer could be sanctioned than if such sanctions were not to be feared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most resilient explanations for the absence of socialism in the United States has been the obstacle posed by the two-party system. In the following analysis I suggest that in the Jacksonian Era (1828-1848), certain elements of what would develop elsewhere into Marxist socialism were already central to American two-party politics, namely the call to class struggle, support for a strong communitarian state, and a critique of wage labor as fundamentally exploitative. Rather than ask why no socialism in the United States, then, I ask, ?why did the American two-party system embrace anti-capitalist politics in this period only to abandon them shortly thereafter?? My answer is that the political crisis over slavery just prior to the Civil War allowed the then fledgling Republican Party to shift political rhetoric away from the critique of wage dependency towards a defense of free labor, effectively uniting northern capitalists, farmers, artisans and wage workers in the same camp despite previous antagonisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data from 89 in-depth interviews, six years of participant observation, and content analysis of postings from an on-line discussion group, this paper explores the phenomenon of large-scale gay dance parties commonly referred to as, circuit parties. The ?circuit? consists of a continuous series of annual, international dance events. Prominent examples include: White Party in Palm Springs, Morning Party at Fire Island, NY, Black and Blue in Montreal, Winter Party in Miami Beach, Hell Ball and Magnitude in San Francisco, Black Party in New York, and the Gay/Lesbian Mardi Gras in Sydney. These circuit events last from 2 to 5 days and often draw tens of thousands of participants to a single party event. Circuit boys, as commonly referred to in the scene, gather with friends, use recreational drugs (e.g., ecstasy (MDMA), alcohol, Special K (Ketamine), GHB (Gamma Hydroxybutyrate), crystal (methamphetamine) and cocaine), dance to house music, and often engage in sex over the course of a circuit weekend. While widely reviled by social conservatives, condemned by law enforcement, and considered pathological by public health authorities, AIDS organizations, and numerous prominent gay intellectuals, my research suggests that circuit events now function to meet a variety of important social and social psychological needs for some gay men. My work also suggests that participation in the circuit culture leads to the development of various patterns of resiliency, and circuit participation frequently also embodies countercultural values and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an indicator of shifts of social stratification, how have status homogamy patterns changed before and after China's economic-political reform? In this paper, I answer this question by examining political and educational status homogamy in urban China using data from the 1996 Survey of Life Histories and Social Change in Contemporary China. Preliminary results show a strong pattern of political homogamy (matching of party-membership between spouses) and a moderately strong pattern of educational homogamy both before and after the reform. Evidence also shows that there are slightly more educational homogamy among political homogamous couples than political heterogamous couples. However, political and educational status homogamy patterns do not seem to have changed before and after the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how two ideologically different groups of two Korean newspapers reacted to two different ideological situations involving tax investigations of newspapers in 1994 and 2001. The content analysis of this study focuses on two different relationships between newspapers and political parties surrounding the tax investigations: One is the dissonant relationship in 1994, when conservative newspapers and a liberal party were against the tax investigation and liberal newspapers and a conservative party were in favor of the investigation; the other is consonant relationship in 2001, when conservative newspapers and a conservative party, or liberal newspapers and a liberal party were in same positions regarding another tax investigation. According to the results of the analysis, two groups of newspapers kept their positions firmly in favor of or against the tax investigation regardless of switched policies of political parties that are ideologically similar to them. However, the opinions of two groups of newspapers were opinions more polarized to their positions in the consonant situation than the dissonant situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is to see how the effect of news frame regarding controversial political issues touched off by the 2001 Press Tax Investigation in Korea is mediated by audience's prior attitude and party preference and then aims to deduce practical implication of journalism. The first question was how different audiences' cognitive response to and interpretation of news frame can be in accordance with their prior attitude. The second question was about the effect of the individual party preference on their cognitive response and interpretation with regard to the Press Tax Investigation issue. According to the study results, audiences present more pro-message reactions about news frame which correspond to audiences' prior attitude and party preference and produce more con-message reactions when news frame doesn't correspond to audiences' prior attitude and party preference. Also, the results show the difference of interpretation about each news frame according to audiences' prior attitude and party preference. The findings suggest that controversial political agenda shouldn't end up as a social conflict caused by exhaustive political logic, and require the press to act as a catalyst that promotes social unity by increasing productivity of conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to articulate a framework that depicts factors contributing to integrative conflict resolution. The integrative strategy and third-party mediation receive special attention in this paper because these two strategies shed light on breeding cooperation and resolving conflict. The following factors inherent in conflict are investigated as an analytical framework: the source ad nature of conflict, the level of conflict and participants involved, power and resource, the role of time and relation continuity, and cost and consequence. Moreover, the perspective of cross-cultural psychology is adopted with emphasis on individualistic and collectivistic cultural syndromes, for further understanding cultural factors contributing to conflict resolution. Essentially, the Far-eastern culture that emphasizes authority, order, harmony, loyalty and personal relationship and guanxi, in contrast to American tradition that values individualism, goal attainment, constructive conflict, and independent-self orientation, help explain the nuances and complexity of the cross-cultural conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proposal for the Section on Comparative and Historical Sociology Open Refereed Roundtable"Bringing Parties Back Into Sociology: Comparative Perspectives from Mexico, India, South Africa, and the United States"Political parties have generally been subsumed in political and comparative historical sociology within the larger rubrics of states or social movement organizations. As modern mass organizations with distinctive rules of membership and specific relationships to states, however, parties command a form of power that has yet to be distinctively theorized in sociology. Although parties were taken seriously as political actors, largely as representing social cleavages, they have all but disappeared from political sociology, leaving this important field largely to political scientists and historians. As a concept, 'party formation' represents a dynamic and historically evolving process by which elites carve out specific relationships to voters and the masses in general, in the process often defining the significant political cleavages of a particular era. This panel draws together perspectives on party formation from different polities - Mexico, India, South Africa and the U.S. - seeking to fill a much-needed gap in the historical sociology of political power.Roundtable Panelists:Maurice Zeitlin (UCLA), DiscussantDolores Trevizo (Occidental College), MexicoManali Desai (Reading University), IndiaAlan Emery (UCLA), South AfricaCedric de Leon (University of Michigan), United StatesOrganizers:Manali Desai and Cedric de Leon ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that there is a large party subculture in America that is especially prevalent among economically privileged youth, that this party subculture constitutes a major form of secret- in the sense of not officially labeled- deviance, and that this secret deviance has among its correlates a passive disengagement and dissent from conventional political participation during the period of emerging adulthood. Becker and others successfully encouraged some sociological criminologists to give critical attention to the social and legal problems of official deviants, but relatively little attention has been given to the more socially and numerically prominent party subculture of unofficial secret deviants identified in this paper. Our analysis of data from a national longitudinal survey of adolescents indicates that these more advantaged secret outsiders are now joined with less advantaged and officially known outsiders in dissenting from identification and investment in conventional political parties and processes that emphasize the focal values of Western democratic consumer societies. Both through non-participatory passive dissent, and through active dissent involving the support of outsider candidates, these subcultural adherents have the potential to markedly influence future electoral outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]