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This paper contributes to migration studies, settler colonial studies and critical internationalization studies by mapping as connected two concurrent settler colonial preoccupations, reconciliation and internationalization. In Canada, as in other Western countries, international students are a crucial resource as they increasingly sustain post-secondary funding. At the same time, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2015) has charged the educational sector to put reconciliation and decolonization at the heart of their mandate. Drawing on interviews with racialized international students in Ontario, Canada, this paper examines how racialized international students may have complex relationships to coloniality and be complicit in legitimating settler colonialism. We argue that the processes of reconciliation and internationalization must be understood as deeply interconnected especially because the obfuscation of coloniality is a key technology of settler rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As both a marriage act and an immigration act, the Expatriation Act of 1907 restricted U.S. women's freedom of marriage by stating that marrying aliens would lead to loss of U.S. citizenship. To study the effects of the Expatriation Act, I conduct a statistical analysis using 1910 full-count U.S. census data. I find that the Expatriation Act of 1907 generated significantly negative effects on intermarriage between American women and foreign-born men, particularly noncitizens. In particular, I find that it was the citizenship, rather than men's non-U.S. origin, that accounted for the negative effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage. These results show a decline in male immigrants' marital assimilation, and potentially social and economic assimilation. As for the magnitude, the effects were large: the decline in intermarriage was at least 15 percent relative to the pre-Act intermarriage rate. Besides these main results, selective emigration to Canada and Europe driven by intermarriage cannot explain the main empirical results of the paper. The Expatriation Act of 1907 also had no significant effects on women's entry into the marriage market. Finally, the effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage were heterogeneous by family immigration background, but less so by geographic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of ethnic prejudice to examine the extent to which fears and anxieties related to immigration and ethnic diversity constitute obstacles to middle-class nation-building in Canada. Our underlying assumption is that if immigration is so contentious and the status anxiety it induces so great, then it should manifest into substantial levels of ethnic prejudice. Moreover, if status anxiety induced by immigration is indeed a widespread concern in Canada, we expect it to translate to significant differences in ethnic prejudice between class and immigration status. To measure ethnic prejudice, we developed an index using common factor analysis with the Provincial Diversity Project. This dataset allows us to create a robust index of ethnic prejudice based on the individual attitudes regarding eight different ethnic groups. While our findings indicate that ethnic prejudice in Canada remains relatively low for the time being, it is evident that a certain level of ethnic prejudice persists and intersects with other forms of status anxieties and competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twelve qualitative case studies in German and Canadian hospitals and IT companies were used in this mixed-methods study analysing the labour market outcomes of immigrants. The reported case studies investigate the immigrants' recognition, integration process and the usability of foreign qualifications, skills and work experiences in the labour market. Furthermore, the strategies and rationales of employers and employees within the recruiting process are analysed. Here, the focus lies on the transferability and obstacles of cultural and social capital across country borders as well as the relevant framework conditions. This paper refers to Bourdieu's approach towards different types of capital as well as the rational choice theory. The results demonstrate that immigrants in both countries face more obstacles accessing the labour market within the health sector than within the IT sector. The context of the recruiting situation strongly affects the strategies and behaviour of the employers or the recruiters. Within these sector- and country-specific confines, individual factors determine the immigrants' labour market success. Furthermore, the sector and the country affect the relevance of each individual factor in the recruiting process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International student migration (ISM) is one of the fastest growing categories of migrants in Canada. Drawing on the narratives of 30 international students at a Canadian university, this paper investigates international students' decisions to study overseas and the roles of social networks in shaping mobility. We find that international students negotiate information while embedded in multiple social networks consisting of family, friends, ethnocultural and religious communities, and professional relations in origin and settlement countries. These social networks exceed typical knowledge and connection functions; they act as informal migration agents, providing transnational care and guidance, and 'do' family in ways that shape mobility decisions and settlement. The information provided through these networks, however, can be inaccurate or incomplete, requiring the strategic mobilization of new networks to support migration. We conclude that international student mobility relies on building transnational networks to support knowledge transfer, provide care and offer tangible supports. Furthermore, we argue that these fluctuating local and transnational social networks should be more fully recognized in the theorizing of ISM and in strategies implemented for supporting international students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees in 2018 marked a turning point in international migration governance. According to objective 13 of the Global Compact for Migration, States Parties have committed to use immigration detention as a measure of last resort and work towards alternatives. As for the Global Compact on Refugees, States Parties and relevant stakeholders also pledged to contribute to the development of non-custodial and community-based alternatives to detention, particularly with respect to children. Five years later, the enhancement of human rights protection for migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers within national territories remains a challenge. We argue that two states of the Global North – Canada and France – are actually using the Global Compacts to push forward their own agenda on the international scene, as a tool to influence other states. Even if Canada and France have engaged in multilateral discussions on the regulation of migration and the protection of refugees through soft law instruments, we find that national practices have not been altered since 2018. As such, this paper will demonstrate that the implementation of the Global Compacts is, in fact, used to advance foreign national policy for both states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Canada has moved towards a system of 'two-step' immigration, wherein a growing proportion of new permanent residents are selected from people who are already in the country on a temporary work permit. While the 'two-step' selection approach has been lauded as improving immigrants' labour market outcomes, the process to achieve permanent residence can be complex and the stringent selection criteria prevent many migrants from attaining permanent status. In this paper, we examine the administrative burden that migrants with precarious status encounter in their interactions with state immigration bureaucracies as they try to attain permanent residence through economic programmes. The research is based on a qualitative analysis of interviews with 20 migrants with precarious status in the provinces of Ontario, Alberta and Quebec. Participants describe the stressful life consequences resulting from confusing and opaque administrative processes, unpredictable wait times, costly application fees, bureaucratic errors and a lack of accountability. We theorise how such experiences of administrative burden can compound into forms of bureaucratic violence that prolong migrant precarity, exacerbating the legal violence inherent in state immigration categories which deny full social rights to migrants without permanent residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Compact on Migration and International Organizations pay increasing focus to fair migrant labor recruitment. By looking at the temporary migration of Guatemalans to Canada, this paper demonstrates that migrants play a crucial role in managing labor migration. Based on interviews with Guatemalan migrants, recruiters, and Canadian employers, I analyze the dual role of migrants, as both producers and subjects of recruitment practices. I build upon the concept of the migration industry to show how this phenomenon creates a grey zone of migration brokerage at the crossroads of business and social networks, problematizing the global discourse on fair recruitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's national narratives gesture to cosmopolitan ideals by celebrating the country as open and inclusive through the working of its immigration policy. Indeed, it has been suggested that Canada may be oriented toward a form of 'rooted cosmopolitanism'. This vision stands at odds with the experiences of skilled migrants who often encounter hurdles in the labour market. In this paper, we probe the 'cosmopolitan paradox' and its implications. Through a qualitative case study of 36 skilled newcomers, we document their experiences as they attempt to enter the labour market encountering barriers that reassert national frames and 'Canadian standards'. We argue that if Canada is to live up to the promise of a cosmopolitan ideal, the stratifications and exclusions that mark the lives of newcomers need to be addressed. It is not enough to attract increasing numbers of immigrants if they cannot become full members of the Canadian national community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of increasing secularization and religious pluralism, the Slovak-Canadian community offers a compelling case study on the role of religion and religious institutions in shaping immigrant identities and contributing to broader societal cohesion. Drawing upon an interdisciplinary array of scholarly works, historical documents, and statistical data, this paper aims to explore the multifaceted relationship between the Slovak diaspora in Canada and their religious affiliations. It delves into the historical background of Slovak immigration to Canada, the social and cultural impacts of religious practices, and the complex interactions between religious identity and modern secular Canadian society. Our approach reveals that religious institutions serve not merely as spiritual sanctuaries but also as vital agents in preserving cultural heritage, fostering social integration, and contributing to the moral fabric of Canadian society at large. Our findings suggest that religiosity among Slovak-Canadians serves as a microcosm that reflects broader themes in the dialogue between faith and multiculturalism in contemporary Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the growing body of work on precarious labor, immigration, and social gerontology by examining the racialization of precarious employment across the life course. In particular, the authors examine the impact of precarious employment and discrimination among racialized older immigrants in Canada. Racialized older immigrants are more likely to be disadvantaged by the effects of lifelong intersections of economic and social discrimination rooted in racialization, gender, ageism, and socio-economic status. Drawing from a narrative-photovoice project that focused on the life stories of older immigrants living in Quebec and British Columbia, this paper presents the in-depth stories and photographs of four participants to highlight how intersections of race, gender, age, immigration status, and ability shape and structure experiences of aging, labor market participation and caregiving relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate changes are happening at an unprecedented rate, as identified in the 2021 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Environmental philanthropy, those acts of contributions toward the conservation and preservation of the environment, need to be better understood, as research suggests there is insufficient literature in this area. For Muslims living in Canada, the concept of charity, khalifa (a sacred entrustment whereby Muslims strive to support and preserve all of the Earth and what is in it), and worship take root and have developed within a context of immigration, identity formation, and broader Canadian contexts. The Muslim Canadian identity is informed by the social, political, economic, and historical elements of the Muslim Canadian experience. In turn, this informs the Muslim Canadian environmental philanthropy narrative. This paper explores the relationship between Islam, eco-consciousness, and its manifestations in environmental philanthropy in Canada and how this is informing the climate change crisis. Centered on the narratives of ten Muslim Canadians currently leading and involved with environmental philanthropy, the paper also offers insight on future considerations for environmental philanthropy within the Muslim Canadian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial minority of adolescents experience and use dating violence in their sexual and/or romantic relationships. Limited attention has been paid to exploring theory-driven questions about use and experience of adolescent dating violence (ADV), restricting knowledge about promising prevention targets for diverse groups of youth. To address this gap, this paper investigates whether factors tied to power imbalances (bullying, risk of social marginalization) are associated with patterns of ADV victimization and perpetration in a large sample of Canadian mid-adolescents. We used data from the 2017/2018 Health-Behavior in School-Aged Children (HBSC) study, a nationally representative sample of Canadian youth. Our study was comprised of adolescents who were in grades 9 or 10, and who had dated in the past 12 months (N = 3779). We assessed multiple forms of ADV and bullying victimization and perpetration. We also included six variables assessing adolescents' risk of social marginalization: gender, race/ethnicity, immigration status, family structure, food insecurity, and family affluence. We used latent class analysis to explore the ways adolescents experience and use different forms of ADV, and then examined whether factors tied to power imbalances (bullying, social marginalization) were associated with classes of ADV. Three ADV classes emerged in our sample: uninvolved (65.7%), psychological and cyber victimization only (28.9%), and mutual violence (5.4%). Bullying was most strongly associated with the mutual violence class, suggesting a transformation of power from peer to romantic contexts. Social marginalization variables were associated with ADV patterns in different ways, highlighting the need to use a critical and anti-oppressive lens in ADV research and prevention initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed crucial flaws in Canada's immigration systems. While the majority of newcomers to Canada reside in urban centres, a substantial minority work and live in rural areas and small towns where crucial immigrant services are far less developed and greater geographical distances hinder efforts to support immigrants. Rural immigrants face distinct challenges, including increased social isolation and economic marginalization, which have only been amplified by the pandemic. Furthermore, the inaccurate perception of immigration as an exclusively urban issue hinders efforts to combat these problems. Building on rural immigration literature, this paper examines the ways in which the pandemic has impacted rural immigrants, including newcomers, refugees, and temporary foreign workers. Findings highlighted include the difficulty of providing immigrant support services in rural areas, the vulnerability of migrant farm workers to illness and isolation, and the lack of awareness and funding for immigration issues in rural areas relative to their urban counterparts. The paper draws on journalism and academic literature from the past year into these issues. In doing so, it demonstrates the need for renewed academic, policy, and rural development practice interests in rural immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the 33 year‐long jurisdictional dispute between immigration lawyers and immigration consultants over the right to practice immigration law in Canada. Immigration consultants began to play a role in the immigration law field of practice in the 1980s. Their entry into this field of practice has not gone unnoticed by immigration lawyers. The paper focuses on two moments in this jurisdictional dispute; the events surrounding the Supreme Courts' 2001 decision in the case of the Law Society of British Columbia v Mangat and the 2017 hearings of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. Using an ecological framework to understanding the professions, and professional boundary disputes, this paper examines the reasons why the profession of law has not been able to exert monopolistic closure and prevent immigration consultants impinging on one of their traditional fields of practice. Part of the explanation, I suggest, is that immigration lawyers did not speak with one voice about immigration consultants at the 2017 Standing Committee hearings. The Canadian Bar Association's preferred settlement outcome was for the state to prevent immigration consultants from practicing immigration law. Other lawyers who appeared before the Committee advocated a boundary blurring outcome that would allow immigration consultants to practice immigration law, albeit under somewhat more restricted conditions than were then in place. The state rejected a 'full and final settlement' in favor of lawyers and eventually adopted a boundary 'blurring settlement' outcome to this jurisdictional dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International retirement migration involves the seasonal relocation of older adults to destinations abroad. For Canadians, this is typically done to escape winter at home in favour of warmer weather elsewhere. In this paper, we explore how Canadian newspapers chronicled the changes associated with managing the COVID‐19 pandemic in Canada, including border measures and calls to avoid non‐essential travel, and how they impacted international retirement migrants and their movements. We specifically present the findings of a framing analysis conducted of 187 newspaper articles published in 2020, identified through the Canadian Newsstream Database. The framing analysis identified three ways in which Canadian international retirement migrants were discussed in relation to the pandemic and the changed spatio‐temporal realities that affected their transnational movements. First, they are a group who altered their consumer practices, which had economic impacts at home and in their usual seasonal destinations. Second, they are a group who faced considerable uncertainty with regard to travel and movement, among other things, as the pandemic unfolded in 2020. Finally, Canadian international retirement migrants sought stability in a number of ways, both in terms of their social networks and living arrangements at home and abroad. Key Messages: The lives and seasonal movements of Canadian international retirement migrants were greatly impacted by the COVID‐19 pandemic and measures put in place to manage the spread of the virus.Newspaper coverage of Canadian international retirement migrants from 2020 framed them as altering consumer practices, facing uncertainties, and seeking stability in response.These responses form an interesting dualism because the COVID‐19 pandemic introduced both challenges and opportunities for Canadian international retirement migrants in 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Differences in health among migrant groups are related to the length of stay in host countries. We examined the health of people reporting Caribbean ethnic origins within and outside of Canada; and the possible associations between length of stay and poorer physical and mental health outcomes. Method: Analyses were conducted on population data collected in Canada (2000/2001, 2003, 2005), Jamaica (2005) and Guyana (2005). Physician-diagnosed and self-rated health measures were used to assess physical and mental health statuses. Results: Rates of chronic conditions were generally higher among people reporting Caribbean ethnic origins in Canada compared to those living in the Caribbean region. Self-rated fair or poor general health rates, however, were higher among participants in the Caribbean region. Higher rates of any mood disorders were also found among Caribbean region participants in comparison to those in Canada. Logistic regression analyses revealed that new Caribbean immigrants (less than 10 years since immigration) in Canada had better physical health than those who were more established. Those who immigrated more than 20 years ago showed consistently better health conditions than those who had immigrated between 11 and 20 years ago. This healthy immigration effect, however, was not present for all chronic conditions among all Caribbean origin migrant groups. Moreover, mood disorders were highest among new immigrants compared to older immigrants. Conclusions: When and where ethnic Caribbeans migrate to and emigrate from matters in health statuses. These results have implications for policies related to health and well-being in support of ethnic Caribbean origin individuals who relocate to Canada. The paper concludes with suggestions for future studies regarding the health of ethnic origin Caribbeans living within and outside their regions of birth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper places Latour's (2004) concept of "body talk" alongside literature on symbolic boundaries to consider how the symbolic judgements and evaluations that comprise body talk frame the impact of structural pressures on the body. Drawing from individual and focus group interviews with 36 first-generation Arab Canadian immigrant women, this study shows that the female body, and practices of feeding and exercising it, are sites where structural inequalities embedded in the immigration process are materially experienced, resisted, and managed. In constructing boundaries between Arab women's bodies in Canada and the Arab world alongside those of so-called "Canadian" women, we argue that women communicate their immigration and settlement struggles and recoup dignity otherwise compromised in the migration process—ultimately allowing them to frame their struggles as products of their moral integrity as immigrant wives and mothers. Through these findings, this paper demonstrates the role of body talk in framing the impact of structural pressures on the body, while simultaneously highlighting the centrality of boundary work to that framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of the Ottawa Local Immigration Partnership in the Syrian refugee resettlement in Canada's national capital following the federal government's 2015–2016 resettlement plan. Based on the findings of qualitative data collection—including semi‐structured interviews with representatives from community organizations, settlement agencies, and the City of Ottawa—two main arguments are advanced. First, while the current literature tends to portray the Canadian settlement sector as a passive victim in the face of neoliberal restructuring and austerity measures, this paper offers a more nuanced perspective by reflecting on the sector's ability to exert agency by developing initiatives and devising strategies that are rooted in the local context. Second, the case of the Ottawa Local Immigration Partnership sheds light on the significance of intersectoral networks and partnerships that extend beyond the settlement sector to build a sound approach for welcoming refugees and newcomers more generally. These findings serve to demonstrate the potential of partnerships as a place‐based settlement model that is responsive to context‐specific needs and enhances local community strengths, thus providing important lessons that can inform future immigrant and refugee (re)settlement and integration in other Canadian cities and regions. Key Messages: The work of the Ottawa Local Immigration Partnership provided a foundation for local community mobilizing and organizing during Canada's Syrian Refugee Resettlement Initiative in 2015–2016.Place‐based approaches that are attentive to local context and institutional dynamics can provide more nuanced theorizations of Canada's settlement sector and its capacity to pro‐actively respond and adapt to neoliberal state restructuring and austerity agendas.Non‐profit sector partnerships rooted in local networks of support, solidarity, and trust can be used as effective place‐based strategies and creative alternatives to neoliberal state austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both scholarly and popular accounts of Canada's relatively non-conflictual immigration politics have attributed substantial power to the selectivity of the country's immigration policy. In this paper, we use new measures of knowledge of the fiscally selective elements of the immigration system to demonstrate that individuals who know more about the system are, in fact, more supportive of immigration, and that this impact is strongest among those who consider themselves on the left. We argue that this is evidence of the progressive's dilemma, showing in particular that knowledge of welfare state-relevant selection criteria such as the Canadian system's discrimination against those with chronic illnesses or those who are older is much more important in determining the attitudes of respondents on the left than those on the right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines masculinity, migration and the changing occupational status of nursing through the lens of therapeutic mobilities; health related mobilities of people (nurses) and products (credentials). Indian men have become increasingly interested in nursing as a career, and this interest is strongly associated with the profession's international motility-its mobility potential. The research reported in this paper traces the migration trajectory across time (2008-2016) and over space (India to Canada) and reveals an overrepresentation of male nurses in international migration contexts (Canada), compared to the Indian context. Male nurses also disproportionally benefit from these mobilities in terms of their occupational success post-migration. Mobilities can be therapeutic for the status of nursing in India, which rises in line with the degree of international motility the profession offers, but gendered distinctions in the outcomes of the migration process illustrate the importance of highlighting uneven mobilities. International mobilities are also deeply implicated in ongoing transformations occurring in the 'moorings' of nursing educational, employment and regulatory structures in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the use of research on religious freedom to assist in adjudicating religion-based claims within the Canadian refugee determination system. The Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board compiles National Documentation Packages for countries from which refugee claimants have come. These include a section on religion. This paper assesses the types of reports included in the National Documentation Packages and identifies reports that could be included to enhance them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2007, the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) passed the 'Students Without Legal Immigration Status Policy', commonly known as the Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy. While the policy assured undocumented students' admission to schools on paper, it remains to be fully implemented. In addition, given the discursive connection between immigration status, race, and criminalization, the TDSB has instituted procedures that further illegalize undocumented students including a more onerous and dangerous enrolment procedure. This paper examines the role of schools as border zones for undocumented immigrants in Toronto. It argues that bureaucratic processes and criminalizing rhetoric based on race actively exclude undocumented migrants from the school site. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International students have been overlooked in geographies of ‘home’, yet this paper demonstrates how international student mobility offers unique insights that can advance our understanding of ‘home’ and belonging in the city. Drawing on photo-elicitation and mid-point and return interviews with Canadian students, this paper explores the everyday home-making practices of exchange students in urban centres in the Global South. It focuses on the ways in which international students create a sense of ‘home’ and belonging in their host city and how insider knowledge gained through local everyday practices is converted into cultural capital. It contributes to the literature by considering how home-making practices are implicated in spatial and scalar boundary-making processes for distinction. By illustrating through participants’ photographs how students articulate ‘home’ using spatial and scalar markers, I examine how students tighten the spatial boundaries of ‘home’ to focalise and localise symbolic capital within the city. The findings further add to debates on im/mobility by demonstrating that students’ distinguish their relative immobility during the sojourn from the mobility of travellers and tourists to legitimise claims of belonging as ‘insiders’ and of place-specific capital. The paper then concludes by considering how students are ‘collecting homes’ for distinction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1911, the city of Edmonton passed a resolution against the settlement of Negroes (read as Blacks). Given the Canadian federal government's mandate in immigration policy, the Edmonton resolution is only significant relative to the federal immigration acts of 1906 and 1910. This study, based on archival and other data sources, examines the influence of moral panic and governance in the resolution and immigration policy. The paper argues that state and non-state actors, outlined and pursued official and unofficial policies and practices to regulate the immigration of Blacks into Canada and offers a useful context for understanding Canadian immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improving access to domestic and international markets can create large economic benefits. Multimodal infrastructure corridors of road, rail, utilities and communications can improve accessibility by reducing interprovincial and international trade costs. Depending on the geographical area they serve and the modes of transport and types of connections they promote, infrastructure corridors can create trade-offs and synergies between different kinds of economic, social, and environmental outcomes. Yet the implied effects can vary across different regions, population segments and industries. A complete review of a proposed infrastructure corridor package involves a rigorous analysis of all of these potential effects. In this paper, we focus more specifically on quantifying potential gains from reductions in trade costs on Alberta's economy and identify the importance of improved access to lower cost transportation options like rail for select commodities. We find that lowering trade costs substantially increases Alberta's real GDP through its effect on international and interprovincial trade flows. Although interprovincial tariffs on domestic goods are forbidden by the Canadian Constitution, the economic effect of internal non-tariff trade barriers is substantial. Albrecht and Tombe (2016) show that eliminating these interprovincial trade costs would increase Canada's GDP between three to seven per cent. These barriers represent additional costs on Canadian firms and adversely affect their competitiveness in domestic and international markets. High interprovincial trade costs may also pose an additional barrier to entry for foreign firms otherwise willing to enter the Canadian market. As a result of this, Canadian firms end up producing at a less efficient scale and pass the cost of these inefficiencies to consumers. Interprovincial trade costs therefore hurt both producers and consumers. Gains from improved infrastructure are also amplified by the interconnected nature of industries. Output of one industry is often an input for another industry. Shipments cross provincial and national borders as part of these supply-chain relationships which allow for more efficient production but at the same time create additional trade costs on producers. Infrastructure corridors provide one option to lower these trade costs by increasing transportation capacity, creating savings in travel time and distance, creating better quality physical transport infrastructure, simplifying the regulatory and legislative differences across provinces and territories, and improving access to information, to name a few. To quantify the potential effect of increased transportation infrastructure on trade costs, we combine rich data on interprovincial trade flows and shipment-level information on volumes, values, and transportation costs by mode. We empirically estimate the potential for increased rail shipment capacity on shipment costs between various internal trade pairs within Canada. Two key results stand out. First, we find that while distance is an important factor, a higher share of shipments by rail is associated with markedly lower trade costs. Specifically, we find a 10 percentage point increase in the share of value shipped by rail is associated with a 3.2 per cent lower aggregate cost of trade after controlling for commodity, source, and destination of shipments. Second, we also find important differences in the relevance of rail across commodities. We find larger trade costs reductions for coal, mineral products, and fuel oils. The focus on rail is an important one for Alberta since coastal or canal shipping is not a feasible alternative. As a natural next step, we then evaluate the potential gains to Alberta's economy from increased access to internal and international markets that improved infrastructure might provide. We find that lowering trade costs substantially increases Alberta's real GDP through its effect on international and interprovincial trade flows, in both the short run and the long run. The results show that, in the short run, lower trade costs by one per cent increases real GDP by roughly 0.8 per cent and lower trade costs by five per cent increases real GDP by roughly 4.4 per cent. These correspond to approximately $3 billion to $15 billion per year in additional economic activity in Alberta. We find larger gains in the long-run, equivalent to roughly a one per cent increase in real GDP for each one per cent reduction in trade costs. Gains from lower trade costs come primarily through lower cost access to imported inputs and final goods. There are also gains from increased demand by purchases outside Alberta on goods produced by Albertans. This increases real incomes and productivity, which is captured by the increase in real GDP. The combined results of lower import costs and an increase in GDP imply an about six per cent long-run increase in real personal income, equal to an extra $6,423 annually for the median Alberta family. This is a level effect and represents a persistent increase, not a one-time bump. That is, GDP is permanently higher and by extension, annual personal incomes are also permanently higher. Although we don't explore the infrastructure investment options for lowering the trade costs by these levels, the corresponding impacts on real GDP of doing so indicate how high the costs of expanding infrastructure could be while still yielding net benefits to Alberta. An infrastructure corridor could facilitate the expansion of Canada's rail shipment capacity. While many transportation modes could expand within such a corridor -- including roads, pipelines, transmission lines and so on -- our data allow us to specifically quantify the extent to which Alberta's economy could gain from more access to lower cost shipment options like rail. Rail shipment costs are lower than truck transportation when distances are sufficiently long. We find that each one percentage point increase in the share of non-air trade sent by rail is associated with a 0.32 per cent lower trade cost. This implies that if the share shipped by rail increased by 10 percentage points, then trade costs to and from Alberta would, on average, decline by 3.2 per cent. Expanding the rail capacity is particularly valuable for Alberta, since increasing the share of exports shipped by rail by ten 10 percentage points may increase Alberta's GDP by nearly 1.5 per cent in the short-run and over 2.5 per cent in the long-run -- equivalent to over $9 billion per year in economic activity. This is a relatively large increase in economic productivity -- equivalent to roughly $4,500 per household, on average, per year -- and, in addition, it abstracts from other potential sources of gains, such as increased labour migration into the province. The combined increase in GDP and lower import costs from increased rail penetration imply an increase in real personal income. It is more modest here at approximately 3.3 per cent (rather than six per cent), but still very significant and equal to an extra $3,419 annually for the median Alberta family. As before, it is important to note that this is a level effect and represents a persistent increase and permanently higher annual GDP and annual personal incomes. Our analysis is only a first step and explores only one potential effect of expanding infrastructure capacity. Overall, the potential for positive economic effects from multimodal infrastructure corridors is compelling and warrants additional investigation. Governments can play a role by supporting expanded research activities into the feasibility and potential benefits of dedicated multimodal infrastructure corridors in Canada. In addition, though we made progress using detailed shipment-level data, there are shortcomings in coverage and detail that constrain the scope for potential research. Governments should therefore increase the collection and reporting of relevant data on internal trade to facilitate research into the costs producers and consumers face, and the potential gains from internal trade liberalization. Despite the value of expanding research capacity, our analysis points clearly towards the potential gains from internal trade liberalization. Expanded transportation infrastructure capacity can lower trade costs, and therefore governments hoping to expand internal trade should explore means of increasing such capacity, especially the possibility of increased rail shipment capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses two dimensions of 'waiting' in the realm of family reunification: the policy perspective and the immigrants' experience. First, in line with the migration management paradigm, the Canadian government has introduced various measures to reduce 'waiting times'. We discuss changes in the family reunification programme of parents and grandparents implemented since 2011 as emblematic of these measures. Such changes are also situated within global trends that make family reunification policies more restrictive. Second, based on 19 interviews with already established immigrants who are sponsors of a parent, we analyse the experience of 'waiting for care'. For families attempting to reunite to fill care needs, new measures may speed up reunification, but they may also mean that being together is, for many, more difficult to achieve, temporary, and precarious. We argue that the politics of 'waiting times' management has depoliticised the right to family reunification and institutionalised temporariness in this component of immigration policy. These repercussions of state policies significantly alter how immigrant families can provide care to their members and sustain social reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2001 the United States Border Patrol's Detroit Sector has grown from 38 agents to 411–the fastest rate of growth of any Border Patrol jurisdiction in the United States (CBP, 2016). Through ethnographic observation, semi-structured interviews and the examination of a growing archive of internal US Border Patrol data obtained via the US Freedom of Information Act, this paper examines the everyday discourses of ‘threat’ and ‘suspicion’ that inform routine enforcement practices by Detroit Sector personnel as they police the US/Canada frontier. It finds that both ‘threat’ and ‘suspicion’ are narrated expressly according to geographic factors of origin, location and direction of travel, scrutinizing bodies and persons that, as an outcome, are said to appear “out of place.” At the same time, according to the Border Patrol's daily apprehension logs, enforcement activity disproportionately concentrates on Latinx residents across divisions of citizenship and immigration status, affecting peoples' everyday ability to circulate through urban and suburban space free from scrutiny, surveillance and the possibility of state violence. To theorize the site and stakes of these outcomes, the paper borrows Stuesse and Coleman’s (2014) concept of “automobility” and develops this as an explicitly racial and racializing concept, one that affords an intersectional reading of state violence based on its distributional impacts on peoples' autonomy and control over their conditions of everyday social reproduction. This, then, suggests a need for greater dialogue between literature on immigration enforcement and those concerned expressly with geographies of racial confinement, policing, dispossession and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For governments concerned with enhancing labour market efficiency, employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes have become increasingly popular. However, the equity implications of these arrangements, which constrain the mobility of migrant workers, have largely been ignored. This paper assesses the factors affecting the vulnerability of employer-sponsored migrant workers and addresses the question of whether these schemes comply with ethical principles relating to fair treatment. It draws upon migration ethics, political economy and socio-legal perspectives to evaluate visa schemes in Australia, Canada and Sweden. The paper argues that there is an ethically justifiable case for selectively restricting certain rights of migrant workers within clearly defined parameters. However, policies facilitating worker mobility, restricting sponsorship to higher-skilled occupations, promoting enforcement and worker representation, and providing accessible opportunities for permanent residency and citizenship help to ensure that employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes comply with ethical principles relating to the fair treatment of workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that Canadian immigration law, policy, and practice have historically excluded, race and disability, on a number of grounds, and that there is a common link between them, which is the perception of immigrants' inability to adapt and integrate into a Canadian identity. The paper conducts a historical analysis of the Canadian immigration framework situated at the intersection of identities based on race and disability, which we link through Critical Race Theory analysis; and class, which is shown through the "excessive demand" standard, the origins of which we trace in relation to the commodification of immigrants based on their economic value. This paper shows how the marking of immigrant ethnic groups as medically inadmissible--currently by imposing an "excessive demand" test on health care or social services as a class-based admission criterion--both has historical grounding in turn of the century exclusionary logic of racism and ableism, and defies equality standards in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. When we apply "interest convergence," we see how the limits to Canadian generosity or liberal tolerance are implied in current immigration restrictions. This application shows that even reforms that have now distanced immigration law from having prohibited classes and therefore do not explicitly mention race, disability or disease have only benefited disabled racialized immigrants when those reforms also aligned with the economic interests of the state. We draw upon historical exclusionary laws based on race and disability, that defined race as a disability, and more recent case law based on disability and class, regarding the denial of immigration status to persons with disabilities unless families volunteered to cover costs of care and policies surrounding immigration inspection, to show a continuing pattern of systemic exclusion. According to this pattern, ethnic groups confronting Canadian borders were read alongside and through their diagnoses of disease and disability as undesirable and unassimilable. This now confronts those with disabilities who are considered economically undesirable. The current challenge is therefore to recognize these historical, ableist (discrimination against disability) patterns, and to create policies and laws that are not based on such exclusionary understandings of difference but that instead continue to transform our definition of citizenship and identity in equitable and inclusive ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article recounts the story of sanctuary city organizing in Ottawa, Canada to explore the politics and potential of a transformative approach to sanctuary rooted in anti-prison activism and abolitionist feminist thought. More specifically, we have adapted the abolitionist framework of reformist reform and non-reformist reform and applied it to sanctuary city organizing. Analysis of the Ottawa case draws on research with frontline service providers and migrant justice organizers, as well as our own organizing experiences, observations, and adaptive practices as sanctuary city campaigners. The paper also elaborates on the forms of solidarity and citizenship that have emerged or have the potential to emerge in the context of a non-state centric vision of sanctuary that prioritizes grassroots transformative practices over municipal policy and that do not bolster or legitimize the state's capacity to deport, punish, and exclude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With global action being outpaced by climate change impacts, communities in climate-vulnerable countries are at increased risk of incurring climate-induced losses and damages. In the last few years, disasters from extreme weather events such as typhoons have increased and have breached records, with typhoon Haiyan being the strongest ever typhoon to make landfall. Such an event solicited global compassion and altruism where Canada and the USA, apart from doling out traditional humanitarian aid, also offered immigration relief opportunities to typhoon Haiyan victims who have familial connections to their residents. Drawing from these immigration relief interventions, this paper uses a sociopolitical approach in proposing a climate humanitarian visa that would be offered to climate change victims on the basis of transnational family networks and skilled labor. Noting that several countries such as in Europe have demographic deficits and labor shortages, such a scheme would benefit both climate change victims and receiving countries. To counter the risk of selective compassion against economically trapped populations, potential receiving countries could provide skills upgrading geared toward addressing their labor shortages through their existing development programs. While migration is only one strategy in a spectrum of responses to climate change impacts, a climate humanitarian visa could provide climate change victims a legal choice for mobility while invoking altruism, hospitality, and compassion from potential receiving countries, whether or not they historically cause climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a small-scale photovoice study examining the financial literacy of older immigrants in Canada. Older immigrants experience multiple forms of financial exclusion rooted in the intersections between age, race, gender, immigration, and labour history. While the existing literature notes how immigrants are more likely to be unbanked because of structural barriers such as inaccessible services and language barriers, few studies have explored how older immigrants discuss their experiences and financial conditions. Using a photovoice methodology, this paper explores the experiences of financial literacy among older immigrants in Calgary, Alberta through in-depth interviews and photographs taken by participants. We discuss the lived experiences and financial realities among older immigrants, how they perceive challenges to financial literacy as well as coping strategies. Themes focus on the ways in which histories of immigration and labour impact their financial security in later life. Photographs generated offer service providers and policy makers opportunities to think about and engage in interventions that better tackle issues of financial insecurity and inequality among older immigrants. Cet article décrit une étude à petite échelle des images parlantes examinant la littératie financière des immigrants aînés au Canada. Les immigrants aînés subissent de multiples formes d'exclusion financière enracinées dans les croisements entre l'âge, la race, l'immigration et les antécédents professionnels. Alors que la littérature existante démontre également comment les immigrants sont plus susceptibles d'être dispersés en raison de nombreux obstacles structurels tels que des services inaccessibles et des barrières linguistiques, peu d'études ont exploré comment les immigrants discutent de leurs expériences et de leurs conditions financières. À l'aide d'une méthodologie fondée sur des images parlantes, cet article explore les expériences de littératie financière chez les immigrants aînés de Calgary, en Alberta, au moyen d'entrevues approfondies et de photographies prises par les participants. Nous parlons des expériences vécues et des réalités financières des immigrants aînés, de la façon dont ils perçoivent les défis à la littératie financière ainsi que des stratégies d'adaptation. Les thèmes se concentrent sur la façon dont les histoires d'immigration et de travail ont un impact sur leur sécurité financière plus tard dans la vie. Les photographies pourvues offrent aux prestataires de services la possibilité de réfléchir et de s'engager dans des interventions qui abordent mieux les problèmes d'insécurité financière et d'inégalité parmi les immigrants aînés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key component of the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) electoral strategy in 2011, 2015 and 2019 was to court the country's "ethnic vote". Under the leadership of Stephen Harper and Andrew Scheer, the CPC launched an aggressive outreach strategy aimed at attracting conservative ethnic populations while at the same time, continuing to appeal to the party's "old stock" base – referred to as the "populist paradox". This approach was particularly prominent in the Party's immigration and citizenship policy platform. While the CPC continuously rolled out reforms further restricting access to incoming immigrants and refugees, they framed these initiatives as a way to keep disingenuous immigrants out in order to protect the integrity of the Canadian immigration system, a system used appropriately by those immigrants from whom they were seeking support. Using Sara Ahmed's work on affect and happiness, this paper examines the CPC's construction of "good" and "bad" immigrants, specifically how these constructions are taken up in broader narratives of Canadian citizenship and belonging. In doing so, I address how the CPC uses this rhetoric to appeal to voters, both immigrant and non-immigrant alike. Un élément clé de la stratégie électorale du Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) en 2011, 2015 et 2019 était de convoiter le ''vote ethnique'' dans le pays. Sous la direction de Stephen Harper et Andrew Scheer, le PCC a lancé une stratégie de sensibilisation agressive visant à attirer des populations ethniques conservatrices tout en continuant de faire appel à la base du ''vieux stock'' du parti – appelée ''paradoxe populiste''. Cette approche était particulièrement importante dans la plate-forme de la politique d'immigration et de citoyenneté du Parti. Bien que le PCC ait continuellement déployé des réformes restreignant davantage l'entrée aux immigrants et aux réfugiés, il a présenté ces initiatives comme un moyen de garder les immigrants de moralité douteuse à l'écart afin de protéger l'intégrité du système d'immigration canadien, un système utilisé de manière appropriée par ces mêmes immigrants auprès de qui ils cherchaient du soutien. Utilisant les travaux de Sara Ahmed sur l'insouciance et le bonheur, cet article examine la construction par le PCC des notions de ''bons'' et ''mauvais'' immigrants, en particulier comment ces constructions sont reprises de façon plus large dans des récits de la citoyenneté et de l'appartenance canadiennes. En somme, j'explique comment le PCC utilise cette rhétorique pour séduire les électeurs, immigrants et non-immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2015–2016, 201 children were held in detention in the Toronto Immigration Holding Centre (Canada Border Services Agency, 2017). There may have been even more held across Canada, but these figures are unavailable. Child detention is illegal under international law and causes serious mental, physical, and emotional health complications. In this article we discuss Canada's detention of children drawing upon scholarship in the areas of (a) human rights and the law; (b) children's health and health equity; and (c) the political economy of the welfare state. The paper provides alternatives to Canadian practices by describing child detention best practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although other nation-states have denounced multiculturalism, Canada continues to declare it is a fundamental characteristic of its national identity. However, there is no consensus about how multiculturalism should be defined or how it is implemented in Canada. This paper draws on an analysis of interviews conducted with members of the second-generation Sri Lankan Tamil diasporic community in Toronto, as well as online comments posted in response to articles on protests staged by this community about the end of the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict. This paper argues that there are cleavages among Canadians with respect to how multiculturalism is understood. The diverging perspectives of the multicultural discourse in Canada illustrate that while the diaspora sees multiculturalism as a means to maintain their dual identities and engage in homeland politics, non-Sri Lankan Tamil Canadians conceptualize this form of activism in homeland politics as being disloyal to Canada, thereby questioning their Canadian identities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates a possible crowding-out effect of immigration in Canadian labour markets and explores how location choices of native-born workers can be influenced by industry and occupation specific immigration clustering in both the potential destinations and the departure regions. We apply choice-specific, clustered fixed-effect response models. The results show that industry-specific immigration clustering indices have strong and negative effects on the location choices of the native born. When the scaled immigration measures are used, the results confirm the 'substitution' hypothesis: native-born workers who choose lower immigration in their destinations also move from the origins with higher immigration in their industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Healthcare services are increasingly being provided in the home. At the same time, these home contexts are changing as global migration has brought unprecedented diversity both in the recipients of care, and home health workers. In this paper, we present findings of a Canadian study that examined the negotiation of religious and ethnic plurality in home health. Qualitative analysis of the data from interviews and observations with 46 participants—clients, administrators, home healthcare workers—revealed how religion is expressed and 'managed' in home health services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on an analysis of three immigrant narratives, this paper employs a person-centred approach to immigrant integration in Canada. It examines how immigrants interpret the inclusions/exclusions that mark their integration experience and the consequences these experiences have on their social identities and sense of belonging. Analysis demonstrates that for immigrants a sense of belonging does not grow in a linear fashion; rather, it grows, stalls, dissipates and/or flourishes in relation to the ties and identifications that immigrants are enabled to forge. Broader structural and historical forces prefigure immigrant inclusion and exclusion in Canada in ways that reflect a hierarchy of migration and belonging. We argue that a recognition of Canada's 'hierarchies of belonging' and the multidimensional nature of social inclusion/exclusion complicate integration metaphors that flatten the uneven social terrain of immigrant belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the growing literature on the political economy of migration management. Based on ethnographic research in Manila in 2016, we explore the contradictory entrepreneurial character of IOM Philippines in its multi-stranded global migration management activities. As a major labour export country with a history of fractious politics over state reliance on migration, partly in response to neoliberalisation, the Philippines represents an ideal field site for examining triple-win migration and development scenarios. By way of example, we analyse how IOM's global mission is represented in pre-departure programming for select visa-ready migrants destined for Canada. Such sessions occur in an increasingly competitive environment and exemplify the rescaling of migration management initiatives concerned to gain maximum advantage from labour export and import (for states and capital), while grooming a disciplined migrant labour force. On Canada's part, neoliberalisation and justin- time immigration priorities seek greater efficiencies from duly disciplined migrant arrivals. Here, we see the IOM's signature history of protection and aid for vulnerable and displaced persons maintained in tension with its facilitating role in perpetuating the structured inequalities of global capitalism. IOM's entrepreneurial activities in the governance gaps and market places of migration are, we argue, best summed up as labour brokerage by another name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between Canada, one of the world's leading immigration countries and a country that often serves as an international 'poster child' for well managed migration, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), an intergovernmental organisation that provides migration-related services for Canada and many other countries. Despite growing awareness about the role of the IOM in migration politics, a research gap remains regarding how states cogitate and evaluate their partnership with the IOM. This article draws on publicly available government evaluations, conducted by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, which speak to the strongly inter-dependent, but also highly ambivalent reality of collaboration between Canada and the IOM. In exploring and discussing the nature of this relationship, the article also speaks to the particularities of 'migration management' and the larger transformations in global migration governance reflected in Canada's partnership with the IOM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews the current literature on immigration and settlement and provides a feminist analysis. It places a particular emphasis on immigrant mothers' experience in order to reframe research on Canadian immigration policies and practice. Through discussing how the three waves of feminism led to the historical development of Canadian immigration policies and settlement practice, this paper examines Nancy Fraser's (2008) thinking about the welfare state, "misframing," and neoliberalism for rethinking the "gender neutral" literature on immigration policies and settlement services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research in Hamilton, Ontario has found that age and longevity of residence are positively associated with evaluations of sense of place (SoP); further, evaluations of SoP between immigrants and Canadian-born individuals have shown no clear pattern (Williams et al. ; Williams and Kitchen ). This paper builds on this work by further examining evaluations of SoP among both immigrants and Canadian-born residents and across gender in Hamilton, while expanding the study to two other small-to-medium sized cities: Saskatoon, Saskatchewan and, Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island. This paper has two objectives: (1) to establish measures of SoP across immigrant status and gender in Hamilton, Saskatoon, and Charlottetown; and, (2) to determine how SoP varies according to immigrant status, length of residence in Canada, age, income, and neighbourhood length of residence across the three city sites. Telephone survey data (n = 1,132) was used to compare evaluations of SoP across various groups and to construct an ordered logistic regression model for SoP. Results suggest that immigrants tended to rate their SoP lower than their Canadian-born counterparts. Hamilton residents were found to rate their SoP lowest, followed by Saskatoon residents and, finally, Charlottetown residents. Younger individuals, those with lower income levels, and those with shorter neighbourhood residency in the cities concerned were more likely to have lower evaluations of SoP. This research suggests that greater attention is needed to nurture immigrants' connection with their new home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is interested in placing the literature on social reproduction in conversation with that of migrant illegalization--the identification of certain migrants as not welcome in a nation-state both through discursive and material processes. More specifically, I am interested in how migrant illegalization interlocks with other forms of social location to designate certain bodies as open to exploitation and exclusion. The paper focuses on a case study of Mexican migrants with precarious immigration status and their experiences in navigating the embodied process of moving through and working in the city of Toronto. I propose that the interlocking of migrant illegalization and the profiling of bodies as exploitable and suspicious limits precarious status migrants'--those that do not have permanent residence or citizenship--ability to access social goods, decent work and the networks required to improve their social context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visa officers are one of the gatekeepers of a state's borders. Research on discretion exercised by immigration officials tends to focus on interdiction or the regulation of ports of entry. Though all border control agents are delegated with discretion, decisions about visa issuance are arguably more tightly bound by the rule of law. Based on in-depth interviews with overseas visa officers who work for Citizenship and Immigration Canada, this paper examines the social constitution of discretion in Family Class spousal and sponsorship cases. Debates in Canada suggest that the personal attitudes of visa officers are significant factors in shaping their exercise of discretion. Moreover, discretion is seen as a reflection of racism of individual visa officers. This paper challenges this view by suggesting that broader meso- and macro-level forces play a prominent role in discretionary decision-making. It examines how the demands of efficient client processing, client behaviour, migration contexts and legal constraints in Canada and overseas shape the process of decision-making. Discretionary decisions to dig deeper into some applications and not others do put applicants from some countries or regions at a disadvantage, but it is a technical administrative logic, and not ‘race’ that is the source of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Canada’s recently revamped international education brand, EduCanada, offers a rich example of developments at the intersections of higher education internationalization and marketization. In this paper, I examine the EduCanada website to consider how national exceptionalist and ‘othering’ narratives are reproduced in the recruitment of international students. From these findings I ask how internationalization relates to the overlapping and ongoing legacies of Indigenous colonization, and racialized regimes of personhood, citizenship, and immigration in Canada. Finally, I argue that the international marketization of higher education risks foreclosing critical examinations of the entanglements of empire within which we are all unevenly embedded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]