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This article illustrates how education policies, through the commodification of STEM fields, have transferred public education funding to private corporations. Specifically, this article shows how Georgia responded to the need for 'work-force skills' asserted in Rising Above the Gathering Storm (National Academies, 2007/2010/2015) and provided an opportunity for a private corporation, Southwire Company, LLC, to successfully access public education money. As a case study, this paper highlights how the popular metanarratives about the goals and purposes of schools benefit private corporations at the expense of public schools and their students. Keywords: Education Policy Reform, STEM, Conscious Capitalism, Southwire, Introduction Over the past three decades, education reform policies have altered the expectations of and funding for schools (Hursh, 2007; Suggs, 2018). These policies center on market logics and the [...]

Over the past 20 years, Pearson Learning has become the largest and most powerful publisher of educational textbooks and education-related materials used throughout P-12 public education, as well as in [...]

Prior to the founding of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) in 1915, university professors--and university presidents--faced firings for a variety of reasons. Professors and administrators were dismissed for [...]

It's Too Late, or Is It? Colleagues in the academy seem to have a fascination with conceptual analysis and the term education. Debates are held, papers are written, and symposia [...]

Introduction (1) The years 1910-1915 marked a tumultuous time at the University of Washington (UW). The university had three presidents during this time, beginning with Thomas Kane, then interim president [...]

What is the purpose of education? Over the years, educational policymakers have utilized a language of economics, masked under the rubric of culture, promote the idea that schools should prepare [...]

'Character education' represents a long-standing staple of U.S.A. schools. From the 'Old Deluder Satan' Law of 1647 to The New England Primer in the 18th century to McGuffey Readers from [...]

No one can follow the history of academic freedom… without wondering at the fact that any society, interested in the immediate goals of solidarity and self‐preservation, should possess the vision to subsidize free criticism and inquiry, and without feeling that the academic freedom we still possess is one of the remarkable achievements of man. At the same time…one cannot but be disheartened by the cowardice and self‐deception that frail men use who want to be both safe and free.1