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This paper presents a combined analysis of the perception and production study of the mixed language Light Warlpiri (Australia), which systematically combines elements of Warlpiri, Kriol and English. The perception and production results suggest that the Light Warlpiri phonological inventory consists of a voiced and voiceless series of stops and affricates, differentiated by Voice Onset Time (VOT) word-initially and by Constriction Duration (CD) medially, by incorporating English-like VOT differentiation and Constriction duration differences found in Kriol and also in a number of traditional Indigenous Australian languages. The results also show that Light Warlpiri speakers perceptually differentiate stops and fricatives at the same POA, but that voicing distinctions in fricatives are more difficult to discriminate than voicing distinctions in stops. The large phonological inventory of Light Warlpiri combines most features of the source languages, allowing speakers of Light Warlpiri to maintain sufficient phonemic contrasts to accommodate vocabulary items in Light Warlpiri sourced from English/Kriol as well as Warlpiri.

Language interference is common in today’s multilingual societies where more languages are in contact, and as a global result leads to the creation of hybrid languages. These, together with doubts on their right to be officially recognised, emerged the problem of their automatic identification and further elaboration in the area of computational linguistics. In this paper, we propose a first attempt to identify the elements of a Ukrainian-Russian hybrid language, Surzhyk, through the adoption of the example-based rules created with the instruments of programming language R. Our example-based study consists of: 1) analysis of spoken samples of Surzhyk registered by Del Gaudio (2010) in Kyiv area and creation of the written corpus; 2) production of specific rules on the identification of Surzhyk patterns and their implementation; 3) testing the code and analysing the effectiveness of the hybrid language classifier.

This article describes the development of the linguistic situation in the border region of Těšín Silesia throughout its history, with particular emphasis on the so-called ponašymu – a mixed language code used in the Czech part of the region. It is based on a random combination of forms of the traditional Těšín dialect with the standard Czech language and, to a lesser extent, elements borrowed from the Polish and Slovak languages and from neighbouring Moravian dialects. An important element of the study is the analysis of selected material collected by the author during fieldwork in August 2018., Artykuł opisuje rozwój sytuacji językowej w pogranicznym regionie Śląska Cieszyńskiego na przestrzeni dziejów, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tzw. ponašymu – mieszanego kodu językowego używanego w czeskiej części regionu. Oparty jest on na dowolnym łączeniu form tradycyjnego śląskiego dialektu cieszyńskiego ze standardowym językiem czeskim i w mniejszym stopniu elementami zapożyczonymi z języka polskiego, słowackiego i sąsiednich gwar morawskich. Ważnym elementem pracy jest analiza wybranych materiałów zebranych przeze mnie w trakcie badań terenowych w sierpniu 2018 r.

The main assumptions made by classical works on Media Lengua are reviewed on the basis of research developed in the last decade. Such assumptions have to do with the identity of Media Lengua speakers, the exclusively domestic use of this variety, and its emergence through process of lexical change. Supported by a pioneer study of language ideologies as the interface between language knowledge and use, this review seeks to understand the outcomes and process of language mixing as communicative strategies to exploit the bilingual repertoire, and thus closer to registers and styles than to self-contained language systems., A partir de investigaciones realizadas en la última década se replantean los puntos más importantes de los que parten los trabajos clásicos sobre la Media Lengua y que tienen que ver con la identidad de sus hablantes, su restricción al espacio doméstico, y la constitución de esta variedad por procesos que tienen que ver exclusivamente con el léxico. A partir de un estudio pionero sobre las ideologías lingüísticas como interfaz entre conocimiento y uso de la lengua, proponemos una mirada a los procesos y los resultados del mestizaje lingüístico como estrategias comunicativas de explotación del repertorio bilingüe alineadas más con nociones sociolingüísticas de registro y estilo que con sistemas lingüísticos auto-contenidos como los propuestos hasta ahora.

The main assumptions made by classical works on Media Lengua are reviewed on the basis of research developed in the last decade. Such assumptions have to do with the identity of Media Lengua speakers, the exclusively domestic use of this variety, and its emergence through process of lexical change. Supported by a pioneer study of language ideologies as the interface between language knowledge and use, this review seeks to understand the outcomes and process of language mixing as communicative strategies to exploit the bilingual repertoire, and thus closer to registers and styles than to self-contained language systems., A partir de investigaciones realizadas en la última década se replantean los puntos más importantes de los que parten los trabajos clásicos sobre la Media Lengua y que tienen que ver con la identidad de sus hablantes, su restricción al espacio doméstico, y la constitución de esta variedad por procesos que tienen que ver exclusivamente con el léxico. A partir de un estudio pionero sobre las ideologías lingüísticas como interfaz entre conocimiento y uso de la lengua, proponemos una mirada a los procesos y los resultados del mestizaje lingüístico como estrategias comunicativas de explotación del repertorio bilingüe alineadas más con nociones sociolingüísticas de registro y estilo que con sistemas lingüísticos auto-contenidos como los propuestos hasta ahora.

This article describes and analyzes three situations of linguistic contact in the Ancient Near East, taking as its staring point three theoretical studies on contact languages which have been developed recently: the framework of mixed languages (Bakker and Matras, 2013; Meakins, 2013), the theory of written language contact (Johanson, 2013) and the approach to contact among genetically related languages (Epps, Huehnergard and Pat-El, 2013a). The authors argue that the contact systems selected for this article (Ugaritic-Hurrian, Hurro-Akkadian and Canaano-Akkadian), although distinct from the grammatical and sociolinguistic perspective, can all be viewed as expressions of the same dynamic phenomena, where each variety of mixing corresponds to a different stage of a universal continuum of languages in the situation of merger. Consequently, they can be located along the universal cline of mixing: Ugaritic-Hurrian matches the initial stage of intermingling, Hurro-Akkadian reflects gradually more intense blending, and Canaano-Akkadian corresponds to the phase of a profound fusion of the two source codes. By examining and comparing the three cases of mixing, the authors introduce new insights to the general discussion on mixed languages, written language contact and relevance of genetic relation in language intermingling, thus corroborating and/or refining certain hypotheses and propositions that have previously been formulated within the latest theoretical studies.

This dissertation explores the phonetics and phonology of language contact, specifically pertaining to the integration of Spanish voiced stops /b/, /d/, and /g/ into Quichua, a language with non-contrastive stop voicing. Conflicting areas of convergence of this type appear when two or more phonological systems interact and phonemes from the target language are unknown natively to speakers of the source language. Media Lengua is a mixed language with an agglutinating Quichua morphology, and Quichua syntactic and phonological systems where nearly all the native Quichua vocabulary has been replaced by Spanish. This extreme contact scenario has integrated the voiced stop series into Media Lengua and abundant minimal pairs are present. If the phonological system of Media Lengua is indeed of Quichua origin however, how have speakers integrated the voiced stop series productively and perceptually? Have they adopted different strategies from Quichua speakers? If so, how do they differ? Chapter 1 sets the scene with an in-depth description of how contact between Spanish and Quichua has mutually influenced each language at the morphosyntactic level. Chapter 2 explores voice onset time (VOT) production in all five language varieties. Statistical modeling is used to search for differences in duration while taking into account a number of linguistic and demographic factors. Chapter 3 investigates stop perception in Media Lengua and Quichua, and uses Urban Spanish as a point of comparison. Chapter 4 looks at phonetic pre-nasalization in voiced stops across Media Lengua, Quichua, and Urban Spanish. Chapter 5 describes allophonic variations in stop production. The final chapter speculates on the nature of sound change at the phonetic level and explores possible origins of Media Lengua. Production results show that Media Lengua VOT duration values have shifted away from Quichua towards Rural Spanish. The perceptual results show an age-based effect with older Quichua speakers, which

This study reports on language mixing in two Romani communities, with a century-long presence in Finland and in Greece respectively. A quantitative analysis of free-speech data shows that verbs from the contact languages, Finnish and Turkish, are systematically inserted into a dominant Romani speech with their respective Finnish and Turkish tense, mood, aspect, and person morphology. The insertion in language A of non-integrated single words from language B is atypical for classic code-switching and borrowing, but is a well-known mechanism in the creation of mixed languages. Unlike mixed languages, however, where no single dominant language can be identified, Romani is the main component in the corpora under study. We suggest that this type of Romani language mixing illustrates an early stage of mixed language formation that did not develop into an independent mixed language, owing to changes in the sociopolitical settings., AcknowledgementsWe wish to thank the three anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and the IJB’s editor, Li Wei. Also, we are thankful to the Romani participants in Finland and in Greece. Special thanks are due to Mrs. Hellevi Hedman-Valentin for the transcription of the Finnish Romani corpus, as well as Mrs. Tuula Åkerlund, Mrs. Miranda Vuolasranta, and Mr. Juhani Pallonen who conducted the recordings. Last but not least, we thank Anton Tenser and Lameen Souag for comments on earlier versions of the paper and François Sermier for his precious help with the statistics.FundingEvangelia Adamou wishes to acknowledge financial support from the French National Research Agency (ANR), project "Towards a multi-level, typological and computer assisted analysis of contact-induced language change" (ANR-09-JCJC-0121-01). Kimmo Granqvist received funding from the Kone Foundation Language Programme, project "Finnish Romani and other Northern dialects of Romani in the Baltic Sea area" (2013–2016).

This dissertation explores the phonetics and phonology of language contact, specifically pertaining to the integration of Spanish voiced stops /b/, /d/, and /g/ into Quichua, a language with non-contrastive stop voicing. Conflicting areas of convergence of this type appear when two or more phonological systems interact and phonemes from the target language are unknown natively to speakers of the source language. Media Lengua is a mixed language with an agglutinating Quichua morphology, and Quichua syntactic and phonological systems where nearly all the native Quichua vocabulary has been replaced by Spanish. This extreme contact scenario has integrated the voiced stop series into Media Lengua and abundant minimal pairs are present. If the phonological system of Media Lengua is indeed of Quichua origin however, how have speakers integrated the voiced stop series productively and perceptually? Have they adopted different strategies from Quichua speakers? If so, how do they differ? Chapter 1 sets the scene with an in-depth description of how contact between Spanish and Quichua has mutually influenced each language at the morphosyntactic level. Chapter 2 explores voice onset time (VOT) production in all five language varieties. Statistical modeling is used to search for differences in duration while taking into account a number of linguistic and demographic factors. Chapter 3 investigates stop perception in Media Lengua and Quichua, and uses Urban Spanish as a point of comparison. Chapter 4 looks at phonetic pre-nasalization in voiced stops across Media Lengua, Quichua, and Urban Spanish. Chapter 5 describes allophonic variations in stop production. The final chapter speculates on the nature of sound change at the phonetic level and explores possible origins of Media Lengua. Production results show that Media Lengua VOT duration values have shifted away from Quichua towards Rural Spanish. The perceptual results show an age-based effect with older Quichua speakers, which

The present paper elaborates on the linguistic status of Canaano-Akkadian. The authors demonstrate that the graphic variations of the glosses that are employed more than once by the same scribe reveal the attitude of the Canaanite scribes towards their mothers tongue: scribes considered the Canaanite language as a lowvariety in contrast to the high status of Akkadian. The result of this empirical study makes it possible to design a model of the sociolinguistic diglossial situation from which Canaano-Akkadian emerged. Given this sociolinguistic origin of the idiom, the authors further analyse Canaano-Akkadian within the framework of language contact phenomenon, detecting in it possible traits typical of pidgins, creoles, koinés, mixed-languages and/or jargons. This review indicates that the scribal code is unable to be categorized by making use of one taxonomical class: rather, it displays properties that are located on the boundary of two categories and/or belong to more than one taxonomical class. As a result, a new – dynamic and partially fuzzy – definition of Canaano-Akkadian is proposed. Accordingly, the tongue is classified as a professional high-status jargon (written and also spoken “indoor”), two-source mixed-language, “soft” koiné of proximate but not mutually intelligibly underlying systems, idiom that, having emerged from diglossia, contributed to a triglossial situation at the scribal centres, and linguistic system with traces of tertiary hybridization typical of pidgins and tendencies present in post-pidgin continua.

The chapu shimi and the jopará are two mixed verieties. These are a product of a centennial contact of Spanish and an indigenous language, the Ecuadorian kichwa and the Paraguayan guaraní. The two mixed varieties, however, exhibit diametrically opposed configurations, where lexical and structural borrowing are common to the first variety, while code alternations are a trait of the second. This leads to the classification of the chapu shimi within the group of bilingual mixed languages, and the jopará as a relatively unstable mixed sociolect of a wide variation., Le chapu shimi et le jopara sont deux variétés mixtes, résultat du contact centenaire entre l’espagnol et une langue indigène, le kichwa équatorien et le guarani paraguayen respectivement. Les deux variétés mixtes, toutefois, montrent des configurations diamétralement opposées dans lesquelles les emprunts lexicaux et structuraux sont caractéristiques de la première variété alors que l’alternance du code est propre de la deuxième. Cela permet de classer le chapu shimi dans le groupe de langues mixtes bilingues et le jopara comme sociolecte mixte de grande variation et relativement instables., Il chapu shimi e il jopará sono due varietà miste prodotte dal contatto centenario tra lo spagnolo e una lingua aborigena: il kichwa ecuadoriano e il guaraní paraguaiano rispettivamente. Le due varietà miste, tuttavia, mostrano configurazioni diametralmente opposte. I prestiti lessicali e strutturali sono caratteristiche della prima varietà, mentre le reciprocazioni del codice sono proprie della seconda. Questo permette di inserire il champu shimi nella categoria di lingue miste bilingue e il jopará come un socioletto misto di ampia variabilità e relativamente instabile., O chapu shimi e o jopará são duas variedades mistas provenientes do contato centenário entre o espanhol e uma língua indígena, o kichwa equatoriano e o guarani paraguaio, respectivamente. As duas variedades mistas, no entanto, mostram configurações completamente opostas, porque os empréstimos lexicais e estruturais são característicos na primeira variedade, enquanto que as alternâncias de código são típicas na segunda. Portanto, o chapu shimi é classificado como pertencente ao grupo de línguas mistas bilingues e o jopará como um socioleto misto de muita variação e relativamente instável., El chapu shimi y el jopará son dos variedades mixtas producto del contacto centenario entre el castellano y una lengua indígena, el kichwa ecuatoriano y el guaraní paraguayo, respectivamente. Las dos variedades mixtas, sin embargo, muestran configuraciones diametralmente opuestas donde los préstamos léxicos y estructurales son característicos de la primera variedad, mientras las alternancias de código son propias de la segunda, permitiendo clasificar el chapu shimi dentro del grupo de lenguas mixtas bilingües y el jopará como un sociolecto mixto de amplia variación y relativamente inestable.

The chapu shimi and the jopará are two mixed verieties. These are a product of a centennial contact of Spanish and an indigenous language, the Ecuadorian kichwa and the Paraguayan guaraní. The two mixed varieties, however, exhibit diametrically opposed configurations, where lexical and structural borrowing are common to the first variety, while code alternations are a trait of the second. This leads to the classification of the chapu shimi within the group of bilingual mixed languages, and the jopará as a relatively unstable mixed sociolect of a wide variation., Le chapu shimi et le jopara sont deux variétés mixtes, résultat du contact centenaire entre l’espagnol et une langue indigène, le kichwa équatorien et le guarani paraguayen respectivement. Les deux variétés mixtes, toutefois, montrent des configurations diamétralement opposées dans lesquelles les emprunts lexicaux et structuraux sont caractéristiques de la première variété alors que l’alternance du code est propre de la deuxième. Cela permet de classer le chapu shimi dans le groupe de langues mixtes bilingues et le jopara comme sociolecte mixte de grande variation et relativement instables., Il chapu shimi e il jopará sono due varietà miste prodotte dal contatto centenario tra lo spagnolo e una lingua aborigena: il kichwa ecuadoriano e il guaraní paraguaiano rispettivamente. Le due varietà miste, tuttavia, mostrano configurazioni diametralmente opposte. I prestiti lessicali e strutturali sono caratteristiche della prima varietà, mentre le reciprocazioni del codice sono proprie della seconda. Questo permette di inserire il champu shimi nella categoria di lingue miste bilingue e il jopará come un socioletto misto di ampia variabilità e relativamente instabile., O chapu shimi e o jopará são duas variedades mistas provenientes do contato centenário entre o espanhol e uma língua indígena, o kichwa equatoriano e o guarani paraguaio, respectivamente. As duas variedades mistas, no entanto, mostram configurações completamente opostas, porque os empréstimos lexicais e estruturais são característicos na primeira variedade, enquanto que as alternâncias de código são típicas na segunda. Portanto, o chapu shimi é classificado como pertencente ao grupo de línguas mistas bilingues e o jopará como um socioleto misto de muita variação e relativamente instável., El chapu shimi y el jopará son dos variedades mixtas producto del contacto centenario entre el castellano y una lengua indígena, el kichwa ecuatoriano y el guaraní paraguayo, respectivamente. Las dos variedades mixtas, sin embargo, muestran configuraciones diametralmente opuestas donde los préstamos léxicos y estructurales son característicos de la primera variedad, mientras las alternancias de código son propias de la segunda, permitiendo clasificar el chapu shimi dentro del grupo de lenguas mixtas bilingües y el jopará como un sociolecto mixto de amplia variación y relativamente inestable.