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Several recent studies have examined experiences of waiting and spatial and temporal immobility among refugees, asylum seekers and undocumented migrants. This paper investigates recent migrants' experiences of waiting and (spatial and temporal) immobility in the context of COVID-19 lockdowns, and against the background of pandemic isolation and boredom. It asks how public health measures affected 'recently' arrived migrants' and how these migrants experienced waiting and immobility differently before and during the pandemic. We argue that differences in recent migrants' status and housing situations shape how they experience immobility during and beyond the pandemic. This paper contributes to research on immobility in migration by highlighting the importance of diverse emotional geographies of loneliness and frustration; it concludes that immobility is situated along an isolation-to-agitation continuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In conducting qualitative research, scholars often grapple with positionality. Researcher positionality refers to how various social identities (i.e. gender, race, class, ethnicity, ability, geographical location) influence research methods. It examines the impact of researchers' social identities on their understanding of the research design, question, context, process, and participants. Scholars of colour who research their own communities have added complexity in this research process, including having to address the question of being an insider-outsider. This duality sometimes has an emotional toll. Two community-centred researchers asked What is the emotional labor that goes into conducting research with our own communities? Gerardo Mancilla immigrated to the United States when he was seven years old. He was undocumented and grew up in the U.S. with this identity for more than 20 years. Phitsamay Uy came to the United States as a child refugee at the age of six. Her refugee identity influenced her understanding of U.S. schools. In this paper, the two scholars of colour share their methodology and experiences of becoming academics who study their own communities. They discuss commonalities in their shared stories: Being Accidental Academics, Utilising a Relational Approach, Developing Reciprocity with Our Communities, and Experiencing Radical Healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the paper is to explore countertransference in qualitative research. Specifically, through the examination of a study which explored the experiences of mental health professionals working with refugee and immigrant families with infants and young children, the paper aims to demonstrate how the monitoring of countertransference can be transformed into a useful research tool. Countertransference movements are examined on multiple levels, in the mental health worker-immigrant/refugee dyad, in the researcher-participant dyad, and at the institutional level. The importance of thinking about a whole research process in terms of the process of countertransference is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper conceptualises displacement as a process of coercive disruption to valued ways of living and functioning. It does so by engaging with coercion scholarship from moral philosophy, supported by empirical research about displacement in occupied Iraq. Coercion and force are largely taken for granted in refugee and forced migration studies, and in migration studies. The paper also considers recent scholarship on voluntariness in migration and argues that approaches to coercion are conceptually more satisfying. To build the conceptualisation of displacement, a systematic approach is used which involves identifying a phenomenon's constitutive components, and their relationship to each other, before integrating them into an explanatory framework. It argues that displacement is a process that begins in place, during which time valued ways of living, conceptualised as important baselines, are disrupted in coercive ways. These coercive disruptions relate to power imbalances created, or leveraged, by coercers and coercive structures. Displacement's processual nature, consisting of phases and counter phases, including evasion and resistance, is incorporated in the framework. The different forms of coercion, as well as the phases and counter-phases, that constitute displacement, are explained and illustrated from the perspectives of Iraqis who lived through the occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In imagining a post-nationalistic and post-racialized future, the refugee hospitality and integration project implemented in Italy, known as the Modello Riace (Riace Model), sought to use state-funded, sustainable activities to encourage asylum seekers to mix with locals and settle in the economically depressed and depopulated areas of southern Italy. The project navigated legal frameworks and defied rampant ethno-nationalism to integrate refugees during the Mediterranean migrant crisis and to mitigate the associated climate of hostility towards them. The experiment prompted a political backlash and stirred paranoia about an imagined ethnic replacement of Italians. This paper introduces the Riace Model's humanitarian vision and its interaction with the social solidarity economic sector in Italy after the 2008 financial crisis. It analyses interviews with the then-mayor of Riace, Domenico Lucano, and their reception on social media, to examine notions of humanitarianism and citizenship in Italy. Highlighting the contrast between Riace's imagined future and hostile views of refugees as invaders and criminals, the study demonstrates the conflict that arose at a time of economic austerity. The study also illustrates how public figures became proxies for opposing factions, discusses the Model's legacy, and highlights the challenges facing future integration schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the growing body of work on precarious labor, immigration, and social gerontology by examining the racialization of precarious employment across the life course. In particular, the authors examine the impact of precarious employment and discrimination among racialized older immigrants in Canada. Racialized older immigrants are more likely to be disadvantaged by the effects of lifelong intersections of economic and social discrimination rooted in racialization, gender, ageism, and socio-economic status. Drawing from a narrative-photovoice project that focused on the life stories of older immigrants living in Quebec and British Columbia, this paper presents the in-depth stories and photographs of four participants to highlight how intersections of race, gender, age, immigration status, and ability shape and structure experiences of aging, labor market participation and caregiving relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a steady inflow of humanitarian migrants to Australia, their socio-economic outcomes remain visibly poorer than those of other migrants and the general population. Therefore, understanding the factors contributing to refugee integration is an important endeavor. In this paper, we focus on refugees' labor-market outcomes and the role of a potentially important macro-level factor: gender inequality in the origin country. To accomplish this, we leverage high-quality longitudinal data from a probability survey (Building a New Life in Australia, n = 9,268) augmented with country-level data from the UNDP. Our results bear implications for gender and migration scholarship, and equity policy and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both today and under Gaddafi's authoritarian rule, externalised migration controls have played a crucial role in EUropean irregular mobility governance across the Central Mediterranean. Offloading migration management on Tripoli is puzzling due to the fragility of its institutions, the ill-preparedness of its security forces, and widespread abuse against migrants. Why have European member states and EU institutions relapsed to relying on Libyan forces to govern irregular migration? In this paper, we argue that the EU has failed through the migration crisis in the Central Mediterranean by drawing on already established albeit ineffective and contentious policy tools. The collapse of Libya's state apparatus, European Court of Human Rights' censure of Italy's illegal pushbacks and public opinion pressure temporarily displaced but did not fundamentally change EUrope's restrictive approach to irregular mobility governance. While some new and less restrictive border enforcement policies were developed in response to the soaring death toll, this humanitarian turn was short-lived. By combining the mechanism of failing forward with institutionalist insights, our concept of failing through explains why the EU and its member states soon backslid into pre-existing institutional arrangements like bilateral agreements with Libyan authorities notwithstanding their problematic legal, ethical and political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year thousands of people seeking better lives in Europe make the treacherous journey across the Mediterranean. Many of those struggling or stranded at sea are rescued by 'boat people' comprising NGOs, humanitarian organizations, coast guards and merchant vessels. Under maritime law there is a duty of care towards anyone that experiences difficulty at sea. There is, too, a duty of care by States who under the same law are required to assist ships and allow the disembarkation of those in danger. Yet this practice has important legal, ethical and practical implications and has been challenged by right-leaning political regimes who, making good on election promises to ease immigration, have prohibited such vessels to dock at their ports. This paper, using a case study approach of the humanitarian vessel the Aquarius, considers the ways in which the geographies of care intersect and collide with the geopolitical framing of migrants and refugees. In doing so the paper makes two important contributions. First, it extends conceptualizations of care geographies which are more typically applied to the spatial outworking of health and wellbeing to European migration. It thinks about how care is administered, contested and politicized. The complex concept of care offers a rich lens through which to critique the framing of seaborne migrants and refugees in Europe. Through giving or circumventing legal responsibilities to provide care, seaborne migrants are either humanized or dehumanized. Second, through unpacking the legislative and ethical frameworks shaping search and rescue (SAR) activities in the Mediterranean, we can observe a distinct 'geopoliticizing of care and responsibility' whereby these individuals become pawns in wider power dynamics within the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main components, context, and sequence of the European refugee crisis' securitisation in Hungary. Building on content and discourse analysis, this study finds that Orbán, the Hungarian Head of State, successfully securitised the refugee crisis. This study further examines who Orbán's securitisation audience was and what role it played in the securitisation process. The paper's findings reveal that the Hungarian public opinion was the primary audience of the securitising rhetoric. The Hungarian public sanctioned, by large majorities, the securitising moves and measures of Hungary's ruling FIDESZ party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated health inequalities worldwide, having a disproportionately harsh impact on unprivileged populations such as migrants and refugees. These populations are often more exposed to the virus, but less protected, while at the same time being at higher risk of suffering from poor living and working conditions, limited access to healthcare, and discrimination by the host society, all of which is challenging to their mental health. Empirical evidence on how the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting migrants and refugees is required to design effective actions aimed at ensuring health equity. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse how the pandemic has impacted the psychological well-being of migrants and refugees living in Spain. This study was carried out within the framework of the ApartTogether study sponsored by the World Health Organization. Data collection was carried out during March-November 2020, through an online survey completed by 241 participants (age: M = 37 years; 129 women). The results indicate that 78.7% of participants had suffered a decrease in their psychological well-being since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, with number of difficulties and worries experienced being the best individual predictors of this outcome. Enjoying social connections and perceiving positive treatment from the host society were positively associated with psychological well-being at a relational and community level, respectively. Based on these findings, we outline priority areas of psychosocial interventions aimed at guaranteeing the mental health of migrants and refugees in the face of the pandemic in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an exploration of the concept of 'urban home' (or, constructing home in city space) by focusing on two groups of young male migrants: refugees and international students in Cork, Ireland. Walking methods and photography were used to record migrants' geographies of urban home through the lens of everyday inhabitance of the city. We propose four dimensions to the construction of urban home in post-migration lives – instrumentality, memory, spaces of care, and future home. Our analysis shows that migrants connect to and disconnect from the city of Cork in different ways. Young male migrants in this study feel largely disconnected from hegemonic Irish society and, as such, much of their meaning-making of home is shaped in relation to an unknown postponed and undefined future time. Urban home here is not an attachment to Cork city as home, but, rather to a familiar idea of home that may take place in Cork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research has been carried out on the discursive dehumanization of non-Anglo Celtic migrants to Australia – especially refugees and asylum seekers. However, this discourse also has an affective dimension that, in Sara Ahmed's terms, 'stick', impressing upon non-white migrants at a corporeal level. Depictions of self and Other in comic zines such as Where Do I Belong? by Silent Army, Villawood: Notes from a Detention Centre by Safdar Ahmed, and The Refugee Art Project's zine collection clearly demonstrate the ways in which the body is implicated in narratives about migration and asylum. This paper argues that the comic zine medium also allows for 'something else' to surface; namely, an excess with an interruptive rhythm. This excess is posited here as a type of 'diasporic intimacy'—a dystopic and unsuspecting affective force that disrupts the temporal and spatial rhythms of everyday life. By harnessing diasporic intimacies, the comic zines discussed here redeploy sticky and toxic discourses about migration and asylum, creating space for the migrant body to resist and reassemble. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent years have witnessed the outsourcing of immigration and border controls to economically struggling states. Infrastructural projects around controlling migration are transforming localities in the Global South: from shifting legal and political economic systems to altering socialities between migrant and local populations. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in the Republic of Nauru, this paper considers how past and present infrastructural forms give shape to the ways that (in)justices are created. Nauru, the world's smallest island state, was almost entirely economically dependent on the phosphate industry in the twentieth century. After the wealth it derived from phosphate extraction was depleted in the 1990s, the sovereign state resurged on the back of the refugee industry by importing Australia's maritime asylum seeking populations. In this paper, I examine the material life of infrastructure around managing migration in Nauru's 21 km2 locality, including the toxic interrelationships between phosphate and refugee processing, the industries' built environments, and the people who live and work in them. I explore how Nauru's refugee project has reconfigured colonial infrastructural forms, practices of dependency, and socio-legal affiliations as the country is refashioned as a company town in line with new forms of human production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper puts forward the relevance of the concept of precarity in the investigation of the housing conditions of migrants. With this aim, the article presents an inductive journey, anchored in the analysis of the roots of migrant housing problems in Italy. Specific attention is paid to the connection of causal factors internal to the housing system (e.g. the shortcomings of the public housing system, the marginality of the private rental market, and the spread of illegal renting) with the functioning of public institutions, demonstrating that the housing precarity of migrants in Italy is institutionally constructed, maintained and shaped. Subsequently, the reflection lands on the notion of precarity; use of said term – which is usually confined to the analysis of the labor market − is extended to the field of housing. Four main epistemological dimensions of the concept of precarity are identified and explored: i) the centrality of the political and institutional creation of precarity; ii) the intersection of personal attributes and structural forces, of local and global causes; iii) the understanding of sectoral problems as part and parcel of an ontological condition of risk and uncertainty; iv) the indication of precarity as a potential point of departure for collective political agency, in particular among the disparate groups which − despite being marginalized by neoliberal exploitation − are not represented by traditional working-class organizations. The paper concludes with a note on migrant housing in pandemic times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly work on migration to Europe and North America asserts that states adopt liberal migration policies when migrants are able to mobilise and when they are assisted by state and non-state institutions. To what extent does this explanation for mobilisation transfer to the Global South where authoritarian state structures might be in place, thereby constraining certain political behaviours? This paper examines why migrants and refugees have been able to mobilise to a greater extent in Morocco than in Egypt. Drawing primarily on original data from semi-structured interviews, this paper assesses the formal and informal rules that constrain or permit certain political behaviours among non-national populations in each host state. I find that the Moroccan system has been more responsive than the Egyptian state to migrant and refugee mobilisation due primarily to the type of authoritarian governance in place. While both Egypt and Morocco seek to retain control overt opposition, the Moroccan regime since the 1990s has allowed for a degree of openness, permitting visible forms of resistance and ultimately co-opting critics, whereas Egypt – especially since 2013 – has sought to violently eliminate any form of contestation and since 2014 has also sought to limit any associational activities related to human rights promotion. The findings address the question of whether extant explanations for migrant mobilisation and subsequent policy reform travel to the Global South, and also contribute to understandings of whether and how the political mobilisation of migrants and refugees can take place in non-democratic spaces and to what effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To alleviate overpopulation in Australia's metropolitan areas and counter population decline in regional areas, regional settlement of newly arrived migrants and refugees has emerged in recent policy debates. With a new federal government plan to introduce mandatory regional settlement for migrants, significant responsibility is placed on regional schools to cater for the unique needs of students from linguistically and culturally diverse backgrounds. Evoking Bourdieu's thinking tools, this paper examines the perspectives of principals and teachers from two regional schools in Victoria, Australia by exploring their beliefs and dispositions towards English as an Additional Language (EAL) students in mainstream classrooms and their capacity to build student capital within a regional education field. This paper argues that for regional settlement to be 'advantageous', regional schools must look from within to initiate a whole school approach to EAL support and professional development and promote community connections to create advantageous spaces for migrant and refugee youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reception and protection system in Greece in the aftermath of the so-called refugee crisis produces a geography of specific mobility restrictions and accommodation types for migrants, asylum-seekers and refugees. These restrictions create a multi-layered landscape of displacement, dominated by three socio-spatial figurations: the forced containment of displaced people in 'hotspots' on eastern Aegean islands; staying in isolated and segregated camps in the mainland; and the accommodation of the most vulnerable in urban centres. At the same time, the mobility practices of displaced people often disrupt the above figurations, stemming from their survival practices and life aspirations, and largely relating to their translocal social connections. These mobilities include, but are not limited to, unregistered movements from hotspots to the mainland, mobilities from camp to camp, mobility negotiations between camp and city. This paper explores the figurations of displacement related to the impact of governance regimes on the livelihoods and mobility of displaced people in Greece. Within this frame, it focuses on the ways through which migrants and asylum-seekers negotiate, resist or transcend the geography of multiple restrictions, through translocal mobility practices that intervene and therefore reshape dominant socio-spatial figurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contribution and role of psychologists, psychiatrists or mental health practitioners in working alongside forced migrants may take many forms. The guidance on which this paper is based, came about when several members of the British Psychological Society (including those with lived experience and insight and those who had set up services); became aware of the need for good practice guidance for clinicians working with refugees, asylum seekers including forced migrants across Britain. These guidelines cover a range of areas where clinicians work with individuals in clinical contexts, schools, nurseries, colleges and within community organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores a transnational oral history project on migrant justice which I developed in collaboration with refugee organizers in Greece and students in my course 'Borders and Migration' at the University of Utah. In the project, US-based and Greece-based im/migrant communities exchange oral histories with each other on their struggles and experiences. I argue that this exchange shed light on avenues for building internationalist solidarity among migrant justice movements worldwide. The project made visible some common 'roots of uprooting,' namely the ways in which structures of capitalism and imperialism have uprooted disparate peoples from their homelands. I thus argue that freedom of movement and freedom from uprooting emerge as twin struggles in these oral histories. I then explore the ways that both sides of the exchange underscored that community need not be defined by citizenship papers or lack thereof, by (militarized) national borders, or by people's particular ethnic identity. Rather, participants spoke to each other of steadfastly building strong, meaningful communities based on mutual aid despite their presence being deemed illegal or otherwise illegitimate. These included a direct-action squat by refugees of a vacant hotel in Athens as well as other forms of community building by DACAmented youth on the project's US side. I ultimately argue that these acts help light the way to a world not based on profit and its tendency to displace people, but rather based on sharing resources in solidarity. The latter roots people together instead of uprooting them from homes and from one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on migration and racism usually focuses on Western, highly skilled migrants working in global cities who reproduce racial postcolonial hierarchies or on less-privileged, low-skilled migrants and refugees, whose situation is analysed in terms of experienced racial prejudices. Our article aims to fill the gap related to the in-between category of middling migrants and to analyse their relations with neoliberalism and racism. By drawing on qualitative research, the paper examines racial neoliberalism and the question of how racism operates in the everyday life of middling migrants. In contrast to the nascent literature on middling migrants, we focus less on their experiences of racism as how migrants' neoliberal subjectivity contributes to the strengthening of racism. Our analysis demonstrates that middling migrants not only evoke the neoliberal hierarchy of desirable and undesirable migrants but also, through neoliberal subjectivity, reproduce the neoliberal logic of silencing and marginalising racism as a social problem. We argue that, paradoxically, although middling migrants are not openly racist and often become victims of racism themselves, they nevertheless contribute to maintaining the conditions for racism to exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines migration experience and migrant solidarity within a differential migration system. The paper unfolds how Hungarians living in Germany have become involved in refugee support (either in form of voluntary or paid work), and how their engagement relates to their own experience of migration. Concerning applied methods the paper is based on a quantitative online survey and qualitative interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the provisions of the recently enacted Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019 (CAA) against the backdrop of the citizenship provisions of the Indian Constitution. It argues that by articulating a preference towards non-Muslim immigrants and discriminating against Muslim immigrants, the CAA is vaguely reminiscent of policies adopted by the Indian government at the time of the partition of the country and the framing of the Constitution. However, this paper will then argue that the CAA is unconstitutional by today's standards because the conditions which existed during the days of India's dominionship, between August 1947 and January 1950, viz., partition-era housing shortages and a communal environment charged by millions of refugees, no longer exist in India today. It posits that the CAA is discriminatory for several reasons though not for the insidious, mala fide reasons that are usually attributed to the government in popular discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction outlines the need for a Special Issue on the topic of the migrant/refugee binary, discusses the contributions of the six papers that make up the issue, and outlines an agenda for future research on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the strategies that staff at two refugee-serving organizations found helpful in mitigating their increased distress from negative political rhetoric aimed at their clients. Results point to the importance of organizational acknowledgment of the distress. Additionally, staff perceived that intentionally focused organizational interventions can mitigate the emotional impacts of negative rhetoric. Finally, strategies employees used to lessen their distress and regain a sense of efficacy included recommitment to the mission, advocacy for refugees among family and friends, strong reliance on religious faith in coping, and an avoidance of the rhetoric by decreasing engagement with news and social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The League of Ireland is commonly seen as a development league, one whose best players are signed at an early age, usually by larger, wealthier clubs from Britain, following a pattern established more than a century ago. In this set of four case studies from the 1920s through to the twenty-first century another narrative is examined: the stories of footballers who have come into the League of Ireland from outside. This paper explores the circumstances that brought these footballers to Ireland, the scouting networks, the inter-relationships between leagues, and in several cases the major geopolitical events taking place at the time. It also examines the experiences of those men while they were playing in Ireland and investigates what these four case studies can tell us about the League of Ireland and Irish society more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clarkston, a little town in Metropolitan Atlanta, comes bearing big city nicknames. Often called the "Ellis Island of the South" and "the most diverse square mile in the U.S.," Clarkston is just east of the city of Atlanta and has a total population of about 12,600 with an immigrant and refugee population of around 5,900 (U.S. Census Bureau, ACS, 2012–2016). It is the primary place in the state where refugees from all over the world have been resettled since approximately 1980, and as a result, it has undergone demographic changes related to several waves of resettlement in the United States, alternating between East African, Southeast Asian, and Middle Eastern points of origin. The merging of those migration waves has created a "city of refugees," and in 2014 marked Clarkston as Georgia's most foreign-born city. This paper reviews the attractions of a small, southern, suburban town and explores the interactions of refugees with city leaders on issues of housing, public safety, and policing, as well as how local regulatory ordinances have immense impact on new American communities that cannot yet vote in local or federal elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: A common understanding of the term "vulnerable populations" in the European agricultural context is needed. Therefore, the purpose of this paper was to identify vulnerable populations working in European agriculture. Methods: Participatory dialogue with members of the Safety Culture and Risk Management in Agriculture (SACURIMA) network was used to identify and build consensus on the major vulnerable groups of people who work in European agriculture. Results: Five groups of vulnerable people were identified, which included: (1) foreign-born farmworkers (including both immigrants and refugees); (2) migrant and seasonal farmworkers; (3) beginning farmers (those with <5 years of experience); (4) farm families (including women, children, and older adults), and (5) farmers and farmworkers who have physical, mental health, or intellectual disabilities. Conclusion: By developing a consistent understanding of vulnerable populations working in European agriculture, we can promote consistency in health and safety messaging, measurement of health and safety constructs, and implementation and dissemination of health and safety programs and information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing movement of migrants and refugees around the world present complex social issues for countries experiencing large migrant intakes. Support for recent arrivals needs deeper policy consideration, especially as reflected in cultural policy. Anecdotally, we know arts projects have greater success in assisting refugees to build social connections and support settlement than many formal government settlement programs. However, as arts initiatives struggle for adequate funding, evaluation's quantitative bias means that administrators face a conundrum about how to demonstrate evidence which values their work. Qualitative outcomes of supporting cultural expression, building trust, social connections and relationships are difficult to evidence, yet these make arts initiatives successful in supporting new arrivals. This paper discusses the context of that conundrum, explores the possibilities afforded by valuing social connection more highly and the consequences of such an approach. We argue that what is valued and how it is demonstrated need to be radically reconsidered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines policies toward migrants and refugees in the transit-turned-host countries? Compared to the vast literature examining migration to Europe and North America, we know relatively little about why ‘newer’ host states pursue a liberal strategy with access to residency, employment and services on par with citizens, or what drives them to treat migrants and refugees with exclusion. This paper argues that there is a third choice: the idea of indifference-as-policy. Indifference refers to indirect action on the part of the host state, whereby a state defers to international organisations and civil society actors to provide basic services to migrants and refugees. The paper uses data collected over two years in Egypt, Morocco and Turkey to examine how this tripartite understanding of engagement maps onto empirical reality. Drawing on this analysis, the argument in this paper is two-fold. First, indifference is a strategic form of engagement utilised by host states, and that it creates a specific type of environment that allows for the de facto integration of migrants and refugees. Second, even when host states take steps toward a more liberal engagement strategy, examining policy outcomes, rather than outputs, demonstrates that indifference is still the dominant policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to identify the factors that influence the labour market integration of humanitarian migrants in the host country. A number of employment outcomes are examined including access to employment, access to stable employment, the wage/earnings level and the education-occupation mismatch. By using a recently collected panel survey data in Australia, the study shows that pre-migration education, work experience, previous migration episodes, as well as English proficiency, English training, study/job training undertaken in Australia and social capital form important determinants of the labour market integration of refugees in the host country. The paper highlights the differentiated impacts of these resources on the refugees’ outcomes at six months, one year and two years after arrival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely recognized that language acquisition is one of the key elements that can boost migrants' and refugees' social inclusion, although some research has stressed that the mastery of language can be intended as a necessary but not a sufficient condition in the process of integration. This contribution aims at shaping further analysis on the relationship between language learning, migrants' and refugees' social inclusion and citizenship through the experience gained by LUMSA University (Italy) research group in two European funded projects: Advenus (Developing online resources for adult refugees) and ReGap (Reducing the Education Gap). After a brief overview of the resources developed by LUMSA in the Advenus project, this paper analyses the implications arisen from the trials with refugees in Italy, stressing the strengths and the weaknesses of the online courses, with a specific focus on the peculiarity of the Italian hosting system where the trials took place. It will then highlight the further developments adopted in the courses for the ReGap project and the challenges that teachers, educators and researchers still have to face when involving refugees (and more in general disadvantaged groups) in learning and e-learning experiences. Finally, implications for a cultural sensitive approach will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the case of a community of Bengali immigrant settlers along the coast of Odisha in India at the centre of a unique citizenship controversy. Families have arrived here gradually over the years since 1947, and have generally acquired a range of identity documents from Indian state agencies. These documents certify to a range of rights that signal social and political participation within India: land ownership, voting rights and the receipt of official welfare subsidies. With little warning, a 2005 order by the state government following a high court directive led to the production of a list of 1551 persons, declaring such persons as ‘infiltrators’. The list ostensibly comprises those who have entered India illegally after 1971 or born to parents who entered illegally. While no deportation, as originally intended, has taken place, the nullification of their various documents of citizenship has created a void in their lives. This paper examines the wider politics of the case, especially focusing on how those with nullified documents negotiate the authority of the local state and actors within their own society, and what this reveals about the ever contested nature of citizenship in post-partition India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban water scarcity in south-east Australia forces us to engage with how our present centralised public utilities are embedded in our everyday lives, amidst uncertain futures. In the last decades, socio-technical approaches have illustrated how the myth of endless main water supply is made possible by cultures of engineering and plumbing. To extend debates about the cultural dimensions of environmental sustainability, this paper takes an ethnographic approach to understand the processes by which Burmese refugees and migrants who lived with water scarcity pre-migration make water potable post-migration to Australia. With a focus on mapping the material, discursive, spatial and emotional relations that enable the provisioning of potable water, the paper brings into conversation Elizabeth Shove's social practice theory with Elspeth Probyn's emplaced formulation of subjectivity. The adaptive provisioning capacities of people whose lives are immersed in cultures of water scarcity point towards a politics and relational ethics of care underpinned by provisioning and first-person contact. To conclude, these grounded Burmese examples provide an opportunity to employ scenario thinking to imagine alternative drinking water futures for south-east Australian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of the categories ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ to differentiate between those on the move and the legitimacy, or otherwise, of their claims to international protection has featured strongly during Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and has been used to justify policies of exclusion and containment. Drawing on interviews with 215 people who crossed the Mediterranean to Greece in 2015, our paper challenges this ‘categorical fetishism’, arguing that the dominant categories fail to capture adequately the complex relationship between political, social and economic drivers of migration or their shifting significance for individuals over time and space. As such it builds upon a substantial body of academic literature demonstrating a disjuncture between conceptual and policy categories and the lived experiences of those on the move. However, the paper is also critical of efforts to foreground or privilege ‘refugees’ over ‘migrants’ arguing that this reinforces rather than challenges the dichotomy’s faulty foundations. Rather those concerned about the use of categories to marginalise and exclude should explicitly engage with the politics of bounding, that is to say, the process by which categories are constructed, the purpose they serve and their consequences, in order to denaturalise their use as a mechanism to distinguish, divide and discriminate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the recognised benefits of cultural festivals, it is still unclear how they may assist marginalised groups in mitigating the adverse effects of marginalisation. Informed by the Counterspace Framework, this paper seeks to address the gap at the nexus of leisure, events and marginalisation by considering the case of the New Beginnings Festival in Sydney. Using hybrid thematic analysis and based on data collected through participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and document analysis, we argue that the festival operates as a counterspace for attendees through the processes of narrative identity work, acts of resistance, and direct relational transactions. First, the festival validated experiences of rejection and marginalisation by attendees, and at the same time celebrated migrants and refugees by showcasing their capabilities/achievements. This lead to attendees' sense of affirmation and acceptance. Second, the freedom to express themselves in culturally meaningful ways helped bolster the attendees' self-concept. Third, social and institutional support, and leadership roles such as mentoring and volunteering were made possible at the festival, which enhanced attendees' social capital in empowering ways. In addition, we highlight the importance of location for events as counterspaces. Our findings contribute to both the critical event studies and the counterspace literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The major influx of refugees to Europe, especially in 2015, has led to immense solidarity, but also hostility among European citizens. In the wake of the so-called 'refugee crisis' country differences in the willingness to help displaced people have become a salient issue of European integration. In this paper, we explain country differences in the public support for helping refugees across Europe at a critical time-point – spring 2016 – just after the influx of displaced people had peaked. Theoretically, we base our explanation of country differences on economic threat, inter-group contact, welfare state, and political framing theories. Using data from a Eurobarometer survey across the 28 EU member states, we show that solidarity with refugees varies significantly between countries. Controlling for individual characteristics of respondents and utilizing a multilevel design, we find that solidarity with refugees is highest in countries with an extensive welfare state and a historically high share of immigrants, whereas there is no effect of countries' economic situation or strength of right-wing parties. On the individual level of respondents, however, we find that people with a more precarious economic background, little institutional trust, and a right-wing political orientation express lower solidarity with refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper synthesises recent educational research to explore the integration experiences of newcomer students in the United States of America. The authors examine the barriers and sources of support that are perceived to either hamper or facilitate the social and academic integration and psychological well-being of these students, and in so doing, investigate how academic literature positions newcomers in comparison to the larger societal discourse that perceives them as outsiders. The review concludes with a presentation of the implications of the analysis for both educational theory and practice in K-12 schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropologists and social scientists are regularly asked to submit ‘expert’ reports focusing on social, cultural or political conditions in refugee-producing nation states on behalf of human rights organisations or lawyers representing refugee claimants in the Global North. In this paper I reflect on my own participation in the production of these reports and the cumulative effect of expert documents on sexual orientation and gender identity refugee claims as they accrue in the paper and electronic folders of courts, and state immigration and refugee departments, producing a governmental archive of knowledge on sexual orientation and gendered identity. I argue that these archives reinforce homonationalist discourses which contain a highly delimited – neo-liberal, classed and raced – definition of sexual and gendered identity that is folded into some nation states' discourses of the good immigrant and proper citizen, simultaneously creating its opposite, the bad immigrant and deviant citizen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores inhuman/human constructions that feature in state responses to refugees. We move beyond straightforward normative claims that dehumanizing or demonizing refugees is unfair, unjust or bad to ask: what kind of inhuman monsters are refugees characterized as when they are 'demonised'; and, what are the consequences of such a characterization? Our argument is that reading the demonised refugee as the contemporary zombie monster and inversely, reading the resurgence of the zombie monster through the prism of the so-called refugee and migrant crisis, reveals the precise anxieties brought about by refugees and asylum seekers. In particular, we claim that both figures represent the transgression of borders, as well as the failure of containment, borders and border walls as a response to crisis. We also argue that the contemporary zombie, as a race-less catchall monster figure, mirrors the erasure of colonial histories, race and race relations in the casting of refugees as dehistoricized, invading and disorderly bodies. We analyse these themes through the 2013 blockbuster film World War Z (dir. Marc Foster). In the film, the United Nations, US Navy, World Health Organisation, and Gerry Lane (a former UN employee) combine to fight a global zombie war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the findings of an empirical study investigating refugees' difficult entry into Vienna's 'tight' housing market. Arguing that newcomers' access to housing can be better understood by a closer look at the actors involved in the housing search process, an actor-centred approach is used. Complementing the constructivist pathway framework with a model of search based on Bourdieu's theory of practice, four types of housing entry pathways could be identified. This study draws on semi-structured in-depth interviews with forced migrants who arrived in Austria in recent years. The analysis of newcomers' housing entry pathways not only sheds light on the coordination structures at work in a city of social housing, but also on 'good' and 'bad' rental housing submarkets that have emerged in the course of the recent refugee movement. The paper concludes that a high proportion of social housing does not provide any indication that newcomers are granted better access to secure affordable housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we compare two seemingly very similar instances in which individuals and organizations within the borders of the global North have memorialized the deaths of irregular migrants at sea: the SIEV X memorial in Australia's national capital Canberra, and the Giardino della memoria (Garden of Remembrance) on the Italian island of Lampedusa. Unlike ephemeral manifestations of grief, potentially these memorials have effects that reach well beyond their creation. We relate the differences between the memorials to the contexts within which they were created: an immediate local response involving people directly affected by the disaster's aftermath, on the one hand, and a delayed nation-wide response involving people removed from the deaths at sea, on the other. We also discuss the difference between a memorial that names and thereby individualizes victims, and one that does not, and between one that celebrates an alternative, hospitable society, and one that does not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims and objectives: This paper reports on women's experiences of weight gain and obesity as they became acculturated to the Australian diet and lifestyle. Background: Migrants from sub-Saharan Africa have a much higher risk of obesity than the native population when settling in industrialised countries. Method: Qualitative. Results: Women in this study reported weight gain post-migration. This was attributed to increased access to a wide variety of food including takeaway food and more sedentary lifestyles. Conclusions: Obesity has long-term consequences for health and well-being. Further research is needed to support a healthy transition to life in Australia. Relevance to clinical practice: Gaining insight into the underlying reasons that West African immigrants to Australia become obese could contribute to assisting health professionals design culturally appropriate interventions and health education programmes to support new arrivals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Adequate knowledge of sexual health among young adults is a critical step in prevention of sexually transmitted diseases and maintenance of adult sexual health. Knowledge of specific barriers to accessing sexual health knowledge can help tailor approaches appropriately. The purpose of this paper was to identify sexual health knowledge barriers among Somali young adults in Ohio. Design: In-depth interviews were conducted with a convenience sample of 27 Somali young adults aged 18-25 years. Using a grounded theory approach, a semi-structured interview guide comprising open-ended questions and probes was utilized to collect data. Data were analyzed and coded using constant comparative analysis. Results: Findings revealed sexual health knowledge barriers in the following broad categories: religion, culture and stigma. Cultural and religious norms were deemed an important influence on the community norms largely impacting sexual health knowledge due to stigma and fear of judgment. Participants overcame barriers by seeking information from external sources such as doctors, Internet and peers. Conclusion: Study findings support an approach that will address sexual health barriers in the Somali immigrant young community at multiple levels: individual, interpersonal and community levels. A collaborative effort across religious, cultural and educational setting is necessary to tailor approaches that meet the needs of the priority group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the crisis governance of the refugee and migrant influx into Europe in 2015 through the lenses of Kooiman’s modes of governance. The key theoretical perspectives rest upon the crisis and crisis governance literature and are applied to the initiatives taken by the European Commission and the Council in response to the so-called 2015 migrant and refugee crisis. This article questions the mode(s) of crisis governance applied by the EU to govern the massive influx of migrants and refugees. The main findings indicate that a mixed mode of governance should have been applied strategically, mainly inside the Council, in order to avoid national fragmented responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the example of a 2009 visa requirement imposed onto Mexican nationals travelling to Canada, this paper frames migrant illegalization as an assemblage that brings together transnational connections, discursive and affective productions, modes of racialization and migrant negotiations. More specifically, the paper maps the events leading to the crafting of the visa requirement and the ensemble of stakeholders – Canadian immigration officials, politicians and business representatives, the Mexican and American governments and Mexican migrants –who responded to it. Through that analysis, the paper argues that migrant illegalization is not always a consistent or predictable set of practices, processes and actors, but instead an often contradictory assemblage of actions and reactions dependent on the social and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants and refugees settling permanently in a new country face significant social, linguistic and cultural challenges. However, they also bring intercultural strengths and skills which, if acknowledged and enhanced, can support successful settlement and inclusion in a pluralistic society. This paper describes the underpinning rationale and salient features of an intercultural settlement programme piloted in New Zealand with a group of recently arrived settlers from refugee backgrounds. The programme was designed to enhance the settlement process for newcomers through the development of critical thinking, problem-solving and intercultural skills. The pedagogical approach was rights-based and incorporated facilitated discussions within an environment of power-sharing, inclusiveness and critical enquiry. This paper discusses the implementation of the programme as well as findings from a preliminary research project which sought to explore the effectiveness and the extent to which the programme achieved its aims. The findings indicate that this approach can constitute good practice in an education programme designed to support interculturalism and successful integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In England there are minority ethnic students with past family connections to the former British Empire, as well as recent Eastern European students, economic migrants, asylum seekers and refugees. One may wish to ask, do newly emerging racial identities conceptualise race and race relations in similar ways to existing minority ethnic communities? This paper is based on ongoing research examining the perceptions and experiences of British ‘minority ethnic’ and more recently migrated Eastern European ‘immigrant’ youth. Findings from a qualitative study conducted in two Buckinghamshire secondary schools examine everyday experiences, perceptions, practices, and barriers that validate stereotypes of 30 young people (ages 12–16). The primary aims in this paper are: (1) to illustrate some articulations of both inclusion and exclusion within the English educational system, particularly in relation to the recent comparative and temporal dimensions of migration and (2) to demonstrate how critical race theory (CRT), particularly the tenet of white supremacy, can be used to examine multicultural and intercultural descriptors. CRT is applied in this paper as an interdisciplinary approach that draws from new theories of race and society. I argue that diversity in race, migration, and education requires researchers to adopt flexible critical analytical frameworks that can expose transformations of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines justice issues of representation, redistribution and recognition within a specialised secondary school for immigrant and refugee students in Queensland, Australia. Fraser’s three-dimensional model of justice – towards the ideal of ‘participatory parity’ – is drawn on to analyse interview data gathered from a study that sought to identify productive approaches to addressing cultural diversity. Through these lenses, injustices created by mainstream/dominant discourses within and beyond the school are highlighted. The paper details the school’s efforts to support greater equity for these students through educator advocacy, critically reflective practice and a centring of students’ perspectives. The significance of educators identifying and challenging the limits and exclusions of these discourses to support these efforts is highlighted. Fraser’s theorising is presented as useful in capturing, understanding and addressing justice and marginality in schools amid the broader social context where matters of justice are characterised by uncertainty, complexity and contention. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper highlights how states attempt to control migrant mobilities through refugee claims. We examine the representations and practices of refugees in the refugee claimant process over time and in very different cases with distinct geopolitical influences and inflections in Canada. Our paper is based on case studies of Sri Lankan Tamil migrants in Toronto and refugee claimants from Fujian province, China, that landed in British Columbia in 1999. We analyse the ways that geopolitics influence every phase of the refugee claimant process, from the representations of claimants, to the decisions made about refugee claims, and the tenor of mundane encounters with state authorities. Our findings indicate that the geopolitics of migrant mobilities are produced through everyday state practices as well as by migrant strategies to move and resettle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]