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"When countries try to navigate through the aftermath of conflict, trust is the main focus and the catalyst for rebuilding societies, nations, economies and democracies. Trust is vital, not only at an individual level, but also at a community level: trust is important to sustain peace and also works as a trigger to end conflicts. But why are some divided societies more prone to the collapse of social trust than others? This book uses empirical and case study research, including qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), statistical methods, observations and interviews, to compare which policies and institutions to build trust have a greater impact on divided societies in the Middle East. The book focuses on Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria, but analyses the results from these societies by also comparing other political and ethno-religiously divided societies beyond the MENA region. The book does not want to forward a universal 'theory' that gives us the origin of trust and how it is destroyed. Rather, it aims to provide a comprehensive explanation of generalised trust in divided societies and answer the question: under which institutions is generalised trust in a divided society maintained or destroyed, and how does this happen? Of key importance to Abdalhadi Alijla is to highlight the formal and informal institutions that inspire an elevated level of trust to help make societies less vulnerable to internal conflict, and also to give voice to the real people who live and experience divided societies." --Provided by publisher., Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Between Social Capital to Trust: Institutions, History and Cultures -- Chapter 3: Broken Windows: Trust in Divided Societies -- Chapter 4: Trust Beyond MENA: Does Institutions Matter? --Chapter 5: The Failure: Institutions, Corruption and Trust -- Chapter 6: Lebanon Gone Wrong: Inequality and Trust in Lebanon -- Chapter 7: Creating Hybrid society: Trust in Palestine -- Chapter 8: Doomed After, Doomed Before Trust in Syria -- Chapter 9: Refugees in Divided Societies: Syrian in Lebanon -- Chapter 10: Conclusion: The Missing Virtue, "When countries try to navigate through the aftermath of conflict, trust is the main focus and the catalyst for rebuilding societies, nations, economies and democracies. Trust is vital, not only at an individual level, but also at a community level: trust is important to sustain peace and also works as a trigger to end conflicts. But why are some divided societies more prone to the collapse of social trust than others? This book uses empirical and case study research, including qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), statistical methods, observations and interviews, to compare which policies and institutions to build trust have a greater impact on divided societies in the Middle East. The book focuses on Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria, but analyses the results from these societies by also comparing other political and ethno-religiously divided societies beyond the MENA region. The book does not want to forward a universal 'theory' that gives us the origin of trust and how it is destroyed. Rather, it aims to provide a comprehensive explanation of generalised trust in divided societies and answer the question: under which institutions is generalised trust in a divided society maintained or destroyed, and how does this happen? Of key importance to Abdalhadi Alijla is to highlight the formal and informal institutions that inspire an elevated level of trust to help make societies less vulnerable to internal conflict, and also to give voice to the real people who live and experience divided societies." --Provided by publisher.

У научној области компаративне политике су од 1980-их присутне дебате о проблемима постконфликтних и подијељених друштава и начина на које та друштва треба институционално изградити. Унутар академског спора се води дебата између консоцијациониста и центрипеталиста око облика државне власти, њенe територијалнe организације и изборног система. Посебна пажња је усмјерена на изборни систем који је препознат као „најмоћнија полуга уставног инжињеринга за друштвену акомодацију у дубоко подијељеним друштвима“ и који представља дио свеобухватног институционалног дизајна. Институционални дизајн постдејтонске Босне и Херцеговине садржи бројне елементе консоцијационизма и усидрен је у академску дебату. Због наглашених елемената консоцијационизма, Босна и Херцеговина представља релевантан случај за тестирање и допуну теоријских пропозиција које произилазе из академског спора а које су везане за посљедице изборног система. У Босни и Херцеговини се користи пропорционални изборни систем који је теоријски и емпиријски споран, јер са једне стране адекватно представља етничке сегменте друштва, док са друге стране пресликава подјеле у институције власти и још више их продубљује. У докторској дисертацији се утврђује утицај изборног система на стабилност политичких институција у постдејтонској Босни и Херцеговини. Узорак Босне и Херцеговине је подијељен на осам случајева, односно осам изборних циклуса који обухватају изборе за државни и ентитетске нивое власти 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014. и пријевремене изборе у Републици Српској 1997. Због истраживачке стратегије која је усмјерена на случај нећемо се базирати само на однос изборног система и стабилности политичких институција већ ћемо због комплексности и конфигуративности случаја утврдити вишеструке узроке који објашњавају исход. Компарацијом осам случајева који варирају у погледу исхода (стабилност/нестабилност политичких институција) утврдићемо који услови доприносе стабилности политичких институција, као и који су ефек, Since 1980s, the scientific field of comparative politics has been the arena for debating on the issues of the post-conflict and divided societies and the ways those societies are to be institutionally built. In this academic dispute the centripetalists and consociationalists are having a debate about the arrangement of the government, territorial organization and the electoral system. The close attention is given to the electoral system which is recognized as “the most powerful leverage of the constitutional engineering for the social accommodation in deeply divided societies” and serves as a part of the comprehensive institutional design. The institutional design of the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina contains many elements of consociationalism and is anchored in the academic debate. Because of the accentuated elements of consociationalism, Bosnia and Herzegovina serves as a relevant case for testing and building up theoretical propositions which emerge as results of the academic dispute pertaining to the consequences of the electoral system. Bosnia and Herzegovina employs a proportional electoral system which is theoretically and empirically disputable, because,on the one hand it properly represents ethnic segments of the society, whilst on the other hand it portrays divisions in the institutions of power and deepens them even more. The doctoral dissertation identifies the impact of the electoral system on the stability of political institutions in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bosnia and Herzegovina sample is divided into eight cases, that is, eight election cycles involving elections for the state and entity levels of power in 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014 and early elections in Republika Srpska in 1997. Since the research strategy is case-oriented, we will not focus solely on the relation between the electoral system and the stability of political institutions, but,because of the complexity and configuration of the case, we will rat

Egun gobernu-sistemak bananduta daudela ikusirik, artikulu honek jarrera zentralista nagusiari aurre egiteko beharra jorratzen du, koordinazioko, subordinazio ezeko eta adostasuneko printzipioetan oinarritutako ikuspegia emateko helburuz. Ahalegin horrek tentsio politikoak arintzen lagunduko luke; izan ere, estatuek –herritar nabarmenek osatuta daude– modu zuzen eta parekideagoan entzungo lituzkete haien alde osagarriak. Hautatzeko eskubidean soilik oinarrituta nork bere burua ez asebetetzea ezinbestekoa dela argudiatzen du; izan ere, egoera horretan, komunitate politikoak alkandora hertsagarri legal batean harrapatuta geratuko lirateke, eta haien jarduteko gaitasuna mugatuta. Demanden gatazkak ebaluatzeko garrantzitsua da lehenik legitimotasun-nozioan oinarritzea, legaltasun-nozioan baino gehiago., In the context of divided polities, this article discusses the urgency to challenge the dominant centralist stand in favor of a vision founded on the principles of coordination, non-subordination, and consent. Such an endeavor would contribute to appease political tensions as states – formed of distinctive demoi – would give a fairer and more equal hearing to its constitutive parts. The argument is made that it is crucial not to satisfy oneself with an approach based solely on the «right to choose» since, in such a scenario, political communities would be trapped in a legal straitjacket limiting their ability to act. It is important to assess conflicts of claims based first and foremost on the very notion of legitimacy rather than legality., Con los actuales sistemas gubernamentales divididos, este artículo trata la necesidad de enfrentarse a la postura centralista dominante en aras de favorecer una visión basada en principios de coordinación, no-subordinación y consenso. Tal esfuerzo contribuiría a calmar tensiones políticas, puesto que los estados –formados por ciudadanos/as ilustres– escucharían de manera más justa y equitativa a sus partes constitutivas. Se argumenta que es crucial no satisfacerse a uno mismo desde un punto de vista basado solamente en el derecho de decidir dado que, en esa situación, las comunidades políticas quedarían atrapadas en una camisa de fuerza legal que limitaría su capacidad de acción. Para valorar los conflictos de demandas es importante basarse en primer lugar en la noción de legitimidad en vez de en la de legalidad.

This paper studies the survival and break-up of dyadic federations around the world in light of the high potential for centrifugal pressures that comes with their bipolar federal society and institutions. By mapping the factors that are crucial for the stability in dyadic federations, the research provides a comprehensive and updated account of their institutional, geographic and economic contexts. By systematically comparing these factors with a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis for all past and present dyadic federations around the world, it seeks to go beyond the existing single or low-n case scholarship. The results suggest that federalism is not per se a bad institutional arrangement for bipolar polities as some scholars suggested. A bipolar federal projects can succeed if geographical factors such as the territorial dispersion of the dominant groups play in its favor, and when the presence of institutional arrangements such as a proportional electoral system or a national party system either assure a fair political representation for each group or prevent polities to be conceived in exclusively sub-national terms. In turn, a bipolar federal project is likely to fail in the absence of stabilizing institutional factors like executive inclusiveness and a national party system, especially when economic resource are unequally distributed among groups and when the latter are territorially clearly separable.

Reconciliation is important for reducing the likelihood of future conflict between groups but can be particularly difficult to achieve. This remains true within divided societies as the result of frozen conflict. This thesis asks why do some individuals, in the context of divided societies engaged in frozen conflict, have more positive reconciliatory attitudes than others? The approach of community center peacebuilding organizations (CCPB) was identified as one possible solution to this question. The hypothesis suggests that individuals who engage in such organizations will have more positive reconciliatory attitudes compared to the average community member. This is based on a theoretical framework that relies on contact theory, suggesting that the CCPB model establishes the necessary conditions for nurturing more reconciliatory attitudes in individuals. It is suggested to achieve this through positive intergroup contact that is generalizable to the outgroup as a whole. A quantitative study based on 101 cases from original survey data is used to test this hypothesis. Using a logistic regression, support is found that establishes a significant positive correlation between engagement in CCPB and reconciliatory attitudes. Key Words: reconciliation, contact theory, peacebuilding, community center, shared space, frozen conflict, divided societies, Cyprus

Being the least likely case, South Africa was able to cope with the deep-rooted conflict of Apartheid and build a new democratic system. But creating a new political order in such a divided society was not easy at all. Different circumstances drove the transition; nevertheless the key to its success was the exemplary leadership of its political frontrunners. This paper aims to analyse the main reasons of this democratization process as well as underline the important role of leadership during the South African transition, Siendo el caso menos probable, Suráfrica fue capaz de hacer frente al conflicto profundamente arraigado del apartheid y construir un nuevo sistema democrático. Pero crear un nuevo orden político en una sociedad tan dividida no resultó nada fácil. Distintas circunstancias impulsaron la transición; sin embargo, la clave de su éxito fue el liderazgo ejemplar de los dirigentes políticos. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las principales razones del proceso de democratización, así como subrayar el importante papel que el liderazgo desempeñó durante la transición de Suráfrica.

The paper tackles the different interpretations of Lebanon's multi-faceted nationalism in a theoretical perspective, then analyses the dynamics of the emergent Lebanese national ethos after the 2005 Independence Intifada. After outlining the most important characteristics of post-war Lebanon, it decodes the meaning and implications of cross-cutting links fostered by the 2005 uprising. Then, it draws attention to the fact that despite the presence of inter-communal bonds, the small republic remains prisoner to contradictory concepts of national affiliation, which thwart intercommunal entente and elite coalescence, two prerequisites for a sustainable power-sharing model in an unstable environment. In the conclusion, the paper suggests that an acceptance of Lebanon’s contesting identities rather than a forceful homogenisation of various affiliations might pave the way for a balanced nationalism.

The paper tackles the different interpretations of Lebanon's multi-faceted nationalism in a theoretical perspective, then analyses the dynamics of the emergent Lebanese national ethos after the 2005 Independence Intifada. After outlining the most important characteristics of post-war Lebanon, it decodes the meaning and implications of cross-cutting links fostered by the 2005 uprising. Then, it draws attention to the fact that despite the presence of inter-communal bonds, the small republic remains prisoner to contradictory concepts of national affiliation, which thwart intercommunal entente and elite coalescence, two prerequisites for a sustainable power-sharing model in an unstable environment. In the conclusion, the paper suggests that an acceptance of Lebanon’s contesting identities rather than a forceful homogenisation of various affiliations might pave the way for a balanced nationalism.

The paper tackles the different interpretations of Lebanon's multi-faceted nationalism in a theoretical perspective, then analyses the dynamics of the emergent Lebanese national ethos after the 2005 Independence Intifada. After outlining the most important characteristics of post-war Lebanon, it decodes the meaning and implications of cross-cutting links fostered by the 2005 uprising. Then, it draws attention to the fact that despite the presence of inter-communal bonds, the small republic remains prisoner to contradictory concepts of national affiliation, which thwart intercommunal entente and elite coalescence, two prerequisites for a sustainable power-sharing model in an unstable environment. In the conclusion, the paper suggests that an acceptance of Lebanon’s contesting identities rather than a forceful homogenisation of various affiliations might pave the way for a balanced nationalism.

This chapter briefly analyses relevant historical events in contemporary Basque Country with the purpose of framing the nature of the present political conflicto. It reflects on recent developments that were triggered after the signing, by the nationalist parties, of the "Pacto de LIzarra" on 12 September 1998. It also examines the results of the latest Basque elections held on 13 May 2001, and the declaration in September 2002 of the Baque Presidente, or Lehendakari, proposing a status of "free association" between the Basque Country and Spain.