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To describe and assess two cases of a delayed post-traumatic recontouring of the frontal bone using a novel technique.

AbstractA growing literature explores the varying role of print media in the colonial world and the new types of publics such newspapers and periodicals produced. However, this literature has tended to focus on specific regions, and has often sidestepped the larger question of how to conceptualise the relationship between print media and colonial rule. While some have used the term ‘colonial public sphere’ or ‘colonial publics,’ others have preferred to avoid these terms and instead thought in terms of multiple and overlapping publics. What this literature has shown is that a single analytic model for analysing public spaces of discourse is not usable. In this Introduction to our Special Issue we propose a new framework for studying the publics created through print media in the colonial world. We outline a set of four factors – addressivity, performativity, materiality and periodicity – that can be applied to specific historical case studies. We then explain how the issue as a whole models this methodology as a means to analyse how print media (as one medium within the public sphere) functioned in specific colonial and semi-colonial spaces around the world.

AbstractAt the end of the eighteenth century, members of the colonial elite of the Captaincy General of Venezuela addressed a letter to the king of Spain in which they sought permission to have a printing press in the city of Caracas. In the letter, they argued that the establishment of such a press was fundamental for the economic and commercial development of the Captaincy. Months later, they learned that the permission for a printing press had been denied without further explanations. Venezuela became one of the last capital cities in colonial Spanish America to possess this technology. The lack of a printing press during this politically dynamic period moved by the Atlantic revolutions did not necessarily affect public access to reading, sharing of information, and political debate in Venezuela. Venezuela's unique geographical location, and its open and frequent connections with the Caribbean region during the Age of Revolutions allowed for the effective entrance and transit of people and written materials that spread revolutionary ideas and impressions, creating a dynamic and contested political environment. Here I argue that during the late-colonial period, semiliterate forms of knowledge transmission, partially promoted by Spanish reformism, mobilised a socially diverse public that openly debated the monarchical regime, the system of slavery, and the hierarchical socio-racial order of colonial society. The colonial public sphere in Venezuela was shaped, then, within a context of emerging socio-racial tensions and became a space of contestation and struggle, animated by the overlapping of contradictory political discourses.This study contributes to recent debates about the character, nature, and relevance of the public sphere in the colonial world. It explores the circulation of manuscripts and ephemeral written materials, the different modes of production and reception of texts that developed in the colonial context, and an analysis of the character of the urban spaces that facilitated the performativity of texts. It thus offers a new framework for understanding the emergence of a public sphere in Venezuela, a colonial peripheral province with no printing press.

AbstractHabermas saw the public sphere as coterminous with the national space. Anderson dreamed of newspaper readers facing the same paper for breakfast forming an “imagined community,” which he saw as vital for supplementing the subjective side of nationhood. Historical evidence supports neither proposition. Both remain locked in a nation-state focused history and have to sideline large and crucial parts of the record. This article studies two early Chinese-language periodical publications characterised by their radical difference to the standard European models, the East Western Monthly Magazine(1833–1838) and the Shenbao(1872–1949), and considers the implications of these examples for dominant conceptual frameworks.

AbstractThis article suggests that conditions of coloniality produce a sui generis public sphere, one which contains multiple, plurilingual collective audiences, rather than a single “bourgeois public sphere” (Habermas), or a single “imagined community” (Anderson). By way of illustration, it locates diasporic Chinese publics in the colonial public sphere of British Malaya, and argues for a more analytically differentiated understanding of their constituent collectivities, or what it refers to as “we” publics. It analyses a Chinese-language newspaper, the Yik Khuan Poh, elaborating the different “we” publics convened within its pages, and emphasising the regional and translocal geographies of collective belonging that exist within the “transnational we,” which models of diaspora tend to overdetermine. In situating the Yik Khuan Pohin its temporal and spatial contexts in the early twentieth century, this article also raises questions about the character of colonial public spheres in an era of significant globality.

AbstractThis article seeks to establish the value of the concept of cosmotopia to historians of intercultural connections through presenting a case study of the Calcutta Unitarian Committee, which was active between 1821 and 1828. In tandem, it aims to enhance understanding of the origins of one particularly sustained set of intercultural connections: the interfaith network which developed between an influential group of Hindu religious and social reformers, the Brahmo Samaj, and western Unitarian Christians. The article focusses on the collaboration between the two leading figures on the Committee: Rammohun Roy, the renowned founder of the Brahmo Samaj, who is often described as the Father of Modern India; and William Adam, a Scottish Baptist missionary who was condemned as the “second fallen Adam” after his “conversion” to Unitarianism by Rammohun Roy, and who went on to cofound a utopian community in the United States. It explores the Calcutta Unitarian Committee's activities within the cosmopolitan milieu of early colonial Calcutta, and clarifies its role in the emergence of the Brahmo Samaj, in the development of a unique approach to Christian mission among Unitarians, and in laying the foundations of a transnational network whose members were in the vanguard of religious innovation, radical social reform, and debates on the “woman question” in nineteenth-century India, Britain, and the United States. In conclusion, the article draws on the case study to offer some broader reflections on the relationship between utopianism, cosmopolitanism, and colonialism.

AbstractOver sixteen months in 1857 and 1858, Walter Buller produced a weekly newspaper for Māori of the Wellington region in their own language. Although he was the son of a Wesleyan missionary and an official interpreter, the niupepawas neither a church nor a government publication, although it promoted discourses favoured by both. A number of niupepahad preceded Buller's Te Karere o Poneke,the first appearing in 1842, but his paper was distinctive in the sizable platform he provided for correspondence. Over half of the items printed comprised letters from Māori, many of them commenting on, and occasionally critiquing the colonial milieu.The concept of “public sphere” is heavily theorized, often postulated in acultural terms (although suspiciously European in form) and it is debatable if Te Karere o Poneke's readership and their engagement with the textual discourse meet the theory's required criteria of constituting a public sphere. New Zealand was annexed to the British Empire in 1840, meaning that by 1857 colonization was still a relatively new phenomenon, but with substantial immigration and a developing infrastructure, change was both extensive and dynamic. According to the theory, it may be difficult to apply the concept of “public sphere” to Māori anytime during the changing contexts of nineteenth-century colonialism, and indeed other colonised cultures for whom the advent of literacy, Christianity, market economy and colonial administration had been sudden and unexpected. Of course this does not mean that Māori lacked a voice, at times critical. Using Te Karere o Ponekeas a case study, this essay argues that Wellington Māori of 1857 do not readily fit the Western model of the “public sphere”, but they nevertheless utilized the discursive spaces available to them to discuss and evaluate the world they now encountered.

AbstractThis article discusses the ways in which newsprint allowed local contributors and readers in colonial settings to think across gender, race, and other core colonial subject-positions. It also asks about the extent to which the central role of men in controlling local print networks has implications for how we conceptualise “publics” and “public spheres” in the colonial era.

AbstractIn the 1870s, Indian news editors warned their readers of a series of crises threatening India. They saw the famines, wars, and poverty that they were describing as symptoms of the same illness: Colonial governors had failed to implement an ethical system of governance, and had therefore failed to create a healthy body politic, choosing to expend energy in punishing or censoring dissent when they should have been constructing more durable civic institutions. In North India, earlier Mughal traditions of political philosophy and governance offered a template to critique the current state. In drawing on these traditions, editors linked multiple registers of dissent, from simple ‘fables’ about emperors to more sophisticated arguments drawn from newly reinterpreted akhlaqtexts, creating a print record of the multilingual, multivalent literary and oral worlds of Indian political thought. The figures of the Mughal emperors Akbar and Aurangzeb, representing the zenith and nadir of Mughal sovereignty, in turn linked popular and learned discussions on statecraft, good governance, and personal responsibility in an age of crisis. The press itself became a meeting point for multivalent discourses connecting South Asian publics, oral and literate, in their exploration of the nature of just rule in the context of empire, calling, in the process, new ‘publics’ into being.

AbstractThis article is focused on a magazine called Jambo, which was published by the British East Africa Command for troops in its employ between 1942 and 1945. Jambowas an agglomeration of political articles, general interest stories, propaganda, cartoons, crosswords, and more, with many of its contributions authored (or drawn) by men serving in the Allied forces. Here, I use Jamboto consider notions of the “colonial” and “imperial” during the Second World War, exploring how the realities of racial segregation in the colonies fit awkwardly with imperial service. Jamboalso permits us a window into the views of some hundreds of British servicemen, who wrote extensively about the Africans with whom they served, revealing the complexities and shifts in British perceptions of African peoples during the conflict. Jambois unique in another respect: it also provided a forum for African troops. In few other publications—and even fewer with such wide circulation—could educated (but nonelite) African peoples reach thousands of British readers. Though their published letters and articles were few compared to those written by Jambo's British authors, African writers used the venue to critique the conditions of their military service, argue about the sort of social ordering they desired in their home communities, and create an alternate narrative of the war. Like most colonial publications, Jambohad intended audiences, but also voracious, additional, alternate publics that mediated the articles which appeared in its pages. All this suggests that we might think of the colonial public sphere as both local and global, inward and outward looking, personal and communal, and situated along a continuum between colonial and imperial contexts.

AbstractThis article is concerned with the colonial state as a producer, consumer, and regulator of print. Propaganda and censorship may represent two extremes in the management of a colonial public sphere. Censorship was an interactive and negotiated process—one whose successful management was in the interest of both the censoring agents and those censored. One might think that censorship is a measure taken in order for communication to break down. If we imagine colonial print communication as a continuum suspended between partners that at one end desire full freedom of expression and at the other full control, absolute censorship does constitute silence, like that represented by the dramatic closure of the African press in Kenya with the Emergency of 1952. In a politicised colonial environment, like that in postwar Kenya, censorship may be understood as negotiation between colonisers and colonised on the limits of free speech. The article examines what changed in Kenya's late-colonial period in relation to the production, broadcasting, censoring, and suppression of non-European newspapers, and how the change affected the institutions and groupings that produced and received texts. More narrowly, it seeks to trace the dynamics of textual interfaces between the European print frameworks and those of the consolidated or emerging non-European publicists and publics. An examination that situates censorship in a broader context of management of discourse, of negotiation and dialogue, one that tests and goes beyond the dualism of suppression and resistance, may make it clearer why and to what extent a number of critical, anti-colonial publications were allowed to exist, and some were encouraged; and what the limits were, when opposition became unacceptable, and communication broke down.

Purpose: Li-Fraumeni syndrome (LFS) is associated with p53 germline mutations, and carriers are at increased risk for multiple primary cancers. We evaluated outcomes following the administration of a video-based decision aid (DA) prior to clinical p53 genetic counseling and testing among persons who had previously participated in cancer genetics research.Methods: Fifty-seven individuals at risk for a known p53 mutation completed baseline and post-DA measures of psychological outcomes, plus knowledge and attitudes regarding p53 genetic testing. Counseling and testing uptake also was recorded.Results: At baseline, multivariate analysis showed that greater testing intention was associated with lower decisional conflict (P < 0.01). Compared with baseline data, multivariate analyses of post-DA outcomes showed that knowledge about LFS and genetic testing increased and decisional conflict related to testing decreased (P < 0.001). Mean cancer worries scores decreased among all participants (P < 0.001), and mean depression scores decreased for males (P < 0.05). Thirty-nine (68%) completed pre-test genetic counseling and 23 (40%) subsequently gave a blood sample for clinical genetic testing.Conclusion: This intervention was useful as an initial outreach and educational method for families considering p53 genetic testing, and may improve knowledge about LFS as well as psychological outcomes.

The photochemistry of 4-phenyl-1-iodobutane 3and 4-phenyl-2-iodomethyl-1-butene 4has been studied to investigate the effect of structure on the character of the intermediates generated on photolysis. The irradiation of the simple primary iodide 3appears to yield only radical intermediates. By contrast the photolysis of the allylic iodide 4yields products that are more consistent with cationic intermediates.

Earlier work on the photochemistry of α-sulfonyloxyketones uncovered their propensity to form the corresponding α-keto carbonium ions on photolysis. Typical reactions such as intramolecular cyclizations, carbonium ion rearrangements, and solvent trapping were found. This paper describes an attempt to extend this reaction to a general synthetic technique for polyene cyclizations. During the course of this work two other major reaction pathways were found. The first is an α-keto carbonium ion to acylium ion rearrangement and the second is a photoreduction–elimination process that leads to an α-keto radical rather than the corresponding cation.

The synthesis of 7-β-phenoxyacetamido-3-methyl-Δ3-2-isocephem-4-carboxylic acid 14band its corresponding α-sulfoxide 15and sulfone 17 is described. Treatment of the bismesylates 4a, 4b, and 10with hydrogen sulfide triethylamine gave the corresponding 7-β-amino-Δ3-2-isocephems 12a–cwhich were coupled with phenoxyacetic acid to yield the amides 13a–c. Hydrogenolysis of 13band cgave the acids 14a–bwhich were active as antibiotics. Compound 14bwas oxidized to its sulfoxide 15with sodium metaperiodate and to its sulfone 17with m-chloroperbenzoic acid. Conversion of 13cto its sulfoxide 16bfollowed by halogenation gave the 1α-chloro sulfoxide 18which was converted to the acid 19. The stereochemical assignments in the 2-isocephem series are discussed.

SK&F 86002, a mixed cyclooxygenase-lipoxygenase inhibitor, was examined for its effects on helper T cell functions. The drug was found to inhibit concanavalin A-induced mitogenesis of splenic T cells (IC50 = 13 mμm), the mixed lymphocyte response (IC50 = 16 mμM), and proliferation of antigen specific T cells (cloned line, IC50 = 11 mμM; uncloned line, IC50 = 13 mμM). In contrast, another mixed cycloxygenase-lipoxygenase inhibitor, BW775c, did not have such effects at non-cytotoxic levels. These T cell functions are believed to be dependent on the effects of elaborated IL-1. SK&F 86002 has been shown to inhibit the production of mature IL-1 (IC50 = 1 mμM), possibly accounting for the anti-inflammatory effects of the drug in rheumatoid arthritis models. In an in vivo model of contact sensitivity, SK&F 86002 was able to inhibir mouse footpad swelling, demonstrating additional anti-inflammatory activity. As an inhibitor of IL-1 synthesis or release, SK&F 86002 may be useful for the treatment of T cell-dependent inflammation.

The aqueous photochemistry of sodium 9,10-anthraquinone-2-sulfonate is described and a new mechanism for the photohydroxylation is proposed. The participation of kinetically free hydroxyl radicals is ruled out.

The 60Co γ-radiolysis of aqueous solutions of sodium 9,10-anthraquinone-2-sulfonate has been studied in acidic, unbuffered, and alkaline conditions and with addition of N2O and 2-propanol. Mechanisms are proposed to account for the yields of H2O2and hydroxylated anthraquinone sulfonates. In neutral solution, in the absence of O2, the OH•and e−adducts undergo preferential cross termination. Reduction of the OH•adduct leads to dehydration and regeneration of the quinone.

Exposure of dark grown resting Euglena to light induced the synthesis of chloroplast valyl-tRNA synthetase. Ethanol, a specific inhibitor of Euglena chloroplast development had little effect on chloroplast valyl-tRNA synthetase induction during the first 12 h of light exposure. Ethanol, however, completely inhibited enzyme synthesis between 12–72 h of light exposure. Malate, an alternative carbon source, had little effect on the photoinduction of valyl-tRNA synthetase. When dark grown resting cells were exposed to 2 h of light and returned to the dark, chloroplast valyl-tRNA synthetase continued to accumulate for 8–12 h at a rate which was less than the rate in cells maintained continuously in the light. The mutant strain W3BUL lacks detectable chloroplast DNA and phototransformable protochlorophyllide, but retains a plastid remnant. Exposure of strain W3BUL to light induced the synthesis of chloroplast valyl-tRNA synthetase and enzyme induction was not inhibited by ethanol. After 72 h of light exposure in the presence or absence of ethanol, enzyme levels in strain W3BUL were comparable to the levels found in the wildtype strain after 8–14 h of light exposure. These results suggest that the nonchloroplast photoreceptor regulates the initial phase of enzyme synthesis. Mutant strain W10BSmL differs from strain W3BUL in that the plastid remnant if present, is greatly reduced. Chloroplast valyl-tRNA synthetase was undetectable in the strain W10BSmL suggesting that the levels of active, cytoplasmically synthesized, chloroplast localized enzymes may be related to the developmental status of the chloroplast through the extent to which the enzyme precursor can be accumulated and or posttranslationally processed into an active enzyme within the chloroplast or chloroplast remnant.

The synthesis of 7β-(-2′-thienylacetamido)-3-acetoxymethyl-Δ3-O-2-isocepheni-4-carboxylic acid (17) is described. Thus treatment of enol mesylate 3aor triflate 3bwith triethylamine gave the allene 4which gave the diiodide upon treatment with iodine. The diiodide gave benzyl 7β-azido-3-acetoxymethyl-Δ3-O-2-isocephem-4-carboxylate (12) on treatment with potassium acetate in DMF. Hydrogenolysis of 12gave the amino acid 16which was converted to 17upon treatment with 2-thienylacetyl chloride. Resolution of 17into its optical antipodes was carried out. The antibiotic activities of racemic 17and each antipode is compared to that of cephalothin. Antibiotic activity was found to reside in the dextrorotatory isomer.

Physostigmine, because of its potent parasympathomimetic action, has retained an important position in ophthalmic therapy since first used as a miotic by Laqueur (1876).1 It is administered usually in an aqueous solution and less frequently in an ointment or lamella. The official preparation is physostigmine salicylate, although the sulfate, which possesses similar pharmacologic properties, is also available.This paper presents a comparison of the effectiveness of the various methods of local application, including iontophoresis and the use of a wetting agent. new method, its relative advantages and disadvantages must be carefully balanced. As part of the evaluation it is desirable to know the amount of drug entering the eye. Therefore a quantitative estimation was made of the physostigmine content of the aqueous humor of the rabbit's eye with different methods of application. No local or general deleterious effects were noted with any of the procedures described. A temporary corneal

This article recounts two topics that were featured in the February 1971 issue of "Dance Today." The 1971 publication consisted of a letter to the editor about an issue of "Ballroom Dancing Times" that feature Valerie Densley, and an article about the launching of the Deluxe Lightweight range of suitcases.

The underwater acoustic test facility at Westinghouse contains a weather‐independent 50‐ft‐diam, 30‐ft‐deep redwood tank decoupled from the ground and supported on vibration isolators. Two independent test systems with separate water accesses can accommodate transducers up to 3 tons. The primary test system consists of a Digital MINC/DECLAB‐23 processor interfacing to a Hewlett Packard frequency synthesizer and network analyzer. A newer test system consists of a Real Time Systems (RTS)/HP Series 9000 computer‐based data acquisition system that has improved low frequency and data storage capabilities; emulating the Naval Underwater Warfare Center system in Newport, RI, but with special application software. The facility is calibrated for pulsed measurements from 200 Hz to 2 MHz. There are several power amplifiers available including an Instruments, Inc. 16.5‐kVA amplifier. There are custom test fixtures for torpedo noses, imaging scanners, and other applications as needed, including an 18‐in.‐diam pressure vessel with an acoustically transparent dome capable of static pressures of up to 120 psi used for high power testing. Scientific Atlanta rotators with digital synchroposition indicators enable accurate plotting of narrow beam patterns and patterns with deep nulls. The work currently in progress is the addition of low‐frequency acoustic intensity that will be used for radiated noise measurements.