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This study conducts an analysis of the Classical Liberal doctrines, namely Natural Rights, Utilitarianism, and Social Darwinism, in the context of historical events contributing to the successful establishment of autonomous governance by the Kurdish population in Iraq. The research methodology employed is qualitative case study, with the case subject being the Kurdistan region in northern Iraq. The study draws upon secondary sources encompassing scholarly books and articles, to gather pertinent information. Throughout the course of history, the Kurdish people have ardently aspired to create their own homeland, Kurdistan. Despite their determination and historical occurrences, the four constituent parts constituting Kurdistan have not been able to coalesce into a unified entity. Nevertheless, the Kurdistan region in Iraq has made remarkable progress and presently governs itself autonomously within the Iraqi state. This progress can be attributed to a myriad of historical events, ranging from major turning points to subtle influences. In the comtext of this study, all three aforementioned Liberal doctrines hold relevance, although to varying degrees. Utilitarianism and Natural Rights emerge as the primary influential doctrines, while Social Darwinism, though present, exerts a lesser impact on the studied developments.

The American intellectual and diplomatic discourse with the late Ottoman Empire is an understudied field of history. Major works to date are primarily focused on the US relations with the Turkish Republic starting in 1924, which at best may highlight the Barbary Wars and the Treaties of 1830 and 1862 as a precursor. Few works offer, if any, a comprehensive insight into the diplomatic relationship that evolved between the US and the Near East from 1830 to 1930. This research is meant to fill the absence by probing into the service of key American diplomats and intellectuals who visited and sojourned in the late Ottoman Empire and their findings. Therefore, The Intellectual and Diplomatic Discourse of American Progressives and the Late Ottomans, 1830–1930, traces the diplomatic endeavors and histories lending to American congressional and executive decisions of reforms and the formation of American foreign policy in the Near East. The research also analyzes how progressives relied on Ottoman reforms to inform their political theories as diplomatic communications piqued political interests. Ideas began to surface in lectures and publications during the mid-nineteenth century, brought forth by forerunners such as Lieber, Woolsey, and Burgess. By the dawn of the Progressive Era, American intellectuals would infer valuable ideas from the Turks to enhance progressivism in the United States politically, economically, and socially. The notions brought forth by American intellectuals displayed considerable diversity as progressivism continued to evolve into the twentieth century.

This paper deals with the possibilities of analyzing the production and reception of the book, Pueblo enfermo, in its different editions (1909, 1910, and 1937). Beyond the controversies unleashed by the Bolivian Alcides Arguedas for his book, we are interested in studying the context of creation/production and dissemination of work. Also interested in understanding why Arguedas used as a prologue a letter from the Spanish Ramiro de Maetzu (1909 and 1910) and added in the warning of the third edition (1937) a part of the letter of the Uruguayan José E. Rodo. Two different visions of Latin America (one coming from regenerationism, the other from idealism). This combination allows us to consider whether the metaphor of social disease was combined with that of Latin America as a minor. For this, the diaries of Arguedas, and the letters between him and other Latin American and European intellectuals, and the letters between Rodo and Miguel de Unamuno, are used as primary sources., Este trabajo aborda las posibilidades que tiene el análisis de la producción y recepción de un libro, Pueblo enfermo, en sus distintas ediciones (1909, 1910 y 1937). Más allá de las polémicas que desató el boliviano Alcides Arguedas Díaz por su libro, interesa aquí estudiar el contexto de creación/producción y de difusión de esta obra. Interesa también, entender porqué Arguedas utilizó como prólogo una carta del español Ramiro de Maetzu (1909 y 1910) y agregó en la advertencia de la tercera edicion (1937) una parte de la carta del uruguayo José E. Rodó. La combinación de dos visiones distintas de América Latina (la una proveniente del regeneracionsimo, la otra del idealismo), permite plantear si la metáfora de la enfermedad social se conjugó con la de América Latina como menor de edad. Para ello se utilizan como fuentes primarias los diarios de Arguedas, las cartas entre éste y otros intelectuales latinoamericanos y europeos, así como las cartas entre Rodó y Miguel de Unamuno.

Während sich die frühe politische Rechte durch einen völkisch-nationalistischen Antikapitalismus auszeichnet, lassen sich innerhalb der Neuen Rechten diesbezüglich neue Entwicklungstendenzen beobachten. So treten im deutschsprachigen Raum libertäre Akteur*innen, spätestens seit dem Erstarken der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), vermehrt im politischen wie auch gesamtgesellschaftlichen Diskurs auf. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die Frage, welche Anknüpfungspunkte von marktradikalen respektive libertären Ansichten an rechtsextreme Einstellungen bestehen. Nach einer Erläuterung der Termini Neue Rechte und Libertarismus wird gezeigt, dass zwischen einer radikal wirtschaftsliberalen und rechtsextremen Weltauffassung partielle Gemeinsamkeiten bestehen. So bilden ein spezifischer Antiegalitarismus, eine Naturalisierung gesellschaftlicher Sachverhalte sowie eine gemeinsame Feindbildkonstruktion die verbindenden Elemente beider auf Ungleichwertigkeitsvorstellungen fußenden Ideologien. Dies führt zu neuen Allianzen und Bündnissen innerhalb des neurechten Spektrums und folglich zu einer Erweiterung desselben.

Drawing on a framework offered by Bauman and literature from disability studies and other sociological areas, this article argues that the experience of austerity for disabled people in Sweden is one of bureaucratic violence, shaped by disablism. The article aims to broaden the sociological conceptualisation of bureaucratic violence to include disablist austerity within its purview. It utilises fieldwork data from interviews with disabled people in Sweden to explore how welfare bureaucracy isolates and dehumanises disabled people. It also examines how Swedish welfare bureaucracies obscure the impact of austerity on this population. Due to the convergence of neoliberalism and austerity in Sweden, the exploration of bureaucratic violence opens up important questions regarding the Social Darwinist elements in neoliberal theory. Ultimately, bureaucratic violence is a useful concept for sociologists for two reasons: it sheds austerity of its technocratic veneer and connects lived experiences of welfare reform to the lethal consequences of austerity.

The article examines the reception and different readings that La Araucana had in Chile, in the last decades of the 19th century and first decades of the 20th century. At the same time, the modality in which these readings are part of a nationalism that differs from the liberal nationalism of the 19th Century. It outlines the characteristics of the new imaginary of the nation and the impact it had in the reception of Ercilla's work. The article follows the chilenization of La Araucana in literary historiography and in the publishing field, also in musical nationalism and in the debates of the so called scientific Araucanismo and in the idea of a supposed Chilean Race. Finally, it establishes a link with other articles by the same author that contribute to the study of the reception and resemantization of La Araucana., Resumen: El artículo examina la recepción y las distintas lecturas que tuvo La Araucana en Chile, en las últimas décadas del siglo XIX. También la modalidad de esas lecturas que obedecen a un nacionalismo distinto al nacionalismo liberal decimonónico. Describe las características de un nuevo imaginario de la nación y la incidencia que él tuvo en la recepción de la obra de Ercilla. Ejemplifica este proceso en su chilenización tanto en la historiografía literaria como en el campo editorial, también en el nacionalismo musical y en los debates del llamado araucanismo científico y en la idea de una supuesta Raza Chilena. Por último, establece una vinculación con otros artículos del mismo autor que contribuyen al estudio de la recepción y la resemantización de La Araucana desde el siglo XVI hasta el XIX.

In der Klimadebatte ist derzeit ein neomalthusianischer Reflex zu beobachten: Der Klimawandel wird über statistische Berechnungen in Zusammenhang mit einer wachsenden Weltbevölkerung gebracht, und Strategien der Geburtenkontrolle werden nahegelegt. Der Text diskutiert diese gefährliche Entwicklung kritisch: Untote Geister eines Denkens in der Kategorie 'Bevölkerung' werden wiederbelebt, die untrennbar mit ihrer kolonialrassistischen und sozialdarwinistischen Geschichte verwickelt sind. Zunächst werden die Argumentationslinien sehr unterschiedlicher Akteur*innen rekonstruiert, die sich auf diese Rationalität einlassen: ein ökologischer Mainstream, der Bevölkerung als schädlichen ‚Faktor‘ berechnet, die extreme Rechte, für die biopolitische Argumentationsmuster eine Andockstelle an den Klimadiskurs darstellen, und feministische und klimaaktivistische Aufrufe zum ‚Gebärstreik‘. Daraufhin werden drei Dimensionen in diesen Argumentationslinien unterschieden: die abstrakte statistische Konstruktion eines Zuviels an menschlicher Bevölkerung, die historisch tief verwurzelte Zuschreibung dieses Zuviels an die 'Anderen', sowie totalitäre Planungsvisionen einer global zu managenden ‚Fertilität‘. Im Schlussteil plädiert die Autorin aus einer Perspektive reproduktiver Gerechtigkeit für ein radikales Zurückweisen dieser Verknüpfung von Bevölkerung und Klimawandel., A neo-Malthusian reflex can be observed in the climate debate: Statistical calculations link climate change to world population growth and suggest strategies for birth control. The text discusses this dangerous development: undead ghosts of thought referring to the category of ‘population’ are being revived, together with their colonial-racist and social-Darwinist history. First, the arguments of very different actors engaging in this rationality are reconstructed: an ecological mainstream that calculates population as a harmful ‘factor’; the extreme right, for whom biopolitical strategies represent a docking point to the climate discourse; and feminist and climate activist calls for a 'birth strike'. Three dimensions in these lines of argumentation are then distinguished: the abstract statistical construction of an excess population; the historically deeply rooted attribution of this excess to the 'Others'; and totalitarian planning visions of global ‘fertility’ management. In the conclusion, the author argues from the perspective of reproductive justice for a radical rejection of this population climate change link.

The United Kingdom government’s response to the coronavirus pandemic and its longstanding pursuit of Brexit go hand-in-hand, testament to a ruling ideology that can best be described as a toxic combination of narcissistic nostalgia on speed and a deeply reactionary social darwinist view of the world. The roots of this bizarre ideology lie deep in an English exceptionalism, in part the engine, in part the legacy, of Empire. It is this exceptionalism that offers an explanation, or at least a partial one, of both Brexit and the UK’s response to the pandemic, as well as a basis on which to speculate about the UK’s future., La respuesta del gobierno del Reino Unido a la pandemia del coronavirus y su dilatado compromiso con el Brexit van de la mano. De hecho, son la muestra fehaciente de una ideología dominante que debe describirse como la combinación tóxica de una nostalgia narcisista desbocada y una visión social del mundo profundamente reaccionaria y darwinista. Las raíces de esta extraña ideología yacen en lo profundo de una excepcionalidad, la inglesa, que es en parte el motor, en parte el legado del Imperio. Es esta excepcionalidad la que permite explicar, si no total sí al menos parcialmente, el Brexit y la reacción del Reino Unido a la pandemia, además de ofrecer argumentos para especular sobre el futuro del Reino Unido

Extremistische Einstellungen sind kein gesellschaftliches Randphänomen, sondern können in sämtlichen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen auftreten. Die klassische Links-/Rechtszuordnung erweist sich nicht nur für eine moderne Extremismusforschung als ungeeignet. Dennoch scheinen einige politische, gesellschaftliche Akteur*innen an diesem alten Konzept, dem Hufeisenmodell, festzuhängen. Moderne, sozialwissenschaftliche Extremismusforschung beruht auf dem Konzept gesellschaftlicher Desintegration. In diesem Artikel wird das Konzept der Desintegration sowie die damit verknüpfte gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit (GMF) diskutiert. Es wird auf das Phänomen des marktförmigen Extremismus der GMF eingegangen, welches Abwertungskonstruktionen auf ökonomischer Basis beschreibt. Diese Form des Extremismus, kann als Erklärungsansatz für die politische Entwicklung der letzten Jahre sowie für die Regierungskrise in Thüringen 2020 angewendet werden. In diesem Artikel wird argumentiert, dass mit einem Erstarken postdemokratischer Dynamiken die gesellschaftlichen Desintegrationsprozesse eines marktförmigen Extremismus steigen.

The purpose of this article is to perform a comparative analysis of the conceptual extrapolations between biology and sociology, carried out by two emblematic authors of argentine positivism: Jose María Ramos Mejía and José Ingenieros. This analysis aims to contribute to the understanding, both of the similarities and differences of these thinkers in particular, and of some common aspects of argentine positivism in general. In turn, in this analytical process, we distinguish between the theory of evolution proper and the social darwinism assumed by them., El propósito de este artículo será realizar un análisis comparativo de las extrapolaciones conceptuales entre biología y sociología, efectuadas por dos autores emblemáticos del positivismo argentino: José María Ramos Mejía y José Ingenieros. Dicho análisis pretende contribuir a la comprensión, tanto de las similitudes y las diferencias de estos pensadores en particular, como de algunos aspectos comunes del positivismo argentino en general. A su vez, en este proceso analítico, se distinguirá entre la teoría de la evolución propiamente dicha y el darwinismo social supuesto por ellos.

In this paper I briefly present my research aiming to define, localize and interpret Forest Sámi cultural heritage. How does Forest Sámi archaeology differ from Mountain Sámi archaeology? In three defined research areas; two earlier Forest Sámi “skatteland” ‘tax paying districts’ in Lule river valley and Forsa Parish in Hälsingland, the remains of an unknown Forest Sámi history has been investigated, using a combination of archaeological, ethnological and historical sources. The paper also discusses the prevailing threats because of an ongoing intensive forestry, and the need for a new, independent, systematic survey for ancient monuments based on new knowledge. Also new, developed methods to be used in Forest Sámi archaeology are presented, methods that will be a part of a combined personal, academic, activist and archeological struggle to enlighten and reclaim this heritage and history.

Anthropologists have had a long‐standing interest in crime and criminalization in different parts of the world. Although criminal anthropologists of the late nineteenth century influenced understandings of criminals and criminal behavior through an embrace of social Darwinism and positivistic methods, anthropological inquiries on criminalization have since problematized beliefs about who commits crime and what constitutes lawbreaking across societies and contexts. What then has anthropology contributed to knowledge about criminalization? How are anthropological studies of criminalization distinct from knowledge produced by criminology, the discipline whose primary object of inquiry is crime? And are there synergies between them?

This article acknowledges formal education is strongly influenced and outlined, from its bases, by eugenicist and social Darwinism foundations and orientations which make it highly prone to the production and reproduction of racism, in such a way that, with or without explicit or implicit racist contents, formal education offers conditions that allow racism to take place by the simple development of the corresponding educational curriculum. Yet, neither international organizations charged by their agendas with preventing and fighting racism, nor local institutions established in the country with similar aims, seem to take note of this fact, which is neither present in most of the Mexican research that explores racism within institutional education., En este artículo se reconoce que la educación formal está poderosamente influida y delineada, desde sus bases, por fundamentos y orientaciones eugenésicos y de darwinismo social que la hacen altamente proclive a la producción y reproducción del racismo de modo que, con o sin contenidos racistas explícitos o implícitos, la educación formal ofrece condiciones que le permiten a éste verificarse por el solo hecho de que se desarrolle el plan curricular correspondiente. Con todo, ni los organismos internacionales que tienen en sus agendas la encomienda de prevenir y de luchar en contra del racismo, ni las instituciones locales que se han establecido en el país con un fin parecido parecieran notar este hecho, y tampoco lo hace la mayoría de las investigaciones que en México exploran el tema del racismo en la educación institucional.

Physical Education (PE) generally, and Chilean one, specifically, is in the middle of an identity crisis. There is a vision of the body as a production object. This vision has been generated in the light of social Darwinism, and at the same time there are other more conciliatory and global approaches. This investigation tries, with a holistic approach based on participating observation, to look into the practices carried out in relation to PE in schools in the Chilean context. The main conclusion from the analysis carried out is that in schools, PE is mainly focused on “doing” and on the production of results that can later on be assessed with objectivity. This means that schools are still an environment in which discrimination is still present and motor competency is the regulating factor for the processes generated in schools., La Educación Física (EF) en general y la chilena en particular se encuentra en crisis de identidad. Por un lado se mantiene una visión del cuerpo como objeto de producción generada al calor del darwinismo social, al tiempo que se comienza a vislumbrar un cambio hacia enfoques más globales e integradores. Esta investigación ha pretendido, desde un enfoque holístico apoyado en la observación participante, indagar en las prácticas docentes de la EF escolar, para aproximarnos a su realidad escolar en el contexto chileno. La principal conclusión a la que llegamos desde el análisis de lo percibido en el aula es que se mantiene una E.F. centrada en el hacer y para la producción de resultados evaluables desde la objetividad. Un aula donde la discriminación aún está presente y la competencia motriz es el factor regulador de los procesos que se generan en ella.

According with the philosophical pessimism, we live in the worst of the possible worlds, in which the human nature is inclined toward evil and social life debases us. The existentialism conceives pessimism with an attitude from which we judge the world. The Dominican social evolution has produced three types of pessimisms: the plain people, the middle class and the intellectuals. Jose Ramón Lopez’s pessimism is the one from the intellectuals of the xix Century, which looks for the systematization and rational foundation of their ideasOur cultural identity features have been the lack of social cohesion, the low political conscience and the personal leadership. While the indicators of our social development are the capitalist delay, the lack of political ideologies and institutional weakness. In the evaluation of this social reality the pessimistic interpretations have predominated. The foundations of Lopez´s thoughts are his personal experiences in a poor society, which was behind and violent at that time. His intellectual formation that makes him systematize and base his pessimist vision of the reality and his Darwinist theory from Spencer that support the scientific basis for his social analysis., En este artículo de reflexión se aborda una categoría que es conocida por los pensadores de República Dominicana: el pesimismo. Según el pesimismo filosófico, el hombre vive en el peor de los mundos posibles; la naturaleza humana se inclina hacia el mal y la vida social nos envilece. El exiencialismo concibe el pesimismo como una actitud desde la cual juzgamos el mundo. Se muestra que la evolución social dominicana ha engendrado tres tipos de pesimismos: el del pueblo llano, el de la pequeña burguesía, y el de los intelectuales. El pesimismo de José Ramón López es el propio de los letrados del siglo xix, por tanto, pretende la sistematización y el fundamento racional de sus ideas. El análisis muestra que los rasgos propios de la identidad cultural dominicana se caracterizan por la ausencia de cohesión social, la escasa conciencia política y el personalismo caudillista; mientras que los indicadores de desarrollo social son el atraso capitalista, la carencia de ideologías políticas y la debilidad institucional. El trabajo concluye que los fundamentos del pensamiento pesimista de López se deben a una combinación múltiple de factores compuesta por sus vivencias personales, una sociedad pobre, atrasada y violenta para su tiempo; su formación intelectual y la teoría darwinista de Spencer, que le aporta las bases científicas para su análisis social. La lectura de la realidad hecha por López en su tiempo ha incidido y aún incide en la lectura que se hace de la identidad cultural y social del país.

Статья носит полемический характер. Она посвящена состоянию российско-германских отношений накануне Первой мировой войны. Раскрывая эту тему, автор одновременно проводит мысль о том, что предпосылки к началу Первой мировой войны накапливались в течение всего XIX в. и что они были во многом связаны с царившей в Германии идеологической атмосферой., The article focuses on the German-Russian relations prior to the war. The author argues that the causes for the First World War accumulated in the course of the nineteenth century. The author highlights that the ideological discourses prevalent in Germany at that period were conducive to conflict and war.

In 1901 the Qing regime, in power 1644-1911, took wide-ranging measures to reform the Chinese Empire. Fundamental changes were carried out within the field of education, resulting in the completion of China’s first modern educational system in 1904. Modern schools mushroomed across China and modern textbooks introducing non-traditional knowledge became common reading in the classrooms. Modern geography textbooks informed schoolchildren about the circumstances within the Empire and, to some extent, about the conditions in foreign countries. Thus these textbooks gave them an idea of their own nation in relation to the rest of the world. The thesis examines the images of the inhabitants of the multiethnic Qing Empire, as encountered in a wide range of textbooks and other teaching materials, on the school subject of geography, used at various institutions of modern learning during the closing years of the Qing era. The focus is on the Han Chinese majority of China Proper (i.e. the eighteen provinces), although the images of the other major ethnicities of the Qing Empire are also examined, as well as the peoples of neighbouring Korea and Japan. This study highlights the extent to which the late Qing era was influenced by Japanese approaches towards reforms and modernization, especially in the field of education. During the process of introducing modern school geography in China, Chinese textbook compilers largely relied on Japanese sources on geography, thereby facing a Japanese, nationalistic and colonial discourse, which implied that Japan, as the most civilized nation in the East, was also in her right to dominate the region. Although Chinese educationalists hardly accepted Japan’s self-proclaimed position as the rightful leader of Asia, they were nevertheless influenced by Japanese descriptions of the continent and its peoples.

This study of civil-military relations treats the parallel development of: a.) the professional soldier and the Prussian- German army in the era from 1806 until 1945, as well as; b.) the rise of nationalism in central European politics and society, which culminated in the union of the professional soldier and National Socialism after 1933. These two political phenomena of modern Europe, in the first instance, the army, and in the second instance, voelkisch nationalism became a deadly combination in the Germany of the era 1914-1933. The abdication of the monarchy in 1918 forced the professional soldier to look for a substitute sovereign, who would insure the survival of the privileged role of the soldier in republican state and society. This study provides case studies of civil-military episodes in German history from 1806-1944, where civilian control and liberal oversight of the aristocratic military structure might have been possible, but liberal and socialist forces squandered the opportunities at hand. This study counter poses episodes of civil-military conflict in the Prussian German past, with an analysis of the origins and character of integral nationalism and National Socialism. In particular, the study analyzes the ideological effort to influence the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. The missed civil-military opportunities for democratic forces in the 1920s resulted in the culmination of political, military, and socio-economic conditions ideal for the National Socialists in their quest for power. This failure of important political-military reform set the stage for interwar cooperation between military and the Nazis. The National Socialists wanted to make the army an instrument of power via a â bottom upâ revolution to subjugate the military command structure. This study speaks to this historical series of case studies within the general analysis of democratic civil-military relations. The failure of liberal and later democratic forces to integrate the, http://archive.org/details/thenationndsoldi109451844, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The Cape Town minister, literary critic, and reformer, Ramsden Balmforth, sought to promote reconciliation between cultures and ethnic groups in South Africa for four decades after emigrating from England in 1897. Although deeply rooted in the social egalitarianism of the Fabian Society, he nevertheless adopted and propagated modified, social Darwinist views, which he believed, if properly understood, could be applied to reforms in South Africa and ameliorate clashes of cultures there. After unsuccessfully attempting to forestall war in 1899, Balmforth argued for an acceptance of what would soon be known as Afrikaans culture as no less worthy and civilised than that of the British and for the application of a radically adapted version of social Darwinism to conflicts between white and black South Africans., Die interpretasie van Suid-Afrikaanse kultuurbotsings uit 'n Darwiniese oogpunt: Ramsden Balmforth in Kaapstad Die Kaapstadse predikant, literêre kritikus en hervormer, Ramsden Balmforth, het vier dekades lank gepoog om rekonsiliasie tussen die kulturele en etniese groepe in Suid-Afrika te bevorder, nadat hy in 1897 uit Engeland geïmmigreer het. Hoewel diep gewortel in die sosiale egalitarisme van die Fabianiese samelewing, het hy die sosiale Darwiniese beskouings aanvaar en aangepas. Hy het geglo dat hierdie beskouings, as dit korrek vertolk word, toegepas kon word op hervorming in Suid-Afrika om kultuurbotsings te temper. Na onsuksesvolle pogings om oorlog in 1899 te voorkom, het Balmforth dít bepleit wat spoedig as Afrikanerkultuur bekend sou staan - naamlik dat dit net so waardig en beskaafd as dié van die Britte is. Verder was hy 'n kampvegter van die toepassing van 'n radikaal aangepaste vorm van sosiale Darwinisme om konflik tussen wit en swart Suid-Afrikaners te voorkom.

If the profession of social work is to have a future we must know where it came from, and the series of portraits of our pioneers is one of the paths into the origins of that profession. I feel grateful to the publishers for this online-journal and also honoured to be asked to continue the series on pioneers in social work. I gladly comply because, in connection with my research on Alice Salomon and other social workers who were expelled from Germany and other Nazi-occupied territories (Wieler1989 and 1995) I had the pleasure and privilege of meeting and interviewing Walter Friedländer shortly before he passed away. It is years ago that I visited him in his home among stacks of books and piles of papers. My memories are vivid. I still see his sparkling eyes and hear his soft voice with a very heavy German accent. I was most impressed by his memory of historical events and people which, it seemed, only a large hard-drive could retain these days. Now, I wish I had asked more questions but instead, we will have to rely largely on primary and secondary literature and box upon box of archival materials. I draw heavily on the comprehensive German and Jewish Intellectual Emigré Collection (http://library.albany.edu/speccoll/findaids/ger003.htm) which consists of nearly 50 cubic feet and another collection of the German Central Institute („Deutsches Zentralinstitut für Soziale Fragen-DZI“) in Berlin (www.dzi.de). Some of the more current archival materials were lost in a flood, and much of Friedländer’s early memorabilia up to 1933 was lost in Germany. There are also internet resources with widely differing information. I hope that I will not have overlooked too much in order to do justice to this remarkable pioneer and colleague. In order to appreciate and pay tribute to Walter Friedländer and his contributions we will have to reconsider the historical and international context of more than the 93 years of his life span: the German Monarchy, the Weimar Republic, Nazi-Fasci

(ES) Teniendo en cuenta que es casi imposible recrear en unas pocas páginas las desconcertantemente variadas lecturas políticas del darwinismo, este artículo trata de clarificar algunos de los aspectos capitales de la interacción entre la ciencia darwiniana y la política. Aunque es difícil separar la teoría de Malthus de la población, la selección natural y las ideas políticas liberales de Darwin, ello no impidió un importante proceso de apropiación de sus ideas por diferentes actores sociales con agendas políticas diversas. Este proceso multifacético de apropiación fue decisivamente facilitado por los cambios de Darwin respecto del papel de la selección natural y su uso extensivo del lenguaje metafórico, lo que abrió la puerta a interpretaciones rivales sobre su significado. Sin embargo, aunque el daf\Ninismo fue utilizado de muchas maneras para propósitos políticos diferentes, se puede detectar una tendencia general de cambio histórico, de las visiones abiertamente liberales que promueven la libre competencia entre individuos en el mercado (1860-1870) a una copiosa literatura que apoya la lucha entre razas y la acción del Estado para prevenir la degeneración biológica., (EN) Keeping in mind the near impossibility of recreating in a few pages the bewilderingly varied political readings of Darwinism, this paper attempts to clarify so me seminal aspects of the interaction between Darwinian science and politics. Although it is difficult to separate Malthus's theory of population, natural selection and Darwin's liberal political views, this did not stop the considerable appropriation of his ideas by different social players with diverse political agendas. This multi-faceted process of appropriation was decisively facilitated by Darwin's changes with respect to the role of natural selection and his extensive use of metaphoric language, which opened the door to rival interpretations of their meaning. Nevertheless, although Darwinism was used in many ways for different political purposes, one can detect a general tendency of historical change, from overtly liberal views promoting freemarket competition among individuals (1860-70) to copious literature supporting struggle among the races and the action of the S tate to prevent biological degeneration (1880-1914).

The aim of this thesis is firstly to characterize the era when Naturalism appeared with focus on cultural and historic context. Therefore significant philosophical movements and scientific knowledge will be described in order to explain the general framework in which Naturalism emerged and which were its shaping factors. Secondly the analysis of primary sources is carried out, works of Hardy and Zola, two significant Naturalist writers, will be used. Specific issues significant for this literary movement such as genetic determination, Darwin’s Theory, psychological analysis of characters and influence of environment and circumstances will be discussed separately with focus on each of the two writers. This thesis will explain the possible influences of two naturalistic approaches, their similarities and differences., Cílem této diplomové práce je nejprve charakterizovat období, ve kterém naturalismus vznikl se zaměřením na kulturní a historický vývoj a kontext. Za účelem osvětlení všeobecného rámce vzniku naturalismu budou popsány významné filosofické směry a vědecké poznatky, které působily jako jeho formující faktory. Dále bude provedena analýza primárních zdrojů, tedy prací Hardyho a Zoly, dvou významných naturalistických spisovatelů tohoto literárního směru. Charakteristické oblasti významné pro tento literární směr, jako je genetická determinace, Darwinova Teorie, psychoanalýza hlavních postav a vliv prostředí a okolností, budou rozebrány zvlášť s důrazem na jednotlivé spisovatele. Tato diplomová práce vysvětlí možné vzájemné vlivy obou naturalistických přístupů, jejich shodné a odlišné znaky., Katedra anglistiky a amerikanistiky, Dokončená práce s úspěšnou obhajobou

This work analyzes the fundamental emergence and evolution elements of the competitive paradigm. The point of beginning of the presentation is in Darwin’s thought, given the importance and transcendence of his ideas not only in the area of the biology but besides the social sciences. Particularly, the sociobiology, the economy and the management, they are disin the course of this text, showing the different forms in which the speech of the evolution turned into fundamental element of each one of them. The work tries to illustrate the paradigm, but in addition to present the principal implications that it has had for the society across the speeches and the practices of the economy and the management., El presente trabajo de investigación hace una búsqueda y análisis de los elementos centrales del surgimiento y evolución del paradigma competitivo. El punto de partida de la presentación está en el pensamiento de Darwin, dada la importancia y trascendencia de sus ideas no sólo en el terreno de la biología, sino además en las ciencias sociales. Particularmente, la sociobiología, la economía y la gestión, son discutidas en el transcurso de este texto, mostrando las diferentes formas en que el discurso de la evolución se convirtió en elemento fundamental de cada una de ellas. Los temas centrales abordados son la lucha por la existencia, el concepto de competencia en la economía y la gestión y las implicaciones del modelo competitivo. El trabajo busca entonces ilustrar el paradigma, además de presentar las principales implicaciones que ha tenido para la sociedad a través de las teorías y las prácticas de la economía y la gestión.

El positivismo fue asumido y cultivado en Latinoamérica de forma sui generis como una filosofía optimista llena de confianza en el hombre, en la capacidad creativa de su pensamiento, en la cultura, la educación, la ciencia, el progreso y el desarrollo industrial. Aliado al liberalismo y a la defensa de la democracia sus ideas resultaban muy avanzadas para los países latinoamericanos, recién liberados en su mayoría del colonialismo español y enfrascados entonces en profundas luchas entre las oligarquías retrogradas y la naciente burguesía nacional. Las ideas filosóficas y educativas de Hostos ponen de manifiesto la riqueza alcanzada por el pensamiento latinoamericano en el siglo XIX que aunque compartió algunas posiciones con el krausismo y el positivismo no se dejó arrastrar de forma unilateral por estas corrientes y supo aprovechar los elementos de valor contenidos especialmente en el positivismo que supo asumir de modo sui generis como la mayoría de los intelectuales latinoamericanos de esa época que se identificaron con él en correspondencia con una praxis educativa y política beneficiosa a los pueblos de América Latina., Positivism was assumed and cultivated in Latin America in a sui generis way like an optimistic philosophy, full with trust in man, in the creative capacity of his thought, in culture, education, science, progress and industrial development. Ally to liberalism and the defence of democracy their ideas were very advanced for the recently liberated countries of the Spanish colonialism and buried in deep fights among the oligarchies, retrograde and the nascent national bourgeoisie. The philosophical and educational ideas of de Hostos show the wealth reach by the Latin American thought in the XIX century. Although it shared some positions with the krasusism and the positivism he didn.t allow crawling in a unilateral way for these currents. He tried to take advantage of the contained elements of value, especially in the positivism that assumed in a sui generis way, as most of the Latin American intellectuals of that time that were identified with him, in correspondence with an educational practice and beneficial politics for the people of Latin America.

Keith Carlson argues that Theodore Roosevelt's four volume history The Winning of the West retains little value as a historical work and that its importance stems from the insights it grants into the "deeply held personal and political views" of its author. Carlson discusses Roosevelt's commentary on William Jennings Bryan and Populism, his views on the treatment of Native Americans, and his relationship with the historian Frederick Jackson Turner. Carlson asserts that The Winning of the West is a valuable and under appreciated source of information about Roosevelt.

Since the publishment and later development of Darwin's works, the concept of natural selection has been used to justify different ideas relating to human nature and social life. The main aim of this paper is to show the different applications of that concept from different points of view, trying to underline, at the same time, the use of cooperation as a main element if you want to get a right translation of the struggle to survive. This concept can be found all around our cultural baggage.

Historian Raymond Sontag's book about the interwar period from 1919 to 1939 has a graphic title, "A Broken World" (1971). In the preface to his book, Sontag tells us he borrowed his title from Gabriel Marcel's play of 1933, "Le monde casse," a play in which Marcel's heroine seems to say we live in an age when the values that once gave meaning to life no longer animate us. Analysis of the literature produced by those who participated in the First World War and those who have carefully studied it suggests that the war was one of those historical events that affected human consciousness profoundly. The literature on World War I is vast, and selection of what is purported to be the essence of the experience risks distortion -- despite one's best intentions. The works cited in this essay were selected for no reason other than that they got it right in reflecting prewar moods, the experience of war, and expectations for life after the war., Published in Parameters: U.S. Army War College, v17 p86-99, Summer 1987.

Charles C. Goetsch examines the legal, philosophical, and political dispute between Theodore Roosevelt and Simeon E. Baldwin, a Yale Law School professor, Chief Justice of the Connecticut Supreme Court of Errors, and Governor of Connecticut. He details the conservative legal outlook of Baldwin and how this view clashed with the progressive political beliefs of Roosevelt. Goetsch shows how a legal dispute over the constitutionality of the Federal Employers Liability Act extended from the courts to the 1910 election campaign where Roosevelt's rhetoric prompted Baldwin to consider a libel suit against the former president. Two pictures, one of Simeon E. Baldwin and the other of Theodore Roosevelt speaking from the platform of a train car, are included in the article. A listing of the officers and the members of the executive, finance, and Theodore Roosevelt Birthplace committees of the Theodore Roosevelt Association is included in the article as well as an advertisement for the Roosevelt Savings Bank of Garden City, New York.

George F. Baer believes that the best interests of the working man are furthered by Christian men, God, and management; and not by "labor agitators."

64 Tex. L. Rev. 645 (1985)

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