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This thesis explores British public opinion towards European integration between the United Kingdom's accession to the European Community (EC) on 1 January 1973 and the referendum vote to leave the European Union (EU) on 23 June 2016. Primarily analysing survey data collected on Eurobarometer, while also examining that from British Social Attitudes and other opinion poll sources, it first assesses three general measures of British public opinion towards European integration: Europe's salience, attitudes towards EC/EU membership and European identity. Subsequent chapters then analyse public opinion towards specific developments in the integration process: deeper and flexible integration; economic and monetary union (EMU); the Single Market, social policy integration and free movement of people; EC/EU enlargement; and foreign and defence policy cooperation. The thesis argues that British public opinion towards these various developments in European integration was not volatile - challenging a widely held view in the existing historical literature; that public scepticism was to a significant extent benign; and that pro-integration sentiment was rooted in pragmatism. The thesis also reveals how societal divides over various aspects of the European integration project developed. Additionally, by contrasting public opinion with government and party policies, it identifies the significant cleavages between the public's views and the preferences of the British government and Conservative, Labour and Liberal parties. By going beyond the question of EC/EU membership, the project thus provides insight into what the British public felt about what the EC/EU did and whether they backed the form of European integration supported by the British political class in the 43-year period examined.

This thesis explores the relationship between the British Conservative Party and the European Parliament. It will address three interlocking matters. First, it will examine the conduct of Conservative Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) in the European Parliament. It will show the difficulties they faced in their dealings with the largest centre-right grouping in the European Parliament, the European People’s Party (EPP). The thesis will contest the limited existing literature on Conservative MEPs which suggests that the two groupings struggled to work together because of differing ideological perspectives and religious orientations. It will instead argue that lukewarm relations were created because of differing opinions on key issues such as the European Parliament presidency election in 1982, and poor personal relationships between the two sets of MEPs. A decisive stage in the development of the relationship between the two came in 1992 when the British Conservative MEPs ceased in their efforts to operate their own centre-right grouping and joined the EPP. However, it will be shown that the merger between the two groupings was only achievable because of very fortuitous circumstances, indicating that the EPP was not a natural fit for the British Conservative MEPs. Secondly, the thesis will examine the relationship between Conservative MEPs and the domestic British Conservative Party, including its leadership and its Westminster representatives. MPs at Westminster consistently feared the possibility of MEPs undermining their role. Yet the thesis will argue that MEPs generally maintained relations with the Conservative leadership in this period, during the tenures of Edward Heath, Margaret Thatcher and John Major. Thatcher, particularly, was pragmatic and willing to work with the MEPs in key areas such as her efforts to achieve a partial rebate of the UK financial contribution to the Community. Thatcher enjoyed collaborative working relationships with certain MEPs throughout her time as Conservative leader. At times during this period, some British Conservative MEPs did perceive a division between themselves and the British Conservative leadership and became disillusioned when they felt they were unable to work with the Conservative Party leadership or government departments when the party was in office at UK level. Nonetheless, as will be seen, Thatcher and Conservative MEPs interacted often at least until 1988 when she began to shift towards an increasingly Eurosceptic orientation. A consideration of Thatcher’s engagement with the European Parliament and the Conservative cohort within it adds an important new perspective to analysis of her overall attitude towards the Community. Lastly, the thesis will examine the development of the European Parliament as an institution and how the Conservatives as a whole reacted to these changes. Initially, the European Parliament had limited powers over the Community budget. By 1992 the European Parliament had gained more influence, achieving broad legislative authority despite scepticism about this development from within some member states (including Germany, France and the UK) who felt the European Parliament undermined national parliaments. Notwithstanding reservations among some domestic players in the UK regarding the role of the European Parliament, British Conservative MEPs throughout this period wanted to increase the credibility of the institution of which they were members. They were successful in this objective, contributing greatly to the European Parliament’s development. For instance, British Conservative MEPs were influential in shaping the rules of the European Parliament, which developed in ways that optimised its abilities to delay amendments, transactions and even the approval of the Community budget. The thesis corrects shortcomings in the existing literature, which fails fully to convey the consistently pro-integration views held by many Conservative Party MEPs during the period under consideration, and which does not properly recognise the contributions made by the MEPs to the European Parliament which this thesis examines.