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This paper explores the relation between the use of anti-Semitic rhetoric in post-war Austrian parliamentary debate and the development of the consensusoriented, corporatist model of Austrian democracy, the "consociational model," between 1945 and 1955. Specifically, this paper examines the anti-Semitic stereotypes found in parliament, an arena where "the sayable" of official politics is defined, and whether such anti-Semitic stereotyping serves political-strategic purposes. The predominant pattern of exclusion proves to be the attribution of ambivalence, drawing on the repertoire of nationalist anti-Semitic stereotypes, depicting "emigrants" as "cowards," incapable of love for and defense of their countries. The analysis shows this pattern of exclusion is rooted in an ethnicized, homogeneous, and masculinist understanding of the people - recurrent in contemporary right-wing movements and parties. It follows the lines of Carl Schmitt's concept of the political, in which the distinction of "friend" and "enemy," and hence, the eradication of pluralism and ambivalence, is pivotal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme of academic anti-Semitism has been widely discussed recently in histories of the interwar period of the University of Vienna, in particular its Faculty of Law and Policy Sciences. This paper complements these studies by focusing on the economics chairs of this faculty and, more generally, on the fate of the younger generation of the Austrian School of Economics. After some introductory remarks the paper concentrates on three case studies: the neglect of Mises in all three appointments of economics chairs in the 1920s; the anti-Semitic overtones in the conflict between Hans Mayer and Othmar Spann, both professors of economics in the faculty; and on anti-Semitism as a determinant of success or failure in academia, and consequently of the emigration of Austrian economists. Finally, we have a short look at the development of economics at the University of Vienna during and after the Nazi regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the characteristics of Islamophobia in contemporary Austria. The country represents a particularly interesting case study of the dissemination of anti-Muslim sentiments as it has had a strong tradition of populist, right-wing politics, which was closely associated with the name of Jorg Haider until his death in 2008. However, publicly voiced prejudices against Muslims have remained comparatively rare. For some time, Austria's policy towards its Muslim population was even regarded as a model to be adopted by other countries. Even though this situation has started to change in the last three or four years, Islamophobia in Austria still seems to be more modest than, for example, in The Netherlands, where populist politics and anti-Muslim diatribes are closely connected. A further thesis to be confirmed in this research links anti-Muslim rhetoric in Austria with entrenched Judeophobic prejudices in the society at large. In this sense, some kinds of Islamophobia may serve as a cover for anti-Semitism. This view is very much in accordance with Austria's collective memory, which for a long time has demonstrated an amiable attitude towards Muslims, whereas Jews have always been seen as the utmost enemy. At a time when anti-Semitism has become socially disrespected, Islamophobia, a widely held attitude throughout Europe, is being used to appeal to Judeophobic sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration, displacement, and flight are major worldwide phenomena and typically pose challenges to mental health. Therefore, migrants' mental health, and the factors which may predict it, have become an important research subject. The present population-based cross-national comparison study explores symptoms of depression, anxiety, and somatization, as well as quality-of-life in samples of ex-Soviet Jewish migrants settling in three new countries: Germany, Austria and Israel, as well as in a sample of non-migrant ex-Soviet Jews in their country of origin, Russia. In the current study, we investigate the relationship of perceived xenophobiа and antisemitism, acculturation attitudes, ethnic and national identity, as well as affiliation with Jewish religion and culture to the psychological well-being of these migrants. Furthermore, we consider xenophobic and antisemitic attitudes as well as the acculturation orientation of the new countries' societies, assessed in the native control samples. Our data suggest that attitudes of the new country's society matter for the mental health of this migrant group. We conclude that the level of distress among ex-Soviet Jewish migrants seems to depend, among other factors, on the characteristics of the new country and/or specific interactions of the migrant population with the society they are settling in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the mechanisms for the constitution and transport of anti-Jewish prejudice in public and private discourse in contemporary Austria. Of particular relevance for the analysis is the influence which contextual factors (such as setting, speaker(s), presence or absence of Jews, role of the moderator in televised discussions, prominence of the speakers, emotionality, discussion topics, etc.) may or may not have had. For this analysis it was thus necessary to develop and apply a new methodology and new categories, which incorporated a discursive-historical approach, inter-disciplinary theory formation and the connexus of textlinguistic, psychological and historical conceptions. The results of the analysis show that expressions of antisemitic prejudice as such abounded, but that the explicitness and directness of the prejudices expressed varied markedly according to context. During televised discussions, for example, the various forms of antisemitism were embedded in strategies of positive self-promotion and/or cultivation of one's image. In a series of spontaneous, semi-public discussions (which retained what might be called a conditional anonymity), however, whatever hindrances or inhibitions which seem to have been present in the televised discussions all but vanished. An example from a news programme on the 25 March 1986 will illustrate the major claims and methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study takes its point of departure from reports of antisemitic incidents among Hungarians in Austrian refugee camps at the end of 1956. These incidents may have been provoked by agents from Communist Hungary who had penetrated the camps and found ground for provocation among the refugees. The author argues their true significance should be sought in the contemporary history of Catholic Hungary and Austria. Special attention is given to the biography of the journalist and historian, Friedrich Heer, and the priest, Leopold Ungar, who challenged the Austrian church to greater openness. An additional analysis is provided of the confrontation with the Catholic Jewish question conducted by Fathers György Kis, John Österreicher, and Alois Eckert. The engagement of Eckert and Ungar with the Hungarian refugees emerges as a prelude to the reconciliation of the Catholic Church with Judaism in the constitution Nostra Aetate of the Second Vatican Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of restrictive immigration laws and widespread anti-Semitic hiring practices at U.S. and Canadian universities, Turkey saved a large percentage of those fired from their academic posts by the Nazis in Germany and later in Austria. Refugees from Austria transformed and modernized the teaching and practice of urban architecture and radiology in Turkey and contributed to introducing political economy into university curricula there, yet this significant chapter of twentieth-century history is an Anglophone historian's blind spot. This paper discusses that episode, its legacy, and perceptions thereof in Turkey today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The content of right-wing populism is currently built largely upon Islamophobic mobilization, whereas, before the Second Republic of Austria, anti-Semitism was the principal content of populism in Austria. This article engages in a comparative discussion of the anti-Semitic propaganda deployed by political parties before the rise of the Austrofascist state and National Socialist rule in Austria and Islamophobic propaganda in present-day Austria. Specifically, the article compares the anti-Semitic discourse of "Jewification" that circulated between 1876 and 1934 with the current Islamophobic discourse of "Islamization," which is used by political parties such as the right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and the Christian democratic Austrian People's Party (ÖVP), which together currently form the coalition government in the Republic of Austria. This article comparatively investigates anti-Semitic and Islamophobic topoi to consider what continuities and shifts have occurred within the imagining of the (Oriental) Jewish and Muslim "other." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called 'Jewish' films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the 'destructive' impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by 'Jews'. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those 'Jewish' films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without 'Jews'. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of All Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses antisemitic elements in the Austrian print media discourse about the 2008-2010 economic crisis. The relevant discursive statements are examined in the light of a theoretical understanding of antisemitic discursive threads as found in the prevalent modes of presentation of the economic and financial crisis in the media. The first main finding is the broad avoidance of openly antisemitic stereotypes, with the exception of the Neue Kronen Zeitung. The second main finding is that structurally antisemitic discursive elements appear above all where (a) specific groups("high finance","financial sharks","speculators ") are singled out as the main culprits, (b) these are opposed to a homogeneously constructed"us"(the"Volk"), and (c) where the formers' greed is stressed and where they are accused of harming the people. Here we find nationalistic and latent antisemitic discourses, the stereotypical contrasting of finance and production, conspiracy theories and anti-Americanism closely interwoven. Keywords: antisemitism, nationalism, national identity, Austria, anti-Americanism, economic crisis, print media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the anti-semitism in the decline of Austrian economics, the implications of the Austrian theory of capital and the analysis of deflation in the country.

In this article, the author examines the socio-economic driving forces and political authorities behind the persecution of Jews in Vienna from 1938 to 1943 in order to demonstrate that the anti-Semitic mobilization of substantial sections of the population was directly related to social and economic interests. This becomes clear through the author's analysis of the radical nature of Viennese anti-Semitism from the pogroms of 1938 and the systematic deportation of Jews to extermination camps. This article is structured as follows: 1. Introduction, 2. Exploration of the Perpetrators' Emotional Potential and Demonstration of Jewish Defencelessness, 3. The Conceptual Delineation and Definition of the Enemy Group, 4. Destruction of Economic Means of Subsistence, 5. Forced Emigration, 6. Radicalization and Reichskristallnacht, 7. Spatial Segregation (Ghettoization), 8. Realizing the Nazi Stereotype of the 'Jew', 9. Removal and Annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor Bernhardi was one of Schnitzler's most successful plays, and at the same time, a key document in the development of his Austrian-Jewish identity. The central conflict in the play is not, as often assumed, that of science against religion, but rather that between the critically minded individual and those who submit to a political or religious programme. The figure of Bernhardi reflects Schnitzler's own position on the Jewish identity crisis, which may be termed 'enlightened apolitical individualism'. In addition to his experiences working in his father's clinic, Schnitzler drew inspiration for the plot from sources that are cited here for the first time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the situation and condition of the European Jews in Europe. The political situation in Austria initiated the call for the immigration of the Jews to Israel. The treasurer of the Jewish Agency, Chaim Chestler, called on the Jews in Austria to immigrate to Israel following a victory in the Austrian elections. Zionism was the viable mode of cultural identification Jews in Austria. However, the Jews came to understand that their European citizenship served as protection against virulent nationalism and threat of antisemitism.

The article discusses the socialism and antisemitism in Austria before World War I. The actual practice of socialism has not been kind to its religious and ethnic minorities, including Jews. The Soviet government adopted consistently anti-Semitic policies. Lenin was strongly opposed to anti-Semitism, but Soviet policy reversed shortly after his death. Totalitarian states, with their inevitable economic failures, eventually need scapegoats. Economic performance rarely matches the official promises, and the subsequent privations feed social resentment; one person gains only at the expense of another.