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Drawing on theories of intergroup conflict and research on political legitimization of prejudice and crime motivated by bias, this study examines the temporal clustering of hate crimes in the aftermath of triggering events in the UK. In addition to domestic and nondomestic terrorist attacks, we consider the effects of the EU referendum widely known as Brexit. Consistent with previous work, the results reveal sharp increases of hate crimes in the aftermath of the antecedent events. However, we found that the effects of the EU referendum were more prolonged and more intense than the effects of the other triggering events. Moreover, the effects of domestic events are generally significant and stronger in magnitude than nondomestic events. Finally, the results show that the duration and decay of the effects of terrorist attacks on hate crimes generally mirror the severity of the galvanizing event. Taken together, our findings underscore the role of the EU referendum in explaining dramatic increases in crime motivated by bias. Accordingly, they are of particular importance to politicians and policy makers and have implications that go beyond the case of Brexit.

Prior studies demonstrating a relationship between racial context and levels of crime control have not explicitly examined the factors that may account for this relationship. The authors advance the literature by examining whether geographic differences in black economic and political threat explain the effects of %black and racial segregation on police size. They also examine the potential mediating roles of whites' fear of crime and antiblack prejudice. The results show that whites' fear and perceived economic threat account for more than onethird of the effect of %black on police size. They also find a significant positive effect of segregation on police size that is not accounted for by the intervening mechanisms considered. The findings are partially consistent with the minority threat perspective, but also suggest that it does not fully explain the link between racial context and crime control.

Popular support for enhanced border and internal controls to deal with undocumented immigration is examined in relation to contextual measures of group threat as well as perceived levels of cultural and economic threat posed by undocumented immigrants. Results from a national survey of non-Latino respondents (N = 1,364) indicate that presumed threatening context measured in static terms is inconsequential. But when context is measured in dynamic terms that also reflect dispersion and potential contact, it significantly predicts support for border controls. Perceived threats are stronger predictors of support for enhanced controls than either contextual indicators of presumed threat or individual characteristics of respondents. Results also show that perceived economic and cultural threats mediate the effects of individual respondent characteristics and dynamic contextual conditions as well. Implications for future research on immigrant threat emphasize the importance of context measured in both change and dispersion-related terms and responses to threat that distinguish alternative dimensions of control. Future work should also consider that perceptions of threat may not only have direct influence on immigration policy preferences but can mediate the effects of context and individual characteristics on those preferences.

The prevailing opinion in the sociological literature is that middle-class blacks are almost as segregated from whites as are poor blacks. We re-examine this view, using a multivariate, locational-attainment approach in place of a segregation-index one. Controlling for a variety of socioeconomic characteristics, we find that middleincome, suburban African Americans live in neighborhoods with many more whites than do poor, inner-city blacks. But their neighborhoods are not the same as those of whites having the same socioeconomic characteristics; and, in particular, middle-class blacks tend to live with white neighbors who are less affluent than they are. While, in a significant sense, they are less segregated than poor blacks, race still powerfully shapes their residential options. I don't believe that people would object to Lena Home [as a neighbor]. I don't think they would object to Harry Belafonte. I think they're afraid of poverty, and they associate welfare and low income, whether you're Italian, Greek, Irish, or upstate Clinton County. —Former New York Governor Mario Cuomo speaking of segregation in Yonkers