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After World War II, in Hungary the caretaker government formed as a result of the coalition of left-wing and bourgeois parties created the slogan 'Free state, free church'. The political power promised the churches unrestricted operation, not only in the field of religious life, but also in fulfilling various social functions. However, the consolidating left-wing made efforts to take over control right from the beginning. The left-wing forces, especially the Hungarian communist party forming the government regarded the churches to be their dangerous opponents as they had wide-ranging social influence. The left-wing has done everything to reduce the churches' far-reaching social influence. The communist party (in secret), was already busy with preparing the consolidation of monocracy. It regarded the churches as serious rivals not only ideologically, but also from the point of view of the monopolization of ruling. Churches had far-reaching social connections. They were present in almost every villages, towns, and cities. Denominational schools comprised one of the important elements of the churches' connections. Consequently, the left-wing first of all wanted to acquire church schools. The government kept explaining the public that school nationalization was implemented for the sake of progress and democracy. The communist party considered this school matter as a question of power. Left-wing forces made efforts to gain influence over society to the highest possible extent. They also wanted to control the formulation of the growing generation's thoughts and view of life. Consequently, acquiring the schools was an important step on the way of expropriating political power. [For "NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings: Education and Language Edition (Athens, Greece, August 19, 2019). Book 1. Volume 2," see ED603411.]

This paper identifies project-based curriculum elements to increase postsecondary students' sense of political efficacy and their political interest, knowledge, and participation. It evaluates factors correlated with low levels of voting and the implementation of registration activities as remedies; it then introduces curriculum elements based on research to increase the quality and quantity of political participation among the State of Georgia's postsecondary students, including interest group organization and electoral strategies as well as problem identification and analysis. Data and analysis of recent Georgia elections are presented which demonstrate the potential influence that young voters may wield if they unify around common objectives and coordinate their registration and voting activities to influence specific primary and general elections. It is suggested that current voter registration efforts are inadequate and may be improved among students by in-class activities in political science classes. Students also need to learn how to analyze and evaluate public problems, proposed remedies, and their potential consequences and underlying values. Teaching political education using federalism as a central organizing concept is also recommended, and postsecondary institutions are recommended as especially fruitful sources for instilling political responsibility in young voters. Inclusion of a project-based curricular strategy in postsecondary political science classes may result in more effective and higher quality political participation among these young citizens. A theoretical, basic outline for such a project is suggested. (Contains 45 references.) (Author/NAV)

These proceedings contain papers from a symposium during which 33 practitioners from the fields of education and employment policy formation met to discuss the following topics: the political reality of a Republican majority in Congress and the trend toward increased reliance on block grants as a method of awarding federal funding; the economic realities of growing wage and income disparities; and program implementation under two major scenarios presented in the Gooding (House) and Kassebaum (Senate) bills regarding reforming the education, employment, and rehabilitation systems. The proceedings consist of the following: six papers; an edited summary of the panel and conference discussion in which seven state and local practitioners and seven Congressional respondents took part; and a list of symposium participants. The following papers are included: "Introduction" (Marion Pines); "Toward a Workforce Development Reality Check" (Garth Mangum, Stephen Mangum); "Block Grants--Key to the 'New(t) Federalism'" (Richard P. Nathan); "Guiding Principles for National Employment and Training Reform" (Andrew Sum, Paul Harrington); "Panel and Conference Discussion"; and "Conclusions" (Marion Pines). (MN)

This paper conceives of a model of democracy that is tied up with narrative practices, and demonstrates how the initially democratic and radical auspices of one scholar's critique developed into a form of theory that was profoundly undemocratic in its narrative. The paper notes that the contemporary debate about power derives from a series of debates that occurred in the context of different models of democracy in the early 1960s, and that the most theoretically incisive contribution was S. Lukes' innovation of a "radical view" of power. However, the paper notes that the implications of this intervention, and the subsequent development of the debate have not been canvassed in their implications for the models of democracy. The paper also considers the implications of post-Foucauldian moves in the political language game that radical theory has developed. Contains 50 references and 6 notes. (RS)

This paper explores some forms of inquiry that are becoming influential within teacher education. In particular, the document focuses on forms of inquiry variously called "stories,""narratives,""personal knowledge,""practical knowledge," or in one particular genre "personal practical knowledge." Storying and narratology are genres which allow movement beyond (or to the side) of the main paradigms of educational inquiry--with their numbers, variables, psychometrics, psychologies, and decontextualized theories. Potentially then, the new genres offer the chance for a substantial step forward in the representation of lived experience in schooling. Because of this substantial potential, the new genres require very close scrutiny, for while they have some obvious strengths, there are some weaknesses which may prove incapacitating. This investigation seeks to locate the genres of narrative and storying within the emergent cultural patterns of contemporary societies and economies. The media context of personal knowledge is examined and a series of questions and issues are raised as a result. In the final section, some conclusions as to the role of personal knowledge in educational research are provided. (Contains 22 references.) (LL)

Since the mid 1980s, several groups including the Carnegie Forum, the Holmes Group, and the Center for Educational Renewal have conducted investigations and published reports and proposals on improving the quality of teacher education programs. This paper analyzes the various proposals and contends that current or recommended teacher education frameworks (respectively named traditional and prevalent) will not produce the desired results without restructuring the governance of teacher preparation. Among the conditions in prevailing governance structures that are analyzed are the following: state legislative bodies maintain autonomous regulation of teacher licensure criteria; roles, responsibilities, and qualifications of faculty and administrators of Departments of Education remain unregulated by the teaching profession; and several key actors responsible for preparing preservice teachers are left without representation or voting powers. Proposals which address these weaknesses are offered, including recommendations that professionals who implement decisions would also make them and that all key actors, including preservice teachers, who are directly involved in teacher education programs would vote on decisions. To accomplish these purposes, it is proposed that the responsibilities of the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards and of Centers of Pedagogy (as proposed by the Holmes Group) be extended. Three figures provide a visual representation of traditional, prevalent, and strengthened preservice teacher education governance structures. (Contains 28 references.) (LL)

The purpose of this paper, the initial report of an ongoing study, is threefold. One is to present and demonstrate the use of the sociology of translation as a methodological framework for the study of power within the higher education policy arena. The second is to define the boundaries and shape of that arena, and the third is to define the meaning of power within this context. The paper notes that the nation's Executive branch has forfeited its role as a policy participant and become a policy barrier, leaving Congress to look for an intersection of policy interests that can be negotiated or forced past the Executive. Through an examination of the student financial aid reauthorization process, the paper reveals the importance of knowledge, communications, coalition building, and grounding policy proposals in the history and culture of the policy arena. The social relationships that foster the exchange and interaction between the Congress and the associations it deals with in policymaking constitute a communication community. The power of this type of community is the product of a common language, cooperative activities, mutual needs, shared history and values, and widely understood signs and symbols. (Contains over 170 references.) (GLR)

This pamphlet offers a profile of the Puerto Rican community and other Latinos in New York City based on recent census statistics. Noting the continued low socioeconomic conditions of this population, the pamphlet also points out recent gains in political representation. A discussion of population changes from 1980 to 1990 in New York City discusses the additional complexity in the city's heterogeneity. A review of government response to these changes notes low percentages of Puerto Rican and other Latinos employed by the City and describes a set-aside program currently in implementation. A discussion of education issues notes that in 1990, Puerto Ricans made up 35 percent of public school enrollment. However, of persons 25 years of age and older, Puerto Ricans have the lowest proportion with a high school diploma. The pamphlet describes organizations that have become more aggressive nationally in responding to the high and persistent levels of Puerto Rican poverty such as the National Puerto Rican Coalition and the Aspira National Association. A discussion of their activities notes several interesting developments in New York City, among them the increased number of Puerto Rican municipal officials, Puerto Rican City Council members, and Puerto Rican congresspersons. Despite these and other developments, however, the continuing marginalization of this population remains a matter of grave concern and much remains to be done, particularly in linking local efforts across the region for mutual support and growth. (JB)

While the notion of "cultural imperialism" has received significant attention in communication studies since the early 1970s, researchers have ignored analyses of message systems and audience cultivation in favor of institutional analysis. Likewise, researchers have concentrated on the technologies, media products and processes of Western exporting countries with little concomitant concern for importing countries. These biases stem from a mechanistic model of social processes along with a non-symbolic, materialist conception of culture, viewed as synonymous with technologies, ideologies, or commodities. Previous critics have also failed to question the radicalism of scholars who would preserve the Third World cultures from Western encroachment. Furthermore, the cultural imperialism paradigm presents some serious problems in terms of data measurement and research design models. In brief, the cultural imperialism model, while yielding extensive and often useful analyses, so far has explicated little on the specifically cultural dimensions of relations between nations or between media and their audiences. An examination of popular music in one Third World country, Jamaica, shows how human creativity, exercised even by politically powerless people, can wreak havoc with facile assumptions held by proponents and opponents of imperialism. The current debate revolves largely around moral questions, and unless significant methodological shifts occur, this debate is unlikely to be settled on an empirical basis. (Sixty references are attached.) (HB)

Ways in which the current economic crisis is articulated politically into the logic of Australian education are discussed in this paper. A major argument is that the dominance of Australian government by the ideology of economic rationalism has facilitated the development of a comprehensive, technical model for the reorganization of the basic message systems of Australian education. National restructuring mechanisms speak directly to the reorganization of curriculum, pedagogy, and assessment. A revised administrative message system, based on the principles of universalization, standardization, and hierarchization, links training, skills, performance, and reward into a comprehensive, integrated, technical system. However, it is further argued that this agenda is inappropriate for the complex, dynamic, and differentiated nature of educational and administrative processes because the persuasive and critical functions of a properly conceived administration contradict the easy achievement of technical solutions to educational and administrative problems. A conclusion is that the construction of an educational administrative knowledge base should encompass the dynamic qualities of a model that acknowledges the persuasive functions of administration and the critical discussion of meanings and purposes inherent in any complex and highly differentiated society. (24 references) (LMI)

The United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia suffered a crisis of confidence in education in the 1980s that influenced their educational policy decisions. By examining these countries' educational concerns in the 1980s, this document portrays the national and international policy context that influenced school curriculum in that decade. After discussing the importance of societal and political context to curriculum reform efforts, political corporatism in relation to the economy and education is explored as the impetus for curriculum reform. Next, the responses of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia to economic concerns are examined each in turn. A final section reviews the governments' use of curriculum as an instrument of public policy development to meet the needs of the nations' economies. (30 references) (CLA)

Recent changes in and issues related to political authority and educational policy, specifically, decentralization and school responsibility, are examined in this paper. The following concerns are discussed: new administrative structures for states and municipalities; allocation of block grants; political and professional control of goals, curriculum, and evaluation; and rules for local school organization, teacher employment, and national teacher education. Analysis of recent developments demonstrate the political system's attempt to increase control over teachers, which, combined with decentralization, has created new patterns of control. Arguments are made for increased teacher empowerment and school autonomy. A conclusion is that, although the national political system will eventually affect local political climates, inherent forces within the schools will operate for a long time despite national policy changes. As the political education system becomes more deconcentrated, control of teachers by local politicians will increase. (20 references) (LMI)

In 2010 the Turkish Board of Education (BoE) introduced a new rights-based citizenship education course to supersede the previous civics courses that promoted nationalist-militarist norms and values. This paper explores the internal and external influences on this curriculum reform drawing on a dataset derived from semi-structured interviews with 16 officials involved in the reform and documents obtained from the BoE's archive. The analysis finds that the reform was initiated by the government's intent to achieve European Union membership and demonstrate democratization. It further reveals that external support for democratic citizenship education could be counter-productive in nationalist context where political power does not explicitly support the promotion of democracy and human rights in education.

Political orientations in children during a time period when Watergate and its ramifications were dominant political events are studied. The theoretical framework adopted for the study is one in which political learning is seen as evolving through an invariant sequence of developmental stages dependent on physical and intellectual growth. After the theory and method of the study are discussed, the cognitive-developmental approach of Jean Piaget is presented as a valid study of socialization. A civic education questionnaire was administered to 314 white students in grades 3-6 every year from 1973-76. The questions examined children's attitudes toward the president and political authority, plus their feelings about trust and confidence in government and the administrative body. Political environment is recognized as an important independent variable. Findings show the development of less positive attitudes toward the president, particularly regarding performance capabilities, that decline steadily from grades 3 to 6. It is concluded that negative attitudes toward political authority and institutions develop sequentially and in an accelerated manner; therefore, rapidly changing political events do have an impact on children's attitudes toward the president. (ND)

Focusing on the processes involved in making formal bureaucracies responsive, the study examined: the structure of formal grievance and redress procedures within the criminal justice system in San Jose, California; and the informal strategies used by politically active members of the Chicano community to extend and strengthen these channels. The primary channel for complaints against individual police officers was a two-man Internal Affairs Investigative Unit within the police department. However, claiming that their work involved confidential personnel matters, the department refused to release any information on how many complaints were received or how they were resolved. Two years ago, in response to continuing pressure, the municipal government hired an ombudsman to serve as an advocate/investigator for citizens with grievances against any city agency. However, his effectiveness was doubtful. Although there were several channels of informal support for grievances, the most these groups did was provide moral support and skills in filing a complaint through the Internal Affairs unit. The Chicano community had three possible strategies for maximizing their influence on the grievance and redress procedures: to strengthen the existing avenues for registering grievances and obtaining redress; to utilize legal strategies for making the agencies responsive to community needs through individual and class action lawsuits; and to use community political influence and pressure to redefine police policies. Of these, political strategies appeared the more promising. (NQ)

The operations of a citizen committee associated with two neighborhood public schools in the Boston area were studied to evaluate empirically the effectiveness of the committee in achieving certain policy goals. A case study approach to citizen committee power to influence educational decisionmaking was made in the areas of finance, curriculum, and personnel. Survey data reveal a positive relationship between perception of and/or participation in the committee and feelings of direct and representational influence over and identification with school decisionmaking. However, while participation in the citizen committee seems to increase citizen feelings of control over school decisionmaking, the case studies demonstrate that, in fact, these committees have no influence. (Author/MLF)

This paper attempts to study the local politics of compensatory education. It addresses the question of why some neighborhoods appeared to be more politically influential than others over the distribution of compensatory education funds in a large urban school district. Data for this study was gathered from 100 schools and neighborhoods of the Los Angeles Unified School District. A neighborhood was defined as a political unit corresponding to the attendance area of each school. Political influence was measured as the demonstrated ability of these neighborhoods to obtain and retain compensatory education funds from the district over a four-year period from 1969-1970 to 1972-1973. The study was planned within a framework for political systems analysis conceived by David Easton. The school district was conceived of as a political system. It was hypothesized that the system's outputs might be affected by differences in demand structures. Specifically, the political influence of each neighborhood was hypothesized to be at least partially a function of its demand structures. It was found that when ethnicity was specified the use of demand structures had a significant association with political influence especially among black neighborhoods. (Author/JM)

This paper presents a conceptualization that interprets the processes of policymaking, institution building, and change planning as aspects of the same generic phenomenon of cultural action. Central to this conceptualization is a view of power that explains the dynamics of these related processes while it demonstrates their integral unity. The sole intent of the policymaking process is asserted to be the directing and harnessing of social power for social outcomes. (Author/WM)

There are many parallels between the Richard M. Nixon administration and Warren G. Harding's term: both Republicans, both touched by scandal, and both having a unique relationship with the press. But in Harding's case the relationship was a positive one. One of Harding's first official acts as president was to restore the regular White House news conferences which had been dropped by Woodrow Wilson during World War I. Harding made himself available to the members of the press corps; he knew about their job, and he went out of his way to make their work easier. There were times of difficulty--during the Washington Disarmament Conference of 1921 when Harding made a diplomatic slip of the tongue and in the summer of 1922 when a million men were idled in two bitter strikes. But for the most part, the president worked with correspondents on the basis of complete frankness and respect which was reciprocated. The friendship and goodwill between Harding and the press advanced the status of White House correspondents to the point where they could not be ignored by future presidents. (Author/RB)

This paper analyzes three sets of Soviet documents, some directed toward a domestic audience, some toward an English-speaking audience, and some toward Third World countries. It was hypothesized that references to the United States would, over time, reflect the lessening of tensions between the super powers, but that material directed toward Third World audiences would contain more hostile references to the U.S. then would English-language materials. The sample consisted of two weeks from "The Daily Review of the Soviet Press," published by Novosti; official Soviet translations of the principal May Day speeches from 1966 through 1972; and a constructed week of material from the "Daily Reports of the United States Broadcast Information Service." Hostile references in 1972 were less than half those of 1965, thus confirming the first hypothesis. But in an analysis of English and non-English broadcasts for 1972, it was noted that the non-English broadcasts contained far fewer neutral or favorable comments about the U. S., far more references to the U. S. as an imperialist power, and far more favorable comments about communism. (Author/SW)

Some 35 papers resulting from presentations made at the 1974 Conference on Rural Land-Use Policy in the Northeast constitute this report on conference proceedings. Part 1 presents papers from the general sessions which deal with generalities relative to the following four major alternatives: (1) police power, (2) transfer of development rights, (3) public acquisition of easements, and (4) tax and other special incentive policies. Discussions relative to the impact on rural land-use of public agency administrative decisions and the role of the citizen in influencing administrative and legislative land-use policy are also presented. Part 2 presents representative workshop papers which provide examples of alternative policies and programs already underway and describe specific experiences with: use of police power as a land-use control technique; tax and special incentive policies as land-use control techniques; development rights, public acquisition, and easements as land-use control techniques; and influence of public agencies and the legislative process. Part 3 presents conference implications for research and education and the consensus, directions, and issues of rural land-use policy in the Northeast. The conference program, a list of participants, and information on conference sponsors are appended. (JC)

This presentation is predicated on the belief that local school leaders must become more actively engaged in increasing effectiveness with state legislators. Political activity cannot be left to state educational associations, rather, school administrators must assume a continuous, active role in the political process without becoming partisan. Effective communications with state legislators, based on credibility, content, clarity, and currency in a face-to-face, one-on-one approach, are preferable to written communications. (Author/DW)

This paper analyzes the position and behavior of the participants involved in three reform efforts undertaken at the national level. Specifically, the paper analyzes the position taken by groups in: (1) oral arguments before the U. S. Supreme Court on cases involving maternity leave policies for public school teachers; (2) testimony before Congressional committees on the Women's Educational Equity Act; and (3) comments submitted to HEW's Office of Civil Rights on the proposed Title LX regulations. Lastly, the paper provides an overall assessment of the political alignment of groups on sex discrimination issues in education, and discusses the impact of this alignment for future efforts to eleminate sex-biased policies and practices. (Author/PC)

The governance of community colleges in western Canada is increasingly influenced by the activities of federal and regional agencies, provincial legislatures, professional and trade associations, and advisory committees. Decision-making is increasingly centralized so that programs are standardized, procedures are routinized, and colleges lack distinctiveness and professional autonomy. Each provincial legislature has established government departments to direct the operation of post-secondary education. With input from province-wide advisory committees, the civil servants in these departments specify standards of performance, review and approve (or deny) program and budget proposals, and develop policies and programs for administrative services, student services, research, and planning. Boards of trustees hold legal responsibility for the operation of college programs; they formulate policy concerning organization, administration, and course offerings. There are also advisory boards at the institutional level. Not all community colleges have boards of trustees. Technical institutes are operated directly by the governmental departments. In two of the provinces, all board members are government appointees. The growth of collective bargaining may be seen as a coping strategy of the faculty in the face of external pressures to standardize procedures and policies. (DC)

This paper is one of six presented at a symposium on the integration of policy, power, perception, and status into a working model. The objectives of the symposium were to define the concept of policy and its interrelationship to power; provide a framework in which policy is affected by perceptions and demonstrate how status roles and perceptions alter the nature of policy; and provide a basis for administrators and researchers to integrate the previously vague and unintegrated concepts of policy, power, perception, and status into a model. In this paper Carter discusses the relationship that has developed between education and politics and notes that it is clear that political activity is one way to increase school resources and, therefore, improve the instructional program. The school principal, if he possesses certain qualities in his personality, his attitudes, and his abilities, can use his influence to fashion needed coalitions in order to acquire the needed resources and achieve the adoption of the values and programs that he believes can better the school's educational program. (Author/EA)

Even though public school districts are structured with the expectation of responsive governance, most school boards are not particularly responsive to their constituents. School boards from politically contentious districts tend to be more responsive, but they have even less success challenging the dominance of the superintendent than do less responsive school boards. To make schools truly responsive, some means will have to be found to offset the dominance that results from the specialized knowledge and expertise of the superintendent. There is some evidence that schools are gradually becoming more politicized and less isolated from their constituents, but it is doubtful that the educational content or achievements of "responsive" schools would differ markedly from unresponsive schools. Even so, as long as people are committed to maintaining the trappings of democracy in education, the realities of democracy should be achieved; school boards should either govern or be abolished. (Author/JG)

Brief case studies are examined to show that change can be motivated by almost any part of the educational organization and that the degree of the change's success or failure depends to a large extent on the political environment existing within the school and the school district. Some recent examples in pertinent literature are examined, and some reflections on the "hows and whys" of change, from the perspective of both the principal and the superintendent, are made in considering possible change techniques and in demonstrating the need for honest introspection. General philosophical comments on the author's biases about the problems and pitfalls of change conclude the speech. (Author/MLF)

The American Revolution transformed the American colonies into republics, which meant that ordinary people were no longer to be considered "subjects" to be ruled as they were under a monarchy. They were thereafter to be citizens--participants themselves in the ruling process. Because the process of creating of a republican citizenry seemed so simple for us, we have believed it ought to be simple for others. It seems to us to be merely a matter of allowing the people to vote. Because voting is the most obvious means by which the people participate in politics, we have tended to emphasize the right to vote as the necessary and sufficient criterion of democratic politics. But this is a mistake. The suffrage is clearly a prerequiste for democratic politics, but it is hardly all there is to it. It is important for us in our bicentennial celebrations to examine our Revolution and its heritage and to seek to understand the sources of our political practice and values. Only with knowledge of the conditions that underlie the principle of consent in our polity can we confront the world and the future. Voting is in fact only the exposed tip of an incredibly complicated political and social process. How this progress came about and how the people became involved in politics are questions that lie at the heart of the American Revolution. (Author/JM)

The seminar began with a report of some research that W.M. Phillips, Jr. had done in Newark. Three purposes guided the design of that study of educational change and race from 1958 to 1972: First, there was the fundamental curiosity to discover the changing nature of participation by the Black community in the creation and implementation of public educational policy. This general purpose was transformed into an empirical description and analysis of Black involvement in selected aspects of the educational institution. The nexus between the Newark Board of Education and the Black community was the primary object of study. A second basic purpose was to develop an interpretative understanding of the changes which occurred in the arenas of race and education. The third basic purpose was to gain systematic insights that have applied significance for those concerned with revitalization of the Black community and in the improvement of the educational institution in Newark. Following the presentation of this paper, the author participated in a seminar discussion of his paper with 21 scholars, educators, administrators and concerned citizens chaired by Ron Edmonds, Director, Center for Urban Studies, Harvard Graduate School of Education. (Author/JM)

Noting that the concepts of sex and race are interwoven into the fabric of American culture to such a degree that it is virtually impossible to separate them; this paper presents three major hypotheses felt to characterize American culture racially as well as sexually. For each hypothesis, specific examples are cited delineating the hypothesized interaction of two variables: sex and race. It is asserted that American culture is characterized by three great quests or pursuits, and that in each of them the concepts of sex and of race are so combined as to make separation impossible. They are, first, the "Quest for Power Dominance," secondly, the "Quest for Identity," and thirdly, the "Quest for Love." It is suggested that, in essence, sex education helps young people to both get in touch with their own feelings or even to come to the realization that one is not in touch with his or her sexual registration, and also to help the youngster to learn from others. Here, as with race, it is held that the inability to share ideas and to accept feelings which are different from one's own may come as a surprise to the individual whose chances to discuss sex had been severely limited. It is further asserted that young children especially need to be exposed to the ameliorative aspects of love and healthy sexuality. (Author/JM)

Politics of evaluation and accountability are not practiced solely by evaluators and accountants; everyone does it. This is because evaluation and accountability are fraught with decision situations which embody the potential to become political. Among sources of conflict in evaluation and accountability are questions of goals and priorities, economic matters, perceptions of evaluation and accountability by outsiders. Evaluation is also threatening to many school administrators and teachers; thus external evaluators have been employed by many groups wishing to evaluate school programs. The implications for the school media center focus on resources and policy-making, with an informal evaluation of the school library every time a budget is allocated. Librarians must become knowledgeable in the techniques of evaluation in order to provide policymakers with needed information, but must also learn how to apply these techniques in politically sensitive environments. (SK)

Summarized in this brief report are proceedings of the Statewide Indian Land Use Policy Meeting, a meeting planned by American Indians in response to their perceptions of constraints on effective management of Indian lands and one which drew 135 people, including representatives from every reservation in Montana and Wyoming. This booklet outlines: (1) concerns and situations which led to the meeting; (2) activities prior to the meeting; (3) pertinent participant comments; (4) follow-up activities; (5) resolutions; and (6) participant and resource staff names and affiliations. Representative statements are reported covering such issues as: Indian land philosophy; problems of urban relocation and imported reservation industry; responsibilities of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Indian people; loss of Indian lands via individual sales; Indian legal needs; tribal court capabilities; zoning; Indian jurisdiction; agricultural development; credit; Indian representation in government agencies; water rights; soil surveys; land use ordinances; policy implementation plans, etc. The resolutions which are reported call for Indian jurisdiction over lands within the boundaries of Indian reservations and the exchange of state school lands for public domain lands outside the reservation or legislation leading to Indian control over state school lands within reservation boundaries. (JC)

The belief that structural change providing for the representation of minority parents in urban school districts would improve educational services for their children has led to an emphasis on school-system controlled or affiliated channels for participation. This emphasis, based on assumptions about parent participation in suburban districts, has neglected the findings of suburban school studies that indicate the significance of community organizations in the articulation of educational interests and has diverted attention from the recent dilution of local school board authority. This paper relates the utilization of both institutional and independent community channels for the articulation of parent interests in a New York suburb and the results of some recent events in New York City involving the adoption of bilingual programs for Puerto Rican students. The analysis illustrates some of the structural similarities in both types of districts that inhibit parent participation in school-controlled channels and identifies some of the factors related to effective parent participation. Results indicate that reforms are initiated not by established local community groups but by extra-local interest groups. (Author)

School districts are cultural systems that may be classified along a continuum from homogeneous to heterogeneous according to the diversity represented in their cultural composition. School boards are the decision-making system that, given the competitive federal, state, and local demands, decides on the particular educational policies and programs available to a cultural system. As such, school boards are meta-mediators in public education. While the school board may respond in either elite or arena council fashion, the tradition of school boards in America dictates an elite council process. This kind of council action provides a poor fit between such boards and the multicultural nature of most urban school districts. The arena type action is a poor fit with homogeneous cultures. Boards that do not fit with the culture of their district are not effective as meta-mediators. The model suggested here provides an opportunity to evaluate the fit between the culture of the school board and the culture of the school district. (Author/IRT)

The proceedings of the First Annual Georgia Conference on Aging contains five papers, reports from discussion groups, and transcripts of a panel discussion. The focus was on the encouragement of self-advocacy and the identification of achievable goals among older adults in order to generate some of the basic political changes that will improve the life chances of the elderly. The proceedings' contents include: Introduction, Barbara P. Payne; The Development of Services for Older Georgians, Mary Kay Jernigan; Contributions to the Quality of Older Persons' Lives: Realistic Expectations, Frank Hughes; Political Responses of the Aged: Research Findings, Robert H. Binstock; Achievable Goals for Older Georgians: Reports from Discussion Groups; The Senior Center and the City of Atlanta, a Panel Discussion, Al Horvath, moderator; The Revolution of the Elders, Margaret E. Kuhn; and The Future of Contributions to the Quality of Older Persons' Lives, David G. Salten. (JR)

The purpose of this paper is to report on part of a research study designed to learn about the interrelationships of racial conflict, change in the institutionalization of social power within an educational system, and adaptive organization of the black community within Newark, New Jersey between 1958 and 1972. The central fact informing the participation of the black community in educational affairs of Newark is that power is institutionalized, as are the rules which govern and influence the educational system. The significant question then becomes how did the black community, between 1958 and 1972, organize to deal with this fact, and with what success. The approach adopted here features an orientation toward black group survival, and successful adaptation with scarce resources, within a particular situational context. The emergent organizational structure and the strategic designs for inducing social change created by the black community, while coping with the pattern of environmental stress of particular situational conditions and forces, are the dominant orientations of this approach. The consequences of black participation in a particular sphere of public policy determination, and the processes and structures contributing to such consequences, were the focus of this work. (Author/JM)

Nineteen states now have some form of compensatory education grants apart from support for exceptional children. Compensatory education is a large part of the urban problem. The suburbs have replaced the cities as educational leaders, not because the cities have stopped trying to educate students, but because of many sociological and economic reasons. There are many ways to provide urban areas with the dollars necessary to buy the services their pupils need, but there are many practical and political problems to overcome. Many indicators point to a decline in the educational influence and political power of urban districts. In order to achieve financial equity for urban schools, educators must (1) furnish political decision-makers with hard facts rather than romanticized notions, (2) realize that cities can no longer depend on their political power to get necessary dollars, and (3) realize that political reaction against social welfare programs for minorities and the poor can hamper the development of quality educational programs in urban areas. (Author/JG)

This study broadens the base of judicial impact studies in education, extends a theoretical model appropriate for such studies, and suggests implications for policy and practice in the area of public sector labor relations, particularly with reference to the use of antistrike injunctions. Focal point for the study is an examination of the 1973 teacher strike in St. Louis, where teachers defied an antistrike injunction for four weeks. In his discussion, the author utilizes the French-Raven social power model to describe the Board of Education's efforts to mobilize judicial power against the teachers, the teacher organization's efforts to neutralize the board's strategy, and the outcomes of these efforts. (Author/JG)

English teachers must actively work to preserve the humanistic content of their courses and assure the acceptance of students' needs, not only to promote skill development, but also to foster clear thinking about the great ideas of the past and the problems of the present. The achievement of these goals implies an active role in the politics of the community college; the acceptance of positions of actual decisionmaking such as chairmanships, deanships and even presidencies. A program inaugurated at the Carnegie-Mellon University in Pittsburgh offers a Doctor of Arts degree in English specifically designed for teachers in two year colleges, and focusing on issues in teaching, research, and the perpetuation of the humanities. (KS)

Studies on both sides of the Atlantic reveal that the processes by which educational policy is made is highly political. In the 1960's education seemed particularly vulnerable to a realignment of forces because it has traditionally had some elements of localism and a degree of separateness as a governmental service based on the nature of its clientele, children, and the indirectness of its results. Two studies of the responses of political parties to realigning forces and the impact on intergovernmental relationships are summarized. The first is about the decentralization of New York City schools and the role of state government. The second is about the changing role of the English local authority and control of education. (Author/MLF)

Power, or influence, in educational governance is increasingly becoming diffused. Everyone in education now feels relatively powerless. A political model of decision-making, emphasizing consultation with representatives of interest groups is now appropriate. In this model, the school board functions as "meta-mediator." This modifies the role of senior administrators. The pluralistic power structure, characterized by interest group politics, is now the most common kind. In such systems activist educators are likely to cause and encounter conflict. The skillful exercise of influence in coping with conflict in pluralistic environments is a vital skill for senior administrators. Conflict occurs when groups perceive a divergence of interests, as opposed to a commonality of interests. The chances of peaceful adjustment are maximized when a degree of shared interests exists and when some other conditions, including the existence of institutional arrangements for negotiation, are met. Conflict between the organization and clients is increasingly common and can be extremely difficult to deal with. Two common strategies, attitude change and power, can be used alternately. Conflict management is increasingly a common activity and an essential skill of senior administrators. Training or experience in it is thus an increasingly important qualification for leadership roles. (Author/IRT)

The impact of school desegregation policy on community voting patterns and white flight in northern school districts is analyzed. Both voting behavior and white flight are considered two indicators of the success of school desegregation in achieving community social integration. School board elections, school tax referenda voting trends, and school racial composition data in the northern school districts over a 10-year period are examined. The results indicate that school desegregation increases voter turnout and dissent voting. While the increase in school board election turnout appears to be fairly permanent, the increase in dissent voting is only temporary. Therefore, in many communities school desegregation has more socially integrative characteristics than disintegrative with regard to voting behavior. In 86 northern school districts, school desegregation has little or no effect on white flight, as measured by the change in percentage of white students enrolled in public schools. Even in the two high desegregating school districts, white flight is minimal and temporary. While one cannot conclude that school desegregation has increased social integration by the third year after a major desegregation plan, the opposite conclusion is not warranted either. (Author/DE)

The purpose of the research on which this paper is based is to develop fundamental understanding of the problem-solving behavior of school superintendents, given the political character of their work environment. Data drawn from interviews with a school superintendent and a long-standing consultant to school boards are relied on as the basis for developing a framework for understanding both the political nature of the superintendency and the character of the linkage between local and state education agencies as viewed by a chief school officer. This analysis is followed by a discussion of the implications of these observations for the political socialization of school superintendents. Related questions associated with research into politics, governance, superintendent-as-self, and training for the superintendency are also raised in the concluding portion of the paper. (Author/IRT)

Four problems are identified concerning politics and power as they relate to public schooling. The first problem is the definition of basic terms and the development of a vocabulary common to researchers investigating the field. Second is the problem of collecting information on and evidence of the political process. This problem is complicated by (1) the need to overcome obstacles such as the privacy of the decision making process, (2) the intangible and idiosyncratic nature of power reality, (3) the need for identifying suitable data-gathering technques, and (4) the need for a theoretical base of power analysis. The third problem concerns power measurement and its quantification, and its interpretation as a possession or a relationship. The final problem concerns the phenomenon of change and fluctation in power configurations. The importance of power analysis in studying and understanding the forces controlling schools is stressed. (MB)

Future consequences of current policies related to education are discussed. The paper considers the major political effects of cybernetic and associated communications technology. These include: (1) the centralization of power in public and private spheres, (2) the shift in governmental authority from the local and state level to the federal government, and (3) the gradual elimination of free choice of housing and education for lower income people. The introduction of data acquisition and management systems, which will give us a system-management capability of substantial complexity and power, will transform America in the two social policy areas of housing and education. Technology fosters a gradual centralization of power in both the private and public spheres, and it causes a substantial change in national policies and the national politics which support them. Ideological politics is now apparent in education in the three significant areas of racial integration, sex education curriculum, and the teaching of evolution in science courses. Parents have been unable to ignore the decisions of the schools in any of these areas. The author concludes that the major force which will shape the United States in the year 2000 is a revolution in ability to control physical and social organizations. References are included. (Author/DB)

This study examines data from several national polls about press coverage during the Watergate scandal, in order to assess the origins of press criticism. The polls were conducted between 28 September and 6 October 1973, during June 1974, and in August 1974. The data suggest that political variables--particularly support of Nixon, party affiliation, and ideology--were the most important determinants of press criticism during the Watergate period, and sociological and psychological variables were of lesser consequence. The study concludes that the press may be limited in its ability to criticize popular government and political leaders, fulfilling its role as governmental watchdog and protector of the public interest only when a popular political figure is a weak leader. (RL)

Senators of the Eighty-third Congress were studied to ascertain what factors were most highly correlated with press coverage for each individual senator. This information was then correlated with an earlier study of the Eighty-ninth, Ninety-first, and Ninety-third Congresses to see what differences might exist which could indicate the development of a "new breed" of publicity-minded senators commanding a power base through national constituencies created by media coverage. Few differences were found between the earlier study of the more recent Congresses and the study of the Eighty-third Congress. While senators with a high institutional opportunity (a combination of seniority, prestigious committee leadership assignments, and state size) have an advantage over less powerful colleagues which shows up more in the Eighty-third Congress than in the later ones, nevertheless, senate activity (measured by number of Congressional Record entries and bills and resolutions sponsored) is a more powerful predictor of press coverage than institutional opportunity in all four Congresses. Senators with power bases created in part by media coverage are not a recent phenomenon and are at least as evident in the Eighty-third Congress as in the Ninety-third Congress. (TJ)

This report traces the development of the Egyptian press, from its origin with the arrival of the first printing press in 1789 to the present free press policies of Anwar Sadat. Because political struggle and social reform have accompanied the educational and cultural progress of Egypt, the news publications have traditionally been utilitarian. Official control of the press was established in 1824 and continued until 1974, in spite of weak constitutional provisions for a free press. Gamal Abdul Nasser enforced strict censorship during his regime, with the singular exception that Mohamed Hassanein Heykal, head of the national press department and Nasser's personal friend, was permitted to maintain intellectual independence and to openly criticize government policies. It was a significant step toward a world perspective for Egypt, the report concludes, when Anwar Sadat ended press censorship in 1974. It is paradoxical, however, that Sadat deposed Heykal, his most vocal critic, at the same time. (MAI)

The paper investigates the qualities which distinguish representative democracies from other forms of government, particularly direct democracies, dictatorships, and oligarchies. Representative democracy is based on the precept that political authority should be located in offices which are specified by a popularly ratified or accepted constitution and filled by contested elections. The hypothesis is that democratic values are morally superior to other political values. Representative democracy encourages citizens to adopt distinctive attitudes toward conduct, self-concept, and all authority in society as well as authority in political matters. Specific ways in which these attitudes are exemplified in a representative democracy include exhibiting independence of spirit in matters such as voting, engaging in conscientious dissent, and seeking political office; understanding all interactions which can to any degree be understood as political; and accepting moral indeterminacy. In general, although representative democracy is committed to respecting the boundaries of the individual and the related separation of the individual and society from the state, it encourages a high degree of interaction between the public and non-public sectors. It is concluded that representative democracy is the best way to preserve democratic values in modern societies which have become much too large and complex to sustain direct democratic forms of government. (DB)

This report contains a number of papers which focus on the current legal status of women. The papers, presented at a public forum by various individuals, discuss the opportunities for women in the economic, social, cultural, and political life of the United States in general, and of Nevada in particular. A major issue addressed is the progress that has been made toward attaining equality between men and women and the barriers that still prevent full equality. A list of informational resources is included. (EB)