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This thesis studies the widespread use of a kind of riding dress by the ruling class in the first half of Tang dynasty China (618-755). In contrast to the traditional type of dress of the Han people, generally a full-length attire with wide sleeves, the riding dress, an ensemble of tight-sleeved robe, trousers, belt and boots, had its origins in the typical attire of steppe peoples, developed out of the need to enhance efficiency and comfort while riding. The primary question of this thesis is: Why did the Tang elite choose to wear such practical clothing of foreign origin as ordinary attire? Previous studies tend to regard the diffusion of the riding dress as a natural consequence of the preceding situation, that is, the intrusion of steppe peoples and correspondingly of their clothing customs into mainland China during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period (386-589). This thesis tackles the question from a new angle, first, by effectively synthesising iconographic, textual and archaeological materials and, secondly, by taking into account recent historiography on Tang politics emphasising on the interethnic political networking at the Tang court in the context of the competitive and entangled interstate relationships in Eastern Eurasia that the Tang experienced in its attempt to survive. To incorporate people of diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds into the political hierarchy, the Tang court needed a visual symbol of status and office that could be widely accepted by both the Han people and foreigners. This thesis defends that the riding dress served this role by being bestowed upon clients as a common insignia with Chinese titles and making the status ranking system visual. This thesis also reveals that the adoption of luxury silks with hybrid designs was an essential factor that contributed to elevating the status of the riding dress from a local steppe dress to a dress that suited the aristocrats' tastes.

The recognition in 2011 of the extraordinary Shimao site (ca. 2300-1800 cal. BC) in the North Loess Plateau as late Neolithic China's largest stone fortification, has overturned our understanding of the development of complex societies in northern China. The 400-hectare stone fortification of Shimao lies at the heart of the climate-sensitive region (hereafter the Shimao region), which located at the junction of modern-day south-central Inner Mongolia, northern Shaanxi and northern Shanxi, featuring numerous stone fortifications during the period ca. 2800-1300 cal. BC. The settlements in this region have the unusual combinations of herd animals, millet, ceramic tripods, and high-valued jade and bronze artefacts, suggesting a development in wealth and social economy. The central question addressed in this thesis is how and why Shimao, along with the surrounding settlements, flourished in the south sector of the region. Currently, we cannot determine what drove the growth and complexity of Shimao and other similar sites because the development process in demography and social economy in the Shimao region is poorly understood-the problem has not been interrogated from a wholistic regional perspective. A more precise chronology is also required to provide context to identify changes over time and space. The first problem addressed is a review of all the radiocarbon dates from the published literature; these dates are scrutinised for quality and then subjected to Bayesian modelling for a firmer chronology. The other sources of information-settlement size and distribution, economic basis as judged from faunal abundances and mortality profiles, and ceramic tripods associated with food preparation-are considered within this chronological framework in order to identify new development during the Shimao period. The findings suggest that population shifted and became concentrated in the south sector of the region, with the development of a new socio-economic network, which contained Shimao and the surrounding sites. Within this network, Shimao acted as a ritual centre with a highly concentrated population and attracted people from the surrounding area; meanwhile, people in this network adopted and used herd animals and new forms of ceramic tripods in their own ways. The findings also suggest that the form of urbanism developed at and around Shimao is unique: a central role can be seen at Shimao in social and ritual contexts, but centralisation and clear urban-rural relations among sites cannot be identified in animal and ceramic economies. Both the pulling factor from Shimao and the climate factor, which may have introduced indirect and gradual influences on human decision and activities, were significant for the success of Shimao and the wider region.

This thesis studies 'auspicious ornament' in the tombs of Han dynasty China. It offers a new reading of highly decorated tombs found near the two imperial capital cities, Chang'an (Western Han) and Luoyang (Eastern Han), and the elite tombs in central and eastern China. The thesis argues that a system of varied decorations, motifs, and materials developed in the Han dynasty as a means to convey good wishes and engender favourable outcomes, such as protection and well-being in the afterlife, immortality, and blessings for offspring. It interprets the significance, functions, relevant historical perspectives, and symbolic associations of ornament in China through an account of ornamentation on murals, carvings, jade, and gold objects in tombs, which are contextualised within the cosmological and philosophical background of the Han period. The transition to using more auspicious ornament in the Han period was related to the formation of correlative cosmology around the third century BC and Confucian rationalisation in the Western Han court, as well as other factors, including increasing concerns about an ideal afterlife. This is demonstrated through a critical analysis of pre-Han and Han dynasty historical sources to highlight the ideological development, and a contextual archaeological approach to the development of burial forms, materials and structures. On this basis, the three main analytical chapters discuss ornament on murals, carvings, jade, and gold objects in Han tombs, all of which exhibit changes in their motifs and uses. The discussion compares relevant pre-Han discoveries to establish these changes and to reveal the potential origins of the auspicious ornament. The analysis also incorporates local and foreign traits in the material assemblage suggested to have been adapted by Han dynasty people as popular practices through communications both within the Empire and its border regions populated by outsiders. In addition, this thesis presents a theoretical interpretation of the material agency of objects to understand how ornament acted upon people, i.e. bringing auspiciousness. Overall, the thesis explores the Han repertoire of ornamental motifs which may have provided the basis for the development of the prominent concept of auspiciousness throughout Chinese art and culture.

This thesis investigates the Lower Xiajiadian culture (ca. 2000-1300 BC) in northeast China, with a focus on two major questions: first, what were the principal cultural features of the Lower Xiajiadian culture; second, how did it emerge in China's northern borderland. Three groups of archaeological materials are analyzed and presented: the settlement data from excavated Lower Xiajiadian sites and regional surveys in northeast China, the burial evidence from the Dadianzi cemetery, and the material remain in the Chinese Central Plains of the same period. It argues that the Lower Xiajiadian's cultural distinctiveness reveals strong local characteristics as well as many features that can be attributed to the Yellow River area in the south and the Eurasian steppe to the north and west. These include the introduction of mudbrick constructions, lime-floor plastering, stone buildings, bronze metallurgy, animal husbandry, and tripod vessel types of the 3rd millennium BC. It is also revealed from the mortuary data at Dadianzi that the status manifestations of the Lower Xiajiadian society were structured to emphasize a higher value on foreign artifacts than local grave goods in northeast China. Overall, a wide range of new materials, technologies, and activities were brought into the Lower Xiajiadian area after 2000 BC and were employed in a local fashion that was different from other contemporary borderland communities. With benefits from contacts with a variety of regions, what we see from the Lower Xiajiadian archaeological records is a society that was deeply engaged with its southern predecessor-Longshan, as well as in contact with cultural entities in the north and west.

This thesis studies group identities among inhabitants of the western frontiers of the State and Empire of Qin during the 7th to 3rd centuries BC. The inhabitants are known to us through the Chinese historical records and their tombs found in eastern Gansu Province and southern Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, People's Republic of China. Based on descriptions in Chinese historical records, it has generally been believed that the inhabitants were conquered and assimilated by the Zhou (1045-221 BC) and Qin (221-206 BC) Dynasties, a process represented by, for example, the wheeled vehicles and ritual vessels found in their tombs. This thesis offers a new reading of the inhabitants' identities, arguing that they retained distinctive local identity that was closely related to others expressed by people living in the Eurasian steppe, as a way to cope with the difficult geopolitical situation. Meanwhile, the inhabitants served the Qin State and Empire as mercenaries rather than subjects. This is demonstrated through analysis of the Chinese historical sources and a contextual approach to archaeological remains. The textual analysis is used to highlight the usefulness of available historical texts in understanding the period. On this basis, similarities and variations between the material remains of the inhabitants of eastern Gansu, southern Ningxia, and the steppe people are established. The analysis also contextualises Zhou and Qin type weapons and ritual vessels that have been discovered in the tombs. These artefacts reveal the role inhabitants of eastern Gansu and southern Ningxia played as Qin mercenaries. The discussion incorporates identification of steppe, Achaemenid, and Hellenistic traits in the material assemblage that are suggested to have been transmitted to Qin through this border region, showing reciprocal relationships between the two groups. In addition to presenting an alternative approach to understanding identities on the western frontier of Qin during the 7th to 3rd centuries BC, this thesis redraws the political map of the region.

This thesis investigates how the collective "Zhou identity" was formulated and experienced by various groups of people living in the Zhou territory at the beginning of the Western Zhou period, from the reign of King Wu to King Kang (1045-978 B.C.). It examines a wide range of archaeological materials including bronze ritual vessels, bronze weapons and ceramics from sites either under the Zhou court's direct control, or those whose occupants had political ties with the court. It analyzes and presents the data using distribution maps, quantitative tables and inventories, as well as visual analyses. The Zhou identity is the individuals' experience of participating in the Zhou military, ritual and dietary system so that the individuals project themselves as an integral part of those systems. In examining the Zhou identity, two main questions are addressed. First, what policies did the Zhou court of the early Western Zhou period initiate to establish and promote a Zhou identity? Second, how effective were these policies? The central court established a royal Zhou military, ritual and dietary system, requiring participants to use the same weapon to fight in the same way, and to use the same ritual set to perform rituals in the same way, as well as to use the same ceramic set to cook and eat in the same way. When inhabitants join these systems, they would visually and behaviorally become a Zhou member, therefore experiencing and embodying the Zhou identity in the military, ritual or dietary context. However, these measures of the Zhou court were not entirely effective; many did not participate, or engage fully, in some or all of the new systems. Their experience of the Zhou identity was situational, contextual and not permanent.

This thesis provides new angles, material and discussion to the topic of Chinese ceramics arriving in the Islamic world from the 8th to 10th centuries CE and their connections with contemporary Samarra Horizon Islamic glazed ceramics. It analyses sites with and without Chinese ceramics during this period and explores the broader question regarding the distribution of early Chinese ceramics in the Islamic world. There are varying patterns related to ceramic finds in these sites. The Persian Gulf region has the highest concentration of sites with Chinese ceramics, especially the Iranian coastal area of the Persian Gulf. There are five main types of Chinese ceramics found in the Islamic world from the 8th to 10th centuries CE. Chinese celadon stoneware is the most widely distributed Chinese ceramics in the Islamic world during this period. This is followed by Chinese white wares, Dusun wares, Changsha wares and Chinese monochrome and polychrome glazed wares. Not all Chinese ceramics in the Islamic world are luxurious traded goods. Different types of Chinese ceramics arrived in different areas and settlements in the Islamic world. They held different values and functions; their amounts in these Islamic sites vary hugely too. The scale of the circulation of Chinese ceramics in the Islamic world during this period may not have always been considerable, as most publications have claimed. It is not precise to describe the relationship between Chinese ceramics and Samarra Horizon ceramics as "imitations", because there were more dynamic interactions than imitations only. Chinese ceramics influenced Samarra Horizon wares, which also exerted influence on Chinese ceramics.

This thesis presents a holistic study of connections in the Altai Mountains of the eastern Eurasian Steppe, as shown by rock-art. Currently divided by four countries, pecked images (petroglyphs) and painted images from the 2nd-1st millennium BCE have been subjected to very separate research traditions, exacerbated by language barriers. This thesis focusses on the entire Altai Mountain range as a study area, integrating research published in Chinese and Russian, with supplementary literature in Kazakh and Mongolian consulted. To demonstrate the potential for connectivity and, consequently, movement, a map of accessibility was generated, showing that there are various optimal routes for movement throughout the Altai. The locations of rock-art sites relative to these routes indicate that movement was a key feature contributing to the creation of rock-art. Examining topographic features in the vicinity of rock-art sites of three regions (Mongolia, Russia, PRC) highlighted an association between watercourses and sites, whilst studying the micro-landscape within panels found that the creators of rock-art were not representing the tangible spatial relationship of figures to the landscape. More broadly, similarities between motifs at rock-art sites, as well as on portable art, demonstrate that the people making them, regardless of whether they were aware of it or not, were part of a wider understanding of how to depict subjects. Evidence of this understanding can be found even in regions with very different cultural backgrounds to the Steppe, such as the Chinese Central Plains, demonstrating that groups outside of the Steppe were aware of and using this way of representing. By combining analysis of motifs with that of the landscape, this thesis demonstrates that rock-art as a practice was inherently linked with to the landscape, whereas content and style are more indicative of a wide-ranging belief system amongst Steppe pastoralists, which was expressed aesthetically.

Weapons of the late Shang (c.1200-1050 B.C.), characterised by their frequent discovery and various forms and materials, have often been dogmatically deciphered as either symbolic signifiers or representing military equipment. Adopting an object biographical approach, the main objective of this thesis is to employ the corpus of weapons to explore the martial facet of Shang society. Multiple strands of evidence have been compiled for the investigation: two datasets composed of over 200 complete tombs with their assemblages from the Anyang site of the late Shang, finds from non-burial contexts, the British Museum bronze weaponry collection, and contemporaneous texts. Using for the first time both statistical tools and metalwork wear analysis, this thesis challenges our understanding of the weapons of the Shang from their classification in archaeological reports to their functions and roles in society. The diverse types and materials of weapons and their multifaceted functions also shed light on interactions between objects and human beings.

This thesis concerns about cultural interactions during the Zhou period of China (c.a. 1000-350 B.C.) between the Suizao corridor (near the present-day Yangtze River region) and its contemporaries within or outside the Zhou realm. It mainly, but not exclusively, concentrates on bronze ritual vessels from the Suizao corridor, and discusses the underlying social and political relations between the dominant cultures and the regional ones in this particular area (the Zeng state for example), which are central to understanding the ways in which the dominant cultures joined their disparate territories into a whole. Newly excavated archaeological evidence show that there were at least three periods when people in the Suizao corridor learned about the current traditions employed elsewhere, which are: 1) Yejiashan period (from the 11th to 10th century B.C.); 2) post-Ritual Reform period (from the mid-9th to mid-7th century B.C.); and 3) Marquis Yi's period (from the mid-6th to mid-4th century B.C.). In these periods, local people in the Suizao corridor were involved in networks of enormous and constantly changing complexity, in which people, objects, practices, and ideas were mixed together through interregional contacts. The choices of local people in adopting foreign materials and ideas from either the dominant cultures or other places heavily depended on the subjective view of their social identity, which can be constructed, maintained, or transited to adapt to different social and political environments.

The Bronze Age China presents to us a significant contrast to the rest of Eurasia in two aspects, the great commitment to the complicated bronze ritual vessels and the immense scale of production. Both features reached their zenith in the late Shang period in the late second millennium BC but left a delicate puzzle to archaeologists: through what trajectories was the metal moved and engaged with human societies in China? The traditional approach is heavily confined to either cultural-historic paradigms or text-oriented researches. Whilst the increasing number of scientific studies in recent decades allows scholars to be more precisely focused on bronze artefacts, their sometimes overwhelming obsession on the provenance of metal provokes criticism in many ways. Drawing from approximately 3000 alloying analyses, 1000 trace elemental data and 1100 lead isotopes, this thesis delivers a series of systematic comparative studies on copper-based artefacts with the newly developed Oxford system. The waning and waxing of various types of metal in different time and space depict a constantly and unpredictably changing pattern. People inhabited along the borderlands appeared to be greatly dependent on local supply of metal whereas Anyang undoubtedly absorbed metal from a variety of regions. Intriguingly, seen from the current database, very little evidence can be highlighted in support of some large-scale mixing or recycling, particularly for ritual vessels of top elites at Anyang. The newly discovered compositional difference of bronzes between Zhengzhou and Panlongcheng calls into question on the classical model on the relation between the two sites. Striking domination of clean copper in southwestern China shed new light on the issues of local production and local supply of metal. In conclusion, the chemical and isotopic analyses of copper-based objects carry a huge amount of information not just on provenance but many others. People living in various parts of China had chosen differing strategies to obtain metal. The elaborate data structures are a result of a highly efficient and dynamic network supplying system. Through combining the changes in metal compositions with other archaeological information, it becomes viable to reveal more subtle knowledge about this remote world and give us better-defined questions.

The study of ancient Eurasian metallurgy has been suffering from (or preoccupied by) two conventional perspectives. One is that of the diffusion model emphasising the importance of the settled empires of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, of south-eastern Europe and of China (Shennan 1986, 1993; Kristiansen 1984). The supremacy of these 'cradles' of early civilisation is marked not only by social hierarchies, but also by technological inventions such as metal production. This view sees the mobile populations of the Eurasian steppe as occupying the "hinterland" of these early settled states in the south, believing that the emergence of metal technologies in the Steppe was the result of the expansions of "advanced" civilisations. The second perspective is rooted in the provenance study which traces metal objects back to their geological sources (Pernicka 2014). It assumes that chemical and isotopic composition of metal is static and only reflects a simple linear relationship between artefacts and specific ore deposits. Drawing from a legacy database of approximately 9,000 chemical analyses of copper-based artefacts, this thesis rejects the simplicity of both the diffusion and the provenance models. While admitting that the use of metal might have originated from western Asia, the development of metallurgy in the Eurasian steppe should be understood on its own terms. It is constantly re-shaped by vigorous circulation of metal artefacts across mobile communities on a regional or inter-regional scale. This observation is based on the application of a new innovative framework to interpret the patterns of compositional data (Bray et al. 2015). This novel method argues that metal can flow, quite literally, from one object to another as it is re-melted, re-mixed and re-cast in different shapes and colours, depending on different social contexts. Thermodynamic modelling and modern experiments have shown that during the copper melt, some volatile elements in copper alloys (e.g. arsenic, antimony, and zinc) are preferentially removed through oxidative loss. Instead, some elements, such as silver, nickel, and gold, tend to be preserved in metals. These predictable patterns of elemental losses provide valuable information to trace the directional flow of metal units between regions/cultures, if we combine chemical data of metal artefacts properly with archaeological context, landscape and chronology. By using this new methodology, several routes of copper supplies have been identified in the Steppe during different periods. They feature the exchange of metals within regional networks, fuelled by local copper sources. The Urals, central Kazakhstan, the Altai, and the Minusinsk-Tuva regions were the primary copper production centres that developed distinct trace-element chemistry and artefact typology. By contrast, alloying techniques employed by steppe peoples, generally demonstrate the long-distance connections based on two major metallurgical practices: arsenical copper in the western steppe and tin-bronze in the eastern steppe. Copper-arsenic production was concentrated in the Caucasus but the recycling of its arsenical copper became more apparent further away towards the Urals. On the other hand, the invention of tin-bronze metallurgy was triggered by the formation of the Seima-Turbino phenomenon (c. 2100- 1800/1700 BC) in the Altai, and this alloying tradition was amplified by the emergence of the Andronovo culture (c. 1700-1400 BC) in the Ural-Kazakh steppe. Tin-bronze ornaments, in particular, were exchanged between eastern and western mobile communities over a considerable distance, through the mechanism of pastoral seasonal movements. In conclusion, traditional views of diffusion and provenance theories cannot be uncritically applied to the inception of ancient metallurgy in the Eurasian steppe. Mobile pastoralists developed multi-regional production hubs based on the accessibility of ore resources and the variations in subsistence strategies. Although steppe metalwork revealed some technological borrowings from settled communities, steppe peoples had transformed them into locally adapted products that could fit into their socio-economic systems. That is, when dealing with the issues of Eurasian metallurgy, we should acknowledge the complexity of human engagement with metal and look into subtler differences in cultural context, landscape, and ideology.

This thesis investigates southern China as a part of dynamic and extensive interregional networks from the third to the first millennium BC and explores the changing roles of different southern regions within the interregional relationships. This was an important transitional period for southern China as it was the time when several prominent and farreaching innovations of technologies and material culture were made or adopted in the area. Four key sets of materials – rice, bronze, ceramics and jade – are examined with a World-system perspective to reveal interregional contacts in different directions and of different nature between southern China and a number of neighbouring regions. By stressing on local responses towards different technologies and material culture in different period, an alternative narrative to that stemmed from Chinese historiography is, therefore, suggested. Instead of being a passive and 'backward' periphery in the traditional sense, southern China presents diversification of material culture over time. Many of the mechanisms of transmission and circulation in the south are characterised by 'leaked' technologies and designs, as well as 'selective adoption' and local redevelopment of material culture.

This thesis is centered on the roles of wooden chamber tombs in defining, negotiating and reinforcing status and identity of their owners in early imperial China. The archaeological materials under discussion are wooden chamber burials in the mid-Yangzi region, including the modern provinces of Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan and north Anhui. The first reason why I have chosen this area is because these tombs are well-preserved and provide excellent examples to examine the different material expressions of rank and status at each rank in mortuary contexts. They are complemented by some extensive contemporary texts written on bamboo strips recently discovered in the same general area. The waterlogged burial environment in the mid-Yangzi region allows organic materials, such as textiles, lacquers and bamboo manuscripts, to survive while in other regions, such as the Central Plain, they often perished. Secondly, these tombs are also of a traditional form—constructed as a wooden chamber dug into a vertical pit, and can therefore be considered in relation to earlier Zhou practices. Wooden chamber tombs started to flourish from the eleventh century and became more elaborate from the sixth to the first century B.C. From the first century onward, such a burial type still prevailed in the mid-Yangzi region, while they were replaced by horizontal tombs built with bricks or stones in other areas. Many scholars have, therefore, regarded the prevailing timber structure in the area as a cultural continuity from Zhou system. They interpret them in terms of funeral regulations, especially linking them to archaic ranks and ritual norms drawn from transmitted texts. However, many of these texts that archaeologists consult and cite were written long after the burials and sites were constructed and used. These later texts were modified and passed through many editorial hands over the centuries, and there are considerable inconsistencies between different textual sources. Therefore the second reason why I have chosen this area is because it provides data demonstrating that the text-centered assumptions with respect to archaeological material do not contribute to a better understanding of social relationships in early Han society. Thirdly, there is a strong connection with local Chu tombs. The Jianghan Plain was the heartland of the Chu state before the Qin unification. The tomb construction of the Chu state incorporates a striking preference for timber structures. The timber structure tombs grew more widespread and dominant in this area during the early Han dynasty. In using multiple burial chambers and nested coffins, the local Han elites in the mid-Yangzi region seem to have followed the Chu mortuary practice, as well as in burying a large number of lacquers and bamboo manuscripts. The abundant material evidence of Chu tombs in the area sheds light on understanding of changes in funerary beliefs, showing that the tombs were arranged to meet specific needs of tomb owners. Rather than simply seeing a wooden chamber burial as a passive reflection of written regulation, I consider it as a medium for conveying the different thoughts of its owner and their associates. The material evidence manifested the status and identities of the deceased in concrete physical form. The burial assemblages belong to carefully planned contexts, and serve to constitute idealized social relations, rather than necessarily mirroring day to day reality. As such, burial evidence not only exhibited a part of the biography of the dead, but also expressed identity and socio-political claims of the living. This thesis will show that rank is not the only and major determinant, but is accompanied or outperformed by status and identity. The period covered by this thesis is the initial stage of early imperial China. The Western Han Empire (206 B.C.--A.D. 25) is traditionally regarded as a period when a unified social, political, and ideological framework was initially established. In 202 B.C., Liu Bang (256--195 B.C.) from the former Chu state in eastern China, defeated Xiang Yu (232--202 B.C.) and set up the Western Han imperial court, with its capital in Chang'an (modern Xi'an, Shaanxi province). The Han Empire was briefly interrupted by the Xin Dynasty (A.D. 9--23), established by Wang Mang (45 B.C.--A.D.23), a Confucian official from the Liu family. This interregnum divides the Han dynasty into two periods: the Western Han (206 B.C.--A.D.9) and the Eastern Han (A.D.25--220).

This thesis studies Han Dynasty stone carved tombs in Central and Eastern China. These multi-chambered tombs were constructed from carved stone slabs, and were very popular among the Han people. However, such horizontal stone structures were entirely new, and were a result of outside stimuli rather than an independent development within China. The stone carved tombs were a result of imitating royal rock-cut tombs, while the rock-cut tombs were stimulated by foreign examples. Moreover, many details of stone carved tombs also had Western features. These exotic elements were incorporated to satisfy specific requirements of the Han people, and reflected the desire to assimilate exotica within Chinese traditions. Some details within stone carved tombs showed high level of stone working technologies with Western influences. But in general the level of stone construction of the Han period was relatively low. The methods of construction showed how unfamiliar the Western system was to the Han artisans. Han Dynasty stone carved tombs were hybrids of different techniques, including timber, brick and stone works. From these variations, Han people could choose certain types of tombs to satisfy their specific ritual and economic needs. Not only structures, but also pictorial decorations of stone carved tombs were innovations. The range of image motifs is quite limited. Similar motifs can be found in almost every tomb. Such similarities were partly due to the artisans, who worked in workshops and used repertoires for the carving of images. But these also suggest that the tombs were decorated for certain purposes with a given functional template. Together with different patterns of burial objects and their settings, such images formed a way through which the Han people gave meaning to the afterworld. After their heyday, stone carved tombs ceased being constructed in the Central Plains as the Han Empire collapsed. However, they set a model for later tombs. The idea of building horizontal stone chamber tombs spread to Han borderlands, and gradually went further east to the Korean Peninsula. The legacy and spread of the Chinese masonry tradition was closely related to the political circumstances of late Han and post-Han period. The spread of stone chamber tombs in Northeast Asia is presented as a part of a long history of interactions between different parts of Eurasia.

How and why was imperial power made visually and physically manifest in two similar, contemporaneous megastates - the Roman Principate and Qin-Han China? Framing the Chinese and Roman material within such a question breaks it free from the web of expectations and assumptions in which conventional scholarship almost always situates it. It also builds upon the limited but promising work recently undertaken to study these two empires together in a comparative context. The purpose of this thesis is not to discover similarities and differences for their own sake; but, by discovering similarities and differences, to learn about the nature of imperial authority and prestige in each state. The comparative method compels us to appreciate the contingent - and sometimes frankly curious - nature of visual and artefactual phenomena that have traditionally been taken for granted; and both challenges and empowers us to access higher tier explanations and narratives. Roman expressions of power in visual terms are more public, more historical- biographical, and more political, while Qin-Han images and objects related to imperial authority are generally more private, generic and ritual in their nature. The Roman material emphasizes the notional complicity of large groups of people - the imperial subjects who viewed, crafted and often commissioned these works - in maintaining and defining the emperor's power. If the Han emperor's power was the product of complicity, it was the complicity of a small group of family members and courtiers - and of Heaven. These contrasting sets of power relationships connect to a concerted thematic focus, in the case of Rome, on the individual of the princeps; that is, the individual personage and particular achievements - especially military achievements - of the emperor. This focus is almost always taken for granted in Roman studies, but contrasts profoundly with the thematic disposition of Han artefacts of power: these reflect a concentrated disinterest in imperial personality altogether, emphasizing instead the imperial position; that is, both the office of emperor and a cosmic centrality. While this thesis reveals some arresting contrasts, it also harnesses the dichotomous orientations of Roman and Chinese archaeology to reveal that the conventional understanding of much of this material can be misleading or problematic. Many of the differences in the ways such images are usually interpreted have as much to do with the idiosyncrasies and path dependency of two fields - in short as much to do with the modern viewer - as they do with the images themselves and the traditions that produced them.

This thesis concerns the factors underlying the popularity of the cliff tomb, a local burial form in the Sichuan Basin in China in the Eastern Han dynasty (AD 25-220). The development of the cliff tomb was held in a complex set of connections to the development of the burial forms, and existed through links to many other contemporary burial forms, the brick chamber tomb, the stone chamber tomb, and the princely rock-cut tomb. These connections and links formed to a large extent through the incorporation of the Sichuan area into the empire which began in the fourth century BC. It was in this context, a series of factors contributed to the formation and popularity of the cliff tombs in Sichuan. The hilly topography and the soft sandstone, easy to cut, provided the natural condition for the development of the cliff tombs. The decision to make use of this natural condition was affected by many factors rooted in the social background. The inherent nature of the cliff tomb structure was fully explored, which was then followed by a series of corresponding innovations on the pictorial carvings and the burial objects. The meaning of a continuous family embedded in the cliff tomb structure was explored, as the construction of the tomb was the result of the continuous endeavours from many generations of the family, and the physical form of the cliff tomb was a metaphor for a prosperous family. Following this intention of the tomb occupants underlying the design of the cliff tomb structure, the pictorial carvings and the burial objects in the cliff tomb made adaptations to make the cliff tomb an embodiment of relations between different family members and different generations.

Through the case study of the Shijiahe site, Tianmen, Hubei, this thesis investigates the dynamics of enclosures along the Middle Yangzi River during the third millennium BC. During the early third millennium over a dozen of enclosures were constructed in this region, earlier than elsewhere in China during this millennium. All were abandoned and some re-settled around 2000 BC, followed by another episode of abandonment. The major theoretical paradigms dominating the field are culture history and social complexity. The thesis argues that these are insufficient to fully appreciate the actual details and dynamics of the developments at the Middle Yangzi sites. As an alternative, this thesis employs a combination of approaches. A detailed practice-based analysis of the biography of Shijiahe reveals dynamics of identity formation and changes to tradition not observed before. The techniques of enclosure construction, reasons for their construction and abandonment will also be discussed. The thesis acknowledges the central importance of religion and interaction as two essential underlying currents of prehistoric lives that, in the case of China, have largely been ignored. From this angle a series of objects, such as red pottery cups, pottery pointed-bottom vessels and jade ornaments, from Shijiahe are investigated and their religious significance established. They and the practices they were used in are also mapped according to their find spots, which show the connection of Shijiahe with regions even beyond the Middle Yangzi, such as the Yellow and Huai river regions. These interactions were probably also stimulated by religious practices. The northward connections are of particular importance, as they confirm that the Yangzi, and the giant swamp of the Yunmengze in the Jianghan Plain, were formidable barriers southwards. The usually posited direction of movements from the Yellow River into the south must be challenged on the basis of this thesis, which argues for multiple directions of interaction and transmission of objects and ideas.

The Tuoba's success in the making of the Northern Wei as a conquest dynasty in fifth century northern China will be argued in this thesis as a result of their ability to cross between the traditions and practices of the Chinese sphere and those of the Eurasian steppe, through the construction of a "dual presence" in the Pingcheng period (398-494 CE). A negotiation of material culture in this formative phase of state-building allowed for new notions of kingship, dynastic identity, and representations of daily life to be (re)created. This was manifested separately through the application of mountain-side stone sculptures, tomb repertoires, as well as the conception of Pingcheng as a capital city. The material cultural expressions explored in this thesis reflect significant changes in the socio-cultural atmosphere at this point in history. In effect, these ritual, funerary, and commemorative discourses wove together to create new notions of "Chineseness" in fifth century northern China. In the following discussion, we will come to recognize the Tuoba’s maintenance of a "dual presence", not only as "Son of Heaven" to the conquered subjects, but also carrying over practices that befit a Khagan in the Central Asian tradition, as an act of ingenuity.

This thesis is concerned with the construction and uses of miniature buildings in the Liao (907-1125) and the Northern Song (960-1127) periods in China. These miniature buildings exploited the components of Chinese traditional architecture on a small or greatly reduced scale. To date no work has taken the position of this thesis to examine this corpus of miniature buildings that were used widely in tombs and temples as containers to provide coverings for coffins, and to hold images of deities, Buddhist relics and sutras, as seen in both archaeological discoveries and textual resources. The purpose of the thesis is to define this corpus and to consider its significance in the light of the functions that these tiny buildings fulfilled. This thesis proposes that these miniature buildings contributed a unique and indispensable part in presenting the positions of their owners in society. Made as containers, miniature buildings particularly emphasize decoration, which enabled viewers to make a connection with life-size buildings, in the ways of which they were fitted into an existing architectural hierarchied system in the deeply rooted tradition of the Liao and the Northern Song. The thesis makes considerable use of the concepts of reception, for the reaction of viewers to these miniature buildings defined also their reactions to the contents. Several types of analogies were achieved between full-scale buildings and miniature representations, as well as between their contents, which allowed specific types of interpretation of the miniature buildings as taking the roles of actual buildings and fictional structures. The thesis considers the use of miniature buildings as one of the ways in which complex ideas can be reinforced by material forms. A wider discussion on miniature models presents that the significance of miniaturization lies in the power of control that can be achieved by creating and using the miniature.

This thesis studies Tang sancai, a multi-coloured lead-glaze ceramic decorated ware which emerged in the Tang dynasty (AD 618 - AD 907), attaining mass production in the middle of the Tang era and declining towards its end. It examines the functions of sancai in its different aspects, namely as burial objects, as containers for ritual offerings and as architectural material. I argue that Tang sancai ware as burial objects were employed exclusively by the Tang imperial and elite families. The approach to my argument is made, in a first stage, through the observation of the physical locations of tombs that contained Tang sancai wares to demonstrate that these tombs belonged to the Tang imperial and elite family members. In a further step, I bring up two Tang decrees which laid down regulations for burials, to indicate that there was a strict hierarchical system for the allocation and utilization of burial land. These two Tang texts enable us to establish that the tombs located around the area of the imperial tombs belonged to the Tang officials and elite, and therefore not to ordinary people. In addition, the study I undertake of the structure of the tombs, with layout and organization mirroring palatial environments, reinforces my argument to that end. Lastly, I look at the cost of production of Tang sancai showing that it was higher than that of unglazed ceramics and that, consequently, sancai wares were, from an economical point of view, inaccessible to the common people. This thesis also reflects on the agency of Tang sancai, considering its aesthetic qualities and its suitability in the functions for which it served, as a force in engaging the viewers. The lasting debate on whether Tang sancai utensil-shaped wares were used for everyday eating and drinking is dealt with in this thesis by carefully examining the locations of the shards that were excavated at the sites of imperial palaces. My research enables to point out that this data is not sufficient to ascertain that this type of Tang sancai was used as daily wares. On the contrary, on the grounds that these locations were the places where ritual performances took place, I argue that sancai utensil wares were used as presentation containers for ritual performances. In the absence of records in Tang texts which could have informed about the relationship between Tang sancai and religious practice, I borrow an evidence from Japan, in the form of the hand-brush writing on a couple of Nara sancai dishes, which were copies of Tang sancai made in Japan during the time of Tang, mentioning that these vessels were specifically for use for ritual ceremonies. Furthermore, on the basis of analyses made on lead-glazed ware, some scholars assert that such ware is poisonous and could not have been used to contain food or drink, as much as no evidence exists to show that ancient Chinese had used lead-glazed wares for that purpose. This leads to the clarification that Tang sancai utensil-shaped wares were not produced for everyday use, their purpose having actually been to serve as vessels for offerings in rituals. I further observe that this connection between sancai and ritual-themed objects, initiated by the Tang, has in fact pervaded through the succeeding dynasties affirming its role in religious ceremonials. Finally, this thesis also looks at Tang sancai as an architectural material to show that it was skillfully used in decorating buildings, not only as tiles and tile-ends, but also as large-sized roof ornaments. The research reveals, in the process, the possible dates when sancai architectural material started to be used popularly during the Tang era.