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The aim of my paper is to present the life and poetical works of Bonawentura Czesław Graszyński (1859–1922), a Polish classical philologist, who wrote a number of tragedies and lyrical poems in Ancient Greek. He was born in Murowana Goślina (Greater Poland). After graduating from the high school in Leszno (Greater Poland), he studied medicine and classical philology from 1879 to 1887 at the University of Greifswald. In 1908 he received awards from the Academy of Athens, as well as George I of Greece. It can be said that Graszyński conquered Mount Helicon as a symbol of poetical mastery in Polish-Greek literature., The aim of my paper is to present the life and poetical works of Bonawentura Czesław Graszyński (1859–1922), a Polish classical philologist, who wrote a number of tragedies and lyrical poems in Ancient Greek. He was born in Murowana Goślina (Greater Poland). After graduating from the high school in Leszno (Greater Poland), he studied medicine and classical philology from 1879 to 1887 at the University of Greifswald. In 1908 he received awards from the Academy of Athens, as well as George I of Greece. It can be said that Graszyński conquered Mount Helicon as a symbol of poetical mastery in Polish-Greek literature.

Termin zapożyczenie zwrotne stosunkowo rzadko pojawia się w opracowaniach dotyczących języka polskiego. Autor zamierza przedyskutować takie specyficzne jednostki leksykalne, które niegdyś wyszły z języka staropolskiego (lub prapolskiego) i po pewnym czasie powróciły do języka polskiego w nieco odmiennej formie lub z innym znaczeniem. Omówione zostaną następujące polskie wyrazy: gazda ‘bogatszy gospodarz (u górali)’, Lach ‘Polak; mieszkaniec równin polskich’ oraz kwark ‘cząstka elementarna’., The linguistic term reverse borrowings (or back-borrowings, sometimes also reborrowings) defines words loaned to another language, and then borrowed back from that language (or by a mediation) in a different form and often with a different meaning. The problem of reverse borrowings is not unknown in the history of the Slavic languages. In the 19th century, the Bulgarian language received numerous reverse borrowings from Old Church Slavic (or Old Bulgarian) via Russian. Reverse borrowings are also attested in the Polish language. In the present paper, the following three examples are discussed: (1) Pol. gazda ‘rich farmer (in the southern highlands of Poland)’ ← Hung. gazda ‘farmer’ ← Slavic *gospoda; (2) Pol. Lachy a. Lachowie ‘Poles; dwellers of the Polish lowlands’ ← Ukr. Ляхи ‘Poles’ < ORus. Ляхы ‘Poles or Slavs speaking a North-West Slavic language’ ← Old Polish *Lędzane ‘the Lendzanians, the Pre-Polish tribe settled in the Przemyśl region (south-eastern Poland)’ < Slavic *Lędjane; (3) Pol. kwark ‘a kind of elementary particle of matter’ ← E. quark ‘id.’ ← G. Quark ‘cottage cheese’, metaphorically ‘trifle, worthless thing’ < MHG. quarc, twarc, zwarg ‘cottage cheese’ ← OPol. twarog (or ← LSorb. twarog) ‘cottage cheese’) < Slavic *tvarogъ ‘id.’., Jezikoslovni naziv povratne posuđenice podrazumijeva riječi koje su posuđene drugomu jeziku pa zatim ponovno posuđene iz toga jezika (nekad uz jezik posrednik) u drukčijem obliku i često s drukčijim značenjem. Problem povratnog posuđivanja nije nepoznat u povijesti slavenskih jezika. U 19. stoljeću bugarski je jezik primio brojne povratne posuđenice iz starocrkvenoslavenskoga preko ruskoga jezika. Povratne posuđenice također su posvjedočene u poljskome jeziku. U ovome radu raspravlja se o sljedećim trima primjerima: (1) polj. gazda ‘bogati poljoprivrednik (u poljskim južnim gorjima)’ ← mađ. gazda ‘poljoprivrednik’ ← slavenski *gospoda; (2) polj. Lachy, Lachowie ‘Poljaci; stanovnici poljskih nizinskih krajeva’ ← ukr. Ляхи ‘Poljaci’ < starorus. Ляхы ‘Poljaci ili Slaveni koji govore sjeverozapadnim slavenskim jezikom’ ← staropolj. *Lędzane ‘Leđani, pretpoljsko pleme nastanjeno u kraju oko Przemyśla (jugoistočna Poljska)’ < slavenski *Lędjane; (3) polj. kwark ‘vrsta elementarne čestice’ ← engl. quark ‘isto’ ← njem. Quark ‘svježi sir’, metaforički ‘sitnica, bezvrijedna stvar’ < srednjovisokonjem. quarc, twarc, zwarg ‘svježi sir’ ← staropolj. twarog (ili ← lužičkosrp. twarog) ‘svježi sir’) < slavenski *tvarogъ ‘isto’.

The paper describes a Polish translation of M. K. Sarbiewski’s Latin epigrams made by Zofia Abramowicz (1906–1988) during the interwar period. These epigrams (partially preserved) were prepared to be published in 1939 or 1940 by Prof. Ryszard Ganszyniec in his „Filomata” Press. Abramowicz’s translational work seems to be a part of history of the classical philology in Poland., The paper describes a Polish translation of M. K. Sarbiewski’s Latin epigrams made by Zofia Abramowicz (1906–1988) during the interwar period. These epigrams (partially preserved) were prepared to be published in 1939 or 1940 by Prof. Ryszard Ganszyniec in his „Filomata” Press. Abramowicz’s translational work seems to be a part of history of the classical philology in Poland.

The paper analyzes chapter IX 49 of Aelian’s De natura animalium, devoted to the largest sea animals. It is accompanied by a Polish translation and appropriate comments. Aelian provides numerous Ancient Greek names for large sharks and sea mammals, including the “sea lion,” hammer-headed shark, “sea leopard”, whales, sawfish, malthe, “sea ram”, “sea hyena” and “sea dogs”. The names are explained from the point of view of semantic motivation; some new identifications of sea monsters are suggested as well., The paper analyzes chapter IX 49 of Aelian’s De natura animalium, devoted to the largest sea animals. It is accompanied by a Polish translation and appropriate comments. Aelian provides numerous Ancient Greek names for large sharks and sea mammals, including the “sea lion,” hammer-headed shark, “sea leopard”, whales, sawfish, malthe, “sea ram”, “sea hyena” and “sea dogs”. The names are explained from the point of view of semantic motivation; some new identifications of sea monsters are suggested as well.

In his work Περὶ ζῴων ἰδιότητος (De natura animalium X 44) Claudius Aelian describes cicadas’ names in the following way: „There are, it seems, many species of cicada (τέττιξ), and those who are skilled in these matters enumerate them and report their names. Thus, the Ashen one (τεφράς) is so called from its colour; whence the Membrax (μέμβραξ) got its name I do not know; and Chirper (λακέτας), it appears, is the name for a cicada; and I have heard tell of the Long-tail (κερκώπη) and the Shriller (ἀχέτας) and the Prickly one (ἀκάνθιος). Well, these are all the kinds of Cicada of which I remember having heard the names, but if anyone has got to know more than those that I have mentioned, he must tell them” (translated by Scholfield 1959: 339–341). It is necessary to follow Aelian’s suggestion and explain all the mentioned cicadas’ names from the point of view of the Greek etymology and word-formation., In his work Περὶ ζῴων ἰδιότητος (De natura animalium X 44) Claudius Aelian describes cicadas’ names in the following way: „There are, it seems, many species of cicada (τέττιξ), and those who are skilled in these mattersenumerate them and report their names. Thus, the Ashen one (τεφράς) is so called from its colour; whence the Membrax (μέμβραξ) got its name I do not know; and Chirper (λακέτας), it appears, is the name for a cicada; and I have heard tell of the Long-tail (κερκώπη) and the Shriller (ἀχέτας) and the Prickly one (ἀκάνθιος). Well, these are all the kinds of Cicada of which I remember having heard the names, but if anyone has got to know more than those that I have mentioned, he must tell them” (translated by Scholfield 1959: 339–341). It is necessary to follow Aelian’s suggestion and explain all the mentioned cicadas’ names from the point of view of the Greek etymology and word-formation.

The author discusses three Ancient Greek names for ‘snail with a spiral shell’: (1) σέσῑλος, (2) σέσηλος and (3) σέσελις (gen. sg. σεσέλιτος). It is suggested that the first name σέσῑλος is of Ionic origin (with the regular representation of the diphthong ει as ῑ), the second one σέσηλος belongs to the Doric heritage (see the Laconian gloss in Hesychius’ lexicon: σέσηλοι· κοχλίαι. Λάκωνες), and the third σέσελις represents a purely Attic form. The Proto-Greek archetype should be reconstructed as *σέσελϝος (m.) ‘snail’. In fact, the disappearance of the glide *ϝ in the Ancient Greek dialects causes the lengthening of the original vowel *ε to ει (later ῑ) in Ionic, to η in Doric. Only the Attic dialect preserves the short vowel ε with no change, see e.g. Ionic ξεῖνος, Doric ξῆνος, Attic ξένος (m.) ‘guest-friend; guest; stranger, foreigner, refugee’ < Proto-Greek *ξένϝος, see Myc. Gk. ke-se-nu-wo [ksenwos], Aeolic ξέννος, Corcyrean πρόξενϝος (m.) ‘public guest, deputy’. The archetype *σέσελϝος was created as a reduplicated form of the Indo-European verbal root *tsel- ‘to creep, crawl’, cf. Old Indic (Vedic) tsáru- m. (u-stem) ‘a crawling animal’ (< IE. *tsélus m. ‘snail’). A related term with no reduplication is attested in the Hesychian glossary (σ-374): σελάτης· κοχλίας, as well as in the Celtic languages, e.g. [1] MIr. selide ‘snail’, Mod. Ir. seilide, seilchide, seilmide, slimide ‘id.’ (< Celtic *selantī- < IE. *tsel-n̥t-ī); [2] OIr. selige m. (gl. testudo) ‘tortoise’, MIr. seilche ‘tortoise; snail’, Scottish Gaelic seilcheag ‘snail’ (< Celtic *selaki̯ās < IE. *tselə2ki̯ās).

Ichthyonymia Graeco-Latina. The Importance of the Modern Greek and Romance Lexical Data for Correct Identification of the Latin Fish-NamesIn his edition of Halieutica A. W. Mikołajczak leaves eight Latin names of the Mediterranean fishes, mentioned by Ovid, with no identification and explanation. The present author discusses them, taking into account the lexical data attested in the Modern Greek dialects, as well as the Italian ones. Four fish-names (cantharus, erythinus, iulis, smaris) may be securely identified on the basis of the modern (Greek and/or Romance) terminology for fishes of the Mediterranean Sea. No reflexes of four different fishes (cercyros, glaucus, lamiros, tragus) appear in the contemporary vocabulary of peoples of the Mediterranean area. This is why these Ovid’s fishes are hardly identifiable. M. Kokoszko’s book appears to be a valuable dictionary of the Greek fish-names, introducing an excellent presentation and convincing identification of most Mediterranean Sea fishes. His presentation agrees completely with the conclusions given in this paper.

El hidrónimo lusitano Limaia fue traducido a ambas lenguas clásicas como «el río del Olvido» (gr. ??´??, lat. Oblivio). Muchas otras fuentes clásicas apoyan este sentido del hidrónimo (p. ej. Livio, Plinio, Floro, Salustio, Silio Itálico, Estrabón y otros), de modo que los nombres tanto griegos como latinos constituyen un ejemplo de calco lingüístico. Es posible que la palabra *limaiã (o una forma similar) fuera un nombre lusitano para «olvido», derivado de la raíz indoeuropea *ghleim- «olvidar», cf. nor. ant. gleyma, island. gleyma, danés glemme, sueco glömma «olvidar». Con todo, el hidrónimo lusitano Limaia (gr. ??µa?a, lat. Limaea) no puede ser separado del nombre de un lago en prusiano ant., *Limaio, atestiguado ya en el siglo XIV (1362 inter hos lacum videlicet Lymaio; 1364 et versus lacum Lyma; 1386 inter lacus Lymaio). Ambos hidrónimos proceden de IE *leim- «inundar», cf. bretón liñva «anegar, inundar», galés llif (m.) «corriente, inundación», bret. med. livat, córnico lyf «inundación» (< celta *limos), toc. A lyam, toc. B lyäm «lago» (< *limen-), alban. lumë, lumenj «río» (< *limen-), gr. limhvn (m.) «puerto, muelle», orig. «bahía», ??µ?? (f.) «pozo de agua estancada, marisma». El autor opina que el nombre refleja estas dos diferentes raíces IE: *leim- «inundar» y *ghleim- «olvidar», tras su fusión en lusitano. Así, el río lusitano «río-inundación» llegó a convertirse en «río del olvido» como resultado de una etimología popular.

El hidrónimo lusitano Limaia fue traducido a ambas lenguas clásicas como «el río del Olvido» (gr. ??´??, lat. Oblivio). Muchas otras fuentes clásicas apoyan este sentido del hidrónimo (p. ej. Livio, Plinio, Floro, Salustio, Silio Itálico, Estrabón y otros), de modo que los nombres tanto griegos como latinos constituyen un ejemplo de calco lingüístico. Es posible que la palabra *limaiã (o una forma similar) fuera un nombre lusitano para «olvido», derivado de la raíz indoeuropea *ghleim- «olvidar», cf. nor. ant. gleyma, island. gleyma, danés glemme, sueco glömma «olvidar». Con todo, el hidrónimo lusitano Limaia (gr. ??µa?a, lat. Limaea) no puede ser separado del nombre de un lago en prusiano ant., *Limaio, atestiguado ya en el siglo XIV (1362 inter hos lacum videlicet Lymaio; 1364 et versus lacum Lyma; 1386 inter lacus Lymaio). Ambos hidrónimos proceden de IE *leim- «inundar», cf. bretón liñva «anegar, inundar», galés llif (m.) «corriente, inundación», bret. med. livat, córnico lyf «inundación» (< celta *limos), toc. A lyam, toc. B lyäm «lago» (< *limen-), alban. lumë, lumenj «río» (< *limen-), gr. limhvn (m.) «puerto, muelle», orig. «bahía», ??µ?? (f.) «pozo de agua estancada, marisma». El autor opina que el nombre refleja estas dos diferentes raíces IE: *leim- «inundar» y *ghleim- «olvidar», tras su fusión en lusitano. Así, el río lusitano «río-inundación» llegó a convertirse en «río del olvido» como resultado de una etimología popular.

El hidrónimo lusitano Limaia fue traducido a ambas lenguas clásicas como «el río del Olvido» (gr. ??´??, lat. Oblivio). Muchas otras fuentes clásicas apoyan este sentido del hidrónimo (p. ej. Livio, Plinio, Floro, Salustio, Silio Itálico, Estrabón y otros), de modo que los nombres tanto griegos como latinos constituyen un ejemplo de calco lingüístico. Es posible que la palabra *limaiã (o una forma similar) fuera un nombre lusitano para «olvido», derivado de la raíz indoeuropea *ghleim- «olvidar», cf. nor. ant. gleyma, island. gleyma, danés glemme, sueco glömma «olvidar». Con todo, el hidrónimo lusitano Limaia (gr. ??µa?a, lat. Limaea) no puede ser separado del nombre de un lago en prusiano ant., *Limaio, atestiguado ya en el siglo XIV (1362 inter hos lacum videlicet Lymaio; 1364 et versus lacum Lyma; 1386 inter lacus Lymaio). Ambos hidrónimos proceden de IE *leim- «inundar», cf. bretón liñva «anegar, inundar», galés llif (m.) «corriente, inundación», bret. med. livat, córnico lyf «inundación» (< celta *limos), toc. A lyam, toc. B lyäm «lago» (< *limen-), alban. lumë, lumenj «río» (< *limen-), gr. limhvn (m.) «puerto, muelle», orig. «bahía», ??µ?? (f.) «pozo de agua estancada, marisma». El autor opina que el nombre refleja estas dos diferentes raíces IE: *leim- «inundar» y *ghleim- «olvidar», tras su fusión en lusitano. Así, el río lusitano «río-inundación» llegó a convertirse en «río del olvido» como resultado de una etimología popular.