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In the book "Teuflische Allmacht: Über die verleugneten christlichen Wurzeln des modernen Antisemitismus und Antizionismus" by Tilman Tarach, the author argues that there is a tendency to overlook the Christian roots of antisemitism and anti-Zionism. Tarach traces the history of antisemitism back to early Christian pogroms and emphasizes the influence of Christianity on Nazi ideology. He also highlights the role of the Catholic and Protestant churches in perpetuating antisemitic beliefs. The book demonstrates that antisemitism has deep historical roots and remains connected to Christianity. [Extracted from the article]

"The 7 Deadly Myths: Antisemitism from the Time of Christ to Kanye West" by Alex Ryvchin explores the historical and contemporary manifestations of antisemitism. The book examines various myths surrounding the discrimination and persecution of Jews, including the blood libel, the belief that Jews are Christ-killers, and the myth of Jewish global domination. Ryvchin also addresses the concepts of Jewish chosenness, Jewish wealth, dual loyalties, and the perception of Jews as oppressors. The author concludes by emphasizing the importance of exposing and combating antisemitism to create a more inclusive and tolerant society. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the depiction of Jewish and Christian merchants in the medieval English Host miracle play, the Croxton Play of the Sacrament. This play is a critical illustration of religious racialization, effectively demonstrating the perpetuation of anti-Jewish stereotypes and legitimizing violence. Positioned within a broader scholarly debate, particularly in relation to Augustine's doctrine of Jewish witness, the play portrays Jews as allegorical figures that validate Christian theological constructs. This paper delves into the representation and linguistic depiction of Jewish characters in the play, emphasizing their systematic dehumanization and instrumentalization in Christian narratives. A significant focus is placed on the coerced conversion of Jewish characters, which forces them into the archetype of the "Wandering Jew", thereby highlighting motifs of symbolic aggression and unending diaspora. This paper also confronts contemporary scholarly perspectives that view the play as challenging religious boundaries, positing that such interpretations overlook the ingrained racialization and marginalization of Jewish identity during the European Middle Ages. It argues that the play's transient disruption of power dynamics ultimately reinforces prevailing social hierarchies, thereby solidifying deep-seated anti-Jewish sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism is a global phenomenon on the rise that is negatively affecting Jews and communities more broadly. It has been argued that social media has opened up new opportunities for antisemites to disseminate material and organize. It is, therefore, necessary to get a picture of the scope and nature of antisemitism on social media. However, identifying antisemitic messages in large datasets is not trivial and more work is needed in this area. In this paper, we present and describe an annotated dataset that can be used to train tweet classifiers. We first explain how we created our dataset and approached identifying antisemitic content by experts. We then describe the annotated data, where 11% of conversations about Jews (January 2019–August 2020) and 13% of conversations about Israel (January–August 2020) were labeled antisemitic. Another important finding concerns lexical differences across queries and labels. We find that antisemitic content often relates to conspiracies of Jewish global dominance, the Middle East conflict, and the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, developed in the long shadow cast by the 40th anniversary of the first publication of In Search Excellence offers a critical reanalysis of the orientations of the excellence project and a reconsideration of its legacy. Observing that the excellence prevails in the face of a host of academic critiques, which highlight its methodological, conceptual and empirical failings, the paper argues that In Search of Excellence continues to exercise an influence on the theory and practice of management because critics have made the conduct of Peters and Waterman their central analytical concern. Changing this focus the paper offers reflections on the lived experience of business excellence and the choices pursued by the exemplars of excellence. Drawing upon newspaper archives and other contemporary sources the paper focuses upon two of the fourteen organizations highlighted as exemplars of excellence and demonstrates serious misconduct including bribery, corruption, racism, sexism and anti-Semitism within these settings. Noting that these features of the lived experience of business excellence have evaded academic scrutiny for some 40 years, the paper concludes with the suggestion that management pedagogy and research must now adapt to acknowledge the unspeakable nature of business excellence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was drafted, in part, as a response to the horrific antisemitism leading to the extermination of millions of Jews in World War II. Yet, today, organisations that utilise human rights instruments to criticise Israel's laws, policies and practices are themselves being cast as antisemitic. How has the contemporary human rights regime come to be charged with antisemitism? The ostensible answer is that the meaning of antisemitism has expanded to include anti-Zionism and harsh criticism of Israel. While scholars have debated the validity of this expansion, this paper interrogates three types of abstractions: those deployed by traditional antisemites, those emanating from human rights, and those mobilised by the new antisemitism doctrine. An analysis of these abstractions helps clarify the new hostility between antisemitism and human rights. Whereas Zionism aims to protect Jews by asserting a right to Jewish difference within the context of a nation-state, human rights aim to protect Jews by promoting an egalitarian distribution of rights among the population. The crux of the matter is that the solution human rights offer to antisemitism also threatens the Zionist project, since it challenges the racialized mode of governance that this political ideology has implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rebekah Hyneman, born in Pennsylvania in 1816, played a significant role in documenting Jewish existence. Beyond her unique historical novel, The Black Izba: A Tale of Ancient Russia,1 serialized in 1855 in The Masonic Mirror and Keystone, she made a noteworthy contribution through her extensive oeuvre. Raised by a Jewish-German father and a Christian mother, Hyneman converted to Judaism in 1845. Despite her multifaceted literary output, her substantial contributions have been overlooked. This paper seeks to rectify the historical neglect surrounding Hyneman's work by shining a light on her novel, The Black Izba. This novel stands out as a rare piece by a nineteenth-century Jewish female writer. It offers a unique perspective on Jewish women, exploring a female literary culture documenting its own story, its relationship with prevailing Christian norms, and striving to uphold religious and cultural values in restrictive contexts. Through an examination of Hyneman's work, the paper underscores her portrayal of Jewish women and their role in preserving their identity. Hyneman's poetry and prose extend beyond mere artistic expression; they harbor political and social agendas. She believed that Christians' unfamiliarity with Jewish traditions fostered alienation. Through her writings, Hyneman endeavors to bridge this gap, emphasizing mutual recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an emerging debate in the field as to whether or not Holocaust education is effective in combating antisemitism. This paper aims to provide explanations for the frequently observed ineffectiveness of Holocaust education in reducing antisemitism by examining two cases that are in many ways diametrically opposed: Scotland as a former part of the Allied Forces and Austria as a post-Nazi state. The case studies focus on overlapping, contrasting and conflicting understandings of Holocaust education and the role of antisemitism within it. The perspective is primarily sociological, inspired by Critical Theory. Evidence is based on research papers and basic documents from the field of Holocaust education (curricula, websites of key actors and educational materials). It is interpreted according to the principles of qualitative content analysis. Findings suggest that in both cases opportunities to address and reduce antisemitism are being missed: In the Scottish case, the teaching of the Holocaust tends to downplay the specific Jewish experience and largely fails to address antisemitism, or does so in a very simplistic way. In the Austrian case, antisemitism is talked about, but in the context of widespread secondary antisemitism it risks being explained and understood in ways that are themselves antisemitic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the subjection of Europe's lower-strata working-class Muslims to a politics of containment on two levels: isolation and elite capture. Departing from analogies between antisemitism and Islamophobia, it argues for a different comparison between the two that involves their effects when weaponised as discursive strategies. While the effects of the weaponisation of ('new') antisemitism tend to isolate Muslims through a de -essentialising good vs. bad Muslim discourse, the effects of the weaponisation of Islamophobia move towards the tendential dynamics of elite capture through a re -essentialising discourse. Instead of theorising identity-formation as a direct consequence of ideology, the paper situates both discursive strategies within a structural framework that involves Muslims' organisational and collective- action forms, which in turn consolidate non-class identities. The paper concludes that the effects of the weaponisation of both discourses are realised in the containment of Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the praxis of the Zionist Left in Brazil, particularly during the 2010s. It argues that the Zionist Left, which claims to be a progressive grouping that stands in solidarity with the oppressed people in Palestine and in Brazil, functions in fact as a colonial counterrevolutionary actor against radical-left emancipatory politics. Indeed, the Zionist Left functions as a gatekeeper, blocking sectors of the Jewish community and the Brazilian Left from joining the growing anti-Zionist decolonial movement in Brazil. This paper aims to show how various Zionist Left groups have historically worked with the Zionist elite and the Brazilian state to undermine anti-Zionist communist Jewish alternatives by resorting to fraudulent discourse and even force in order to build support for the Zionist settler-colonial project in Palestine. This paper utilises a Marxist, anti-Zionist and anti-colonial framework in order to provide a counter-hegemonic critique for an emancipatory praxis that rejects colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the current discussion about definitions of antisemitism, the empirical social sciences have been marginalized. Groups of well-intentioned experts make decisions without considering the real-life experiences and perceptions of Jewish people—those who are impacted by antisemitism. I advocate returning the decision to the people, attributing greater weight in defining antisemitism to the actual perceptions of the victims—bottom-up rather than top-down. As a basis for a valid definition, we need to demonstrate these perceptions empirically. This paper presents a structural analysis of the 2018 Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) Survey. The study, conducted through the internet, included over 16,000 self-identified Jews in 12 European Union countries. I review the findings regarding the main contents of antisemitic expressions, the channels of transmission of antisemitism, and the identity of perpetrators. Using Similarity Structure Analysis (SSA), I suggest a new and better analytic typology of the main patterns of perceptions of contemporary antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism has been found on both the extreme left and right among political elites. However, at the mass public level, limited research suggests right-wing antisemitism, but not much left-wing antisemitism. This paper challenges that research, at least for the U.S., offering an alternative theory. The theory argues that the lowest levels of antisemitism will be found among mainstream liberals and conservatives. Ideological moderates will exhibit higher rates of antisemitism, while those lacking an ideological orientation will show still higher antisemitic rates. Extremists of the right and left may be more antisemitic than mainstream conservatives and liberals, but the inability of standard ideological self-placement questions to distinguish extreme ideologues from the very conservative/liberal makes it difficult to test the extremism hypothesis. Numerous items measuring attitudes towards Jews in the U.S. across five major surveys finds overwhelming support for the mainstream philosemitism theory. The conclusion puts the findings into perspective and offers suggestions regarding future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Film and television coverage of the “Little Hungarian World” following the Second Vienna Award remains incomplete. The media products, mostly funded by Hungary, usually portray the period between 1940 and 1944 in a one-sided manner, resulting from the lack of an unvarnished and honest confrontation with our own history. The question arises: if we try to understand this phenomenon based on the available audiovisual productions, how distorted will our perception become? Is it possible to create a media product about this subject without nationalistic overtones and, if so, how? In this paper, I begin to reflect on this question primarily as a filmmaker who has produced a documentary on this subject. In 2015, in our film Sweet Transylvania, We Were Here, we attempted to reconstruct the brief period of Northern Transylvania's return to Hungary based on oral history collections. I now aim to examine this phenomenon through the lens of available audiovisual products, complemented by the interviews collected for our documentary. This examination will focus on the following keywords: Second Vienna Award, the relationship between Hungarians from the Homeland and those from Transylvania, anti-Semitism, regime change, and sense of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper introduces the concept of political intertheology as a post-secular counterpart to Carl Schmitt's notion of political theology. It elaborates this concept by examining two interpretations of the New Testament narrative regarding the choice between Jesus and Barabbas. Both interpretations revolve around the relationship between Christianity and Judaism. The first, anti-antisemitic reading, emphasizes the identity between Jesus and Barabbas. The second, anti-anti-Christian interpretation, intensifies the political-theological antagonism. This article proposes a third, guilt-political interpretation. This perspective enables us to acknowledge both the inevitability of the distinction between Christians and what they perceived as Jews, and the fact that a politico-intertheological intensification (the accusation against the Jews of demanding the crucifixion of Jesus) was not inevitable. Understanding how it unfolded facilitates overcoming this fateful accusation at its core, without succumbing to a new accusation (against early Christians) and thereby replacing anti-Judaism with potential anti-Christian sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism has been a persistent and growing prejudice for millenniums against the Jewish people. This paper offers a general theory of group hatred appliable to antisemitism and other religious or racial prejudices. Theories of prejudice tend either to postulate an internal psychic template of hatred that is projected or postulate a social origin of hatred that is internalized. Rather there is a dialectic where there is a reciprocal movement between internal and external. The tendency to hate and project is a part of the human psyche, here called internal racism. Anxieties which cannot be contained internally can be stabilized by large‐group identity. When internal racism cannot be contained or the external social groups are weak, the result is pathological large‐group formations. A distinction can be made between personal antisemitism in which the hatred is projected onto a known person and impersonal antisemitism in which hatred is projected into groups. A fairy tale by the brother's Grimm, "The Jew among Thorns" is used to illustrate a number of personal antisemitic attitudes. "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion," a forged document that appeared in pre‐revolutionary Russia, is used to illustrate impersonal antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emotional appeal of Nazi propaganda from a psychoanalytic point of view. A shared ideological narrative connecting to unconscious fantasies within a large group psychology are utilized to explain this emotional appeal in the context of an intersubjective leader‐audience relationship. A narrative of narcissistic revenge, apocalyptic battle, and utopian unity and purification are explored utilizing speeches of Hitler as examples of ideological transmission. Prophesizing the extermination of the Jews of Europe is understood as integral to the emotional appeal of Nazi propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The magnitude of suffering on both the Israeli and Palestinian sides of the current war is beyond comprehension. Political agendas, misinformation and bias related to the conflict are being seen far too frequently in healthcare and medical academia. We believe it is time for healthcare professionals to redirect our attention away from politics and use our medical training to advocate for peace, care, and the welfare of all people, regardless of which side of the conflict they fall into. Politics in the workplace, particularly when disseminated information is divisive and, at times, based on opinion rather than fact, risks significant harm to patients, their families, and healthcare staff, as well as to institutional reputation. If we genuinely care for the well-being of patients and staff, we must lead by example and prevent healthcare systems and medical journals from being hijacked by politics. What is known about the topic? The magnitude of suffering on both the Israeli and Palestinian sides of the current war is beyond comprehension. What does this paper add? The conflict has sparked a surge of politics in healthcare, which in turn has led to a lack of cultural safety for patients, their families, and healthcare staff. What are the implications for practitioners? The medical community must focus on upholding the principles of health and care for all people and avoid political entanglements to ensure that healthcare remains a neutral, safe space for everyone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social science literature contains a thread of theory on the experience and function of fear within society. However, despite rising global concerns about antisemitism, Jewish experiences of such fear within a multicultural framework, such as that in Australia, remains largely unexamined on a qualitative basis. Jewish individuals and organizations speak in specific ways about their fears of antisemitism, both inwardly to their communities and outwardly to the public. While experiences and attitudes differ between different countries, this discourse can be interpreted as a performative act which produces, regulates and constrains the identities of Jewish communities, perpetrators and societies in relation to antisemitism. Culture is a factor telling individuals what to fear and how to respond, and fears reflect not only people's firsthand experiences but the collective social norms, values, and moral codes their group wishes to promote. This paper examines Jewish attitudes to antisemitism through the lens of anthropological theories of fear. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with the Jewish community of South East Queensland, Australia, it explores how contemporary antisemitism fears and threats to safety are commonly spoken about within the community and to outsiders, particularly with regards to popular antisemitic stereotyping, "alt-right" activity and radical Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the information diffusion of "Airbnb discrimination" and related digital activism on Twitter. The model-based inferential network analysis shows a hub-and-spoke network that is loosely connected, indicating that the diffusion network of Airbnb discrimination includes various issues (e.g., antisemitism). The retweet network mirrors the existing offline relationship of users (e.g., those who support opinion leaders of antisemitism), demonstrating a core–periphery structure during the information diffusion process. This study not only empirically tested the retweet relationships but also provided theoretical explanations on how these relationships form through the notion of curative logic and two step information flow theory. The findings of this research challenge the widely accepted assumption about social media that "the more users share, the more people will see." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relationships between racism and antisemitism. It focuses on three major contestations that have taken place during the post-Second World War era(s) regarding the ways racism, antisemitism and the relationships between them should be analysed. The first examines the different academic disciplinary approaches from which racism and antisemitism need to be studied. The second concerns the relationship between antisemitism, racism and modernity, introducing the notion of 'new antisemitism', which has become entangled in this contestation. The third examines how understanding racism and antisemitism relates to the theory and politics of intersectionality. The article argues against exclusionary constructions of racism resulting from different forms of identity politics. It calls for an inclusive definition of racism in which vernacular and specific forms of racism can be contextualised and analysed within an encompassing de-centred non-Eurocentric definition of racism. Within such an analytical framework, antisemitism should be seen as a form of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a personal discussion on the topic of anti-Semitism, this article brings together the common issues that lead to the conceptual complexity of anti-Semitism. The breach of anti-Semitism into public politics and the organized left through the two-axis points of Israel and conspiracy theories are discussed, in particular recent controversies in the Labour Party, attacks on religious centers, and discordant views on what qualifies as anti-Semitism. Weaving together personal narratives, the essay unpacks the difficulty of considering anti-Semitism in the contemporary understanding of oppression, colonialism, and white supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Online antisemitism rears its head during times of political instability, especially during contentious elections. This paper uses the 2022 Pennsylvania gubernatorial governor race as a case study to examine what political topics spur antisemitic expression on Twitter. Both rich political and antisemitism discourses are offered by this election that featured a Jewish Democrat candidate Josh Shapiro and far-right Republican candidate Doug Mastriano. Over 800 tweets were qualitatively analyzed through critical discourse analysis to understand both Shapiro's political tweets and the antisemitic reply tweets. This study addresses the gap of what online political contexts leads to instances of antisemitism on Twitter during political elections. Grounded in antisemitism and political propaganda literature, this study shows that particularly controversial topics of abortion rights and extremism in politics led to the highest amount of antisemitic expression. Dominantly, Jewish political control conspiracies were used as simple explanations for particularly turbulent political topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The difficulties in defining hate crime, hate incidents and hate speech, and in finding a common conceptual basis constitute a key barrier toward operationalisation in research, policy and programming. Definitions disagree about issues such as the identities that should be protected, the types of behaviours that should be referred to as hateful, and how the 'hate element' should be assessed. The lack of solid conceptual foundations is reflected in the absence of sound data. These issues have been raised since the early 1990s (Berk, 1990; Byers & Venturelli, 1994) but they proved to be an intractable problem that continues to affect this research and policy domain. Objectives: Our systematic review has two objectives that are fundamentally connected: mapping (1) original definitions and (2) original measurement tools of hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents and surrogate terms, that is, alternative terms used for these concepts (e.g., prejudice‐motivated crime, bias crime, among many others). Search Methods: We systematically searched over 19 databases to retrieve academic and grey literature, as well as legislation. In addition, we contacted 26 country experts and searched 211 websites, as well as bibliographies of published reviews of related literature, and scrutiny of annotated bibliographies of related literature. Inclusion Criteria: This review included documents published after 1990 found in academic literature, grey literature and legislation. We included academic empirical articles with any study design, as well as theoretical articles that focused specifically on defining hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents or surrogate terms. We also reviewed current criminal or civil legislation that is intended to regulate forms of hate speech, hate incidents and hate crimes. Eligible countries included Canada, USA, UK, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Australia and New Zealand. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (1), they had to contain at least one original definition of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (2), they had to contain at least one original measurement tool of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. Documents could be included in relation to both research objectives. Data Collection and Analysis: The systematic search covered 1 January 1990 to 31 December 2021, with searches of academic databases conducted between 8th March and 12th April 2022 yielding 35,191 references. We carried out country‐specific searches for grey literature published in the same time period between 27th August and 2nd December 2021. These searches yielded a total of 2748 results. We coded characteristics of the definitions and measurement tools, including the protected characteristics, the approaches to categorise the 'hate element' and other variables. We used univariate and bivariate statistical methods for data analysis. We also carried out a social network analysis. Main Results: We provide as annex complete lists of the original definitions and measurement tools that met our inclusion criteria, for the use of researchers and policy makers worldwide. We included 423 definitions and 168 measurement tools in academic and grey literature, and 83 definitions found in legislation. To support future research and policy work in this area, we included a synthetic assessment of the (1) the operationalisability of each definition and (2) the theoretical robustness and transparency of each measurement tool. Our mapping of the definitions and measurement tools revealed numerous significant trends, clusters and differences between and within definitions and measurement tools focusing on hate crime, hate speech and hate incidents. For example, definitions and measurement tools tend to focus more on ethnic and religious identities (e.g., racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia) compared to sexual, gender and disability‐related identities. This gap is greater in the definitions and measurement tools of hate speech than hate crime. Our analysis showed geographical patterns: hate crime definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from Anglophonic countries, especially the USA, but hate speech definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from continental Europe. In terms of disciplinary fragmentation, our social network analysis revealed that the collaboration and exchange of conceptual frameworks and methodological tools between social sciences and computer science is limited, with most definitions and measurement tools clustering along disciplinary lines. More detailed findings are presented in the results section of the report. Authors' Conclusions: There is an urgent need to close the research and policy gap between the protections of 'ethnic and religious identities' and other (less) protected characteristics such as gender and sexual identities, age and disability. There is also an urgent need to improve the quality of methodological and reporting standards in research examining hate behaviours, including transparency in methodology and data reporting, and discussion of limitations (e.g., bias in data). Many of the measurement tools found in the academic literature were excluded because they did not report transparently how they collected and analysed the data. Further, 41% of documents presenting research on hate behaviours did not provide a definition of what they were looking at. Given the importance of this policy domain, it is vital to raise the quality and trustworthiness of research in this area. This review found that researchers in different disciplinary areas (e.g., social sciences and computer science) rarely collaborate. Future research should attempt to build on existing definitions and measurement tools (instead of duplicating efforts), and engage in more interdisciplinary collaborations. It is our hope that that this review can provide a solid foundation for researchers, government, and other bodies to build cumulative knowledge and collaboration in this important field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Palestine continues to be a contentious issue in and for Western higher education particularly in Germany and, by extension, in German-speaking academia. In this article we take figurations of Palestine as an analytical lens through which to trouble German-centric epistemologies, understandings of history and their applications inside academic structures. We specifically tackle the silence on and ideological erasure of Palestine in German-speaking academic environments and read this erasure as colonially constituted and stemming from a German Lebensraum ideology, ruling over space and race 'through science'. We propose to understand contemporary erasures of Palestine through this transnational and transhistorical space-race-and-education-nexus. First, we delineate Lebensraum ideology and its policing barriers and apply it to today's structures of higher education and the territorial exclusion of Palestinians from those structures by way of education. Within this epistemic nationalist framework—which evicts politicized Palestinians qua Palestinians as (too) political —we discuss how Palestine has become a central tool for the maintenance of white academia, and as such is a decolonial feminist issue relevant for the investigation of power structures in higher education and German political discourses. We finally discuss our theoretical approach vis-à-vis commentaries from and by Palestinians in German-speaking higher education. The authors situate their personal and professional experience on the inside, outside, and on the margins of German academia. In a political landscape that disavows BDS on campuses, brands solidarity with Palestinians as anti-Semitic, and a state doctrine that calls for an uncritical and 'unconditional support of Israel', this article is of crucial importance to understand modern knowledge production in Germany and Europe. Our methodology is based on literature reviews, new feminist theorization around issues of silence and solidarity, and preliminary (auto-) ethnographic explorations of Palestinians in and out of German-speaking academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the transformative impact of the Documentation of Jewish Records Worldwide (DoJR) project, launched in 2017, on Jewish genealogy. Jewish genealogy, deeply rooted in centuries of tradition and cultural significance, transcends mere ancestral tracing, embodying a comprehensive exploration of Jewish history and heritage. The DoJR project represents a monumental shift in this field, aiming to compile a comprehensive, freely accessible online catalog, JCat, of every existing document of every Jew who ever lived. This endeavor reshapes our approach to Jewish genealogy and profoundly deepens our understanding of Jewish history. This article delves into the historical context of Jewish genealogy, tracing its evolution from ancient times through various challenges, including the Holocaust's devastating impact on Jewish genealogical records. It highlights the pioneering efforts in the field and the modern advancements that have facilitated the growth of Jewish genealogy, including DNA testing and digital technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gaza War is a watershed moment not only in the Middle East. It has also increased political divisions in Germany, where Israel's security and the fight against anti-Semitism are part of its historical legacy and political and moral identity. Incidents of anti-Semitism have increased dramatically, as have overdrawn accusations of it. An analysis of controversies about the definition of anti-Semitism, about the use of the term apartheid for the situation in the West Bank, of the BDS movement (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions), and particularly the characterization of Israel as a settler-colonial state shows how difficult it has become to maintain a fair, honest, and frank discussion considering different points of view. The current crisis should be used as an opportunity for Germany to, on the one hand, face the unavoidable contradictions in its responsibilities stemming from the crimes of its Nazi past and, on the other hand, come to grips not only with Arab and Iranian terrorism and eliminationist rhetoric but also with the deficiencies in Israel's policies toward the Palestinians. Germany's new leitmotiv ought to be: 'Between the River and the Sea, Jews and Arabs should be free.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author talks about the war of ideas, conviction and will facing Americans and how they must wage it. He finds it alarming that young people support the Hamas terrorism in Israel and view the violence as a necessity and liberation. He considers antisemitism as a response to an act of savagery with a defense of barbarism and urges people to discern accordingly to be able to come out of the ideology of vandalism and nihilism, enforce the law and eliminate double standards on speech.

On May 25, 2023, the Biden Administration released The U.S. National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism--America's first national strategy of this kind. In early November 2023, the White House announced the establishment of the firstever U.S. National Strategy to Counter Islamophobia. These historic commitments respond to increases in identity-based bias incidents and expression against Jews and Muslims. Antisemitic incidents, which were already rising even before the pandemic, increased by almost 400% since the start of the Israel-Hamas war. The war also triggered a sharp upturn in Islamophobic incidents in the U.S., including the shooting of three college students and the murder of a child. Although there has been fresh contestation in the U.S. over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this is also a particularly pressing moment for the effective implementation of the national strategies to combat antisemitism and Islamophobia here. United States makes that clear. By recognizing this, the National Strategy implicitly highlights the risks posed both by those conservatives who downplay associations with antisemites and those progressives who discount antisemitism. In centering anti-antisemitism as a national goal, the National Strategy additionally makes three key contributions: (1) by focusing on antisemitism as a broad social challenge rather than principally a problem on college campuses; (2) by its recognition of the role of social media in disseminating and amplifying antisemitism; and (3) by emphasizing the need for more empirical research aimed at the idiosyncrasies and impacts of antisemitism. To be sure, as the Article points out, some of the National Strategy's recommendations to reverse the normalization of antisemitism--its specific proposals regarding social media, its slant on "speaking out" and public condemnation, and its reliance on voluntary corporate sanctions--could benefit from further consideration, refinement, and empirical study. Nevertheless, it would be regrettable for American democracy if some under-analyzed policy recommendations, partisan politics, or concerns about disagreements over the Middle East were to cause the White House's important antiantisemitism commitment for the U.S. to be discounted as mere political theater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A survey conducted in Canada reveals that while most non-Jewish Canadians do not hold negative attitudes towards Jews, certain groups such as university students, Quebecois, and Muslims have more negative attitudes towards Jews than the societal norm. Negative attitudes towards Israel are more widespread than negative attitudes towards Jews among Canada's non-Jewish population. The survey emphasizes the importance of including Jews in Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) policies, as they still face negative comments based on their religion or ethnicity. The survey suggests that both Jews and Palestinians need to recognize each other's right to safety and sovereignty, and educators can play a role in bringing the two sides closer together by teaching about their historical context and experiences. The survey also highlights the diversity of opinion within the Canadian Jewish community, with some members critical of the Israeli government's handling of the Palestinian question. The survey concludes by suggesting that greater diversity of opinion within the Jewish community could help build stronger bridges to non-Jewish ethnic and religious groups, particularly the Muslim community. The text discusses the issue of antisemitism in Canada, referencing surveys and studies that highlight its prevalence and exploring factors that may contribute to it. It also discusses the experiences of Jewish students on university campuses and the challenges they face. The text presents these findings without personal judgments or opinions and touches on topics such as survey reliability, the relationship between anti-Semitism and anti-Israel sentiment, and the impact of religiosity on emotional attachment to Israel. It also mentions incidents related to the Israel-Hamas conflict [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses a quantitative study on discrimination against Jews in 76 countries, focusing on both government-based discrimination and societal religious discrimination. The authors provide data on the countries that exhibit different levels of discrimination against Jews. The study also explores the role of religious antisemitism, anti-Zionism, and conspiracy theories in contributing to discriminatory practices. The book utilizes cross-national data from various sources, such as the World Bank and the World Values Survey, to analyze the relationship between religion, socio-economic development, and discrimination. The article recommends this book as important reading for researchers and students interested in antisemitism, international relations, and political science. [Extracted from the article]

"Habsburg Sons: Jews in the Austro-Hungarian Army, 1788–1918" by Peter C. Appelbaum is a comprehensive study that examines the role of Jews in the Austro-Hungarian army during the period of 1788 to 1918. The book highlights the unique position of Jews in the army, as Austro-Hungary was the first country in Europe to allow Jews to serve. The author explores the experiences of Jewish soldiers, their contributions, and the challenges they faced, including language barriers and discrimination. The book also delves into the experiences of Jewish chaplains and the role of religion in the army. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the history of Jews in the Austro-Hungarian army and their significant contributions during this time. [Extracted from the article]

"The Compromise of Return: Viennese Jews After the Holocaust" by Elizabeth Anthony is a book that examines the experiences of Jews who returned to Vienna after the Holocaust. The author explores their motivations for returning and the difficulties they encountered in rebuilding their lives. The book also discusses the concept of "home" and the sense of belonging that the returnees felt towards Vienna. It addresses the complex identities of Viennese Jews and the antisemitism they faced in different political movements. However, the study does not extensively cover the return of social democrats and raises questions about the idea of a "political home" for Jewish returnees. The text also discusses the formation of identity in post-Nazi Austria, focusing on the experiences of Jewish survivors. It highlights the silencing of Jewish survivors in Austrian society and the discrimination they faced in areas such as victim welfare and property restitution. The text explores the theory of the victim myth, which suggests that Austrians presented themselves as victims of National Socialism, marginalizing the true victims. The author argues that this theory oversimplifies the complex identities and experiences of postwar Austrians. Despite some factual errors, the text provides a coherent and well-structured picture of the challenges faced by Jewish returnees in Austria. [Extracted from the article]

Many of the people categorized as members of the "Jewish race" under Italy's draconian antisemitic racial laws of 1938–1943 sought relief through recategorization as "Aryans." This required the collaboration of Church officials to certify the individual's Catholic credentials, as race categorization depended heavily on one's religion, having little to do with biology. The newly available Ebrei (Jews) series from the Historical Archive of the Secretariat of State, Section for Relations with States and International Organizations (ASRS) offers a rich trove of materials that illuminate how a large number of those categorized as Jews sought to attain Aryan status. Here we take a first look at the impassioned pleas to the Vatican by offering examples of how the petitioners sought to distance themselves from the Jewish "racial" identity assigned to them by the Italian state. As a result of this research, the key role played by the Roman Catholic Church in the administration of Italy's racial laws comes into clearer focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It argues that the pursuit of knowledge can challenge existing beliefs and lead to empathy and healing. The article also explores various narratives and perspectives surrounding the conflict, acknowledging the existence of Palestinian identity and self-determination movements. It emphasizes the importance of understanding historical processes and interconnected causes to promote dialogue and compromise. Additionally, the article discusses a musical composition that addresses themes of grief, violence, and the re-evaluation of beliefs in the context of the conflict. It highlights the shared roots and aspirations of both Jewish and Arabic cultures and emphasizes the need for peaceful resolution and collective responsibility. [Extracted from the article]

This article is a conversation with Judith Butler, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, about their experience in Brazil in 2017. Butler attended a conference on democracy and authoritarianism but faced backlash from an ultraconservative group who organized a social media campaign against them. They were met with large crowds outside the venue who burned effigies and called them the devil. Despite the threats, Butler continued to speak about democracy and free speech. The article discusses the misconceptions and fears surrounding gender studies, emphasizing its role in critical thinking and open inquiry. Butler calls for alliances to fight against the anti-gender ideology movement and to continue questioning established narratives. The text also highlights the need to understand global discourses and practices of freedom and justice, as well as the dangers of internecine fighting within feminism. It emphasizes the importance of addressing patriarchal and heteronormative systems as sources of destruction in the world. [Extracted from the article]

The Byzantine hymnography was considered a "stumbling stone" of the Jewish–Orthodox Christian dialogue because of the harsh anti-Jewish elements kept in the modern liturgical texts without any revision. This article analyses the often-mentioned texts of the Triodion—the liturgical period before Pascha—using a quantitative approach. The starting point of this research states that we must keep in mind the broader view on the state of the hymnography without labelling the entire Byzantine hymnography as anti-Jewish by looking at some concrete stanzas from Holy Week services. The results demonstrate that we can speak only about very few hymnographical texts containing anti-Jewish elements compared to the entire Triodion. This approach helps us in the Jewish–Christian debates to focus on what exactly are we speaking about, and what precisely those texts are saying. After a short analysis of the content of selected hymns, I propose three concrete categories of hymns that could be more easily approached by either excluding them or transforming them through translation into modern languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the narratives describing the interactions between students of the Catholic University of Lublin and the local Jewish population. It analyzes oral histories from the "Grodzka Gate - NN Theatre" archive using the theoretical framework of intergroup contact theory, intersectionality, and the concept of contact zone. The study presents the accounts thematically, according to the circumstances of the violent behavior, and notes its gendered nature--it was perpetrated mostly by Catholic men. Moreover, it seeks an explanation for these situations and, finally, points to the theory of memory of meanings as a helpful interpretative tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish fascists held power for a lengthy period, yet their antisemitism remains under-researched. This article, drawing on periodicals and archival documentation, specifically examines the early years of the Falange until 1945. The period was characterised by a significant surge in antisemitic sentiment in Spain, accompanied by a growing presence of the alleged ‘Judaeo-Masonic conspiracy’. Representing the first in-depth approach in English, the text is divided into four parts. The first serves as an introduction to the outbreak of antisemitism and conspiracy theories within the political cultures of the Spanish illiberal right following the advent of democracy in 1931. The second focuses on fascism and its four most prominent figures up to 1936. The third analyses the Falange’s pronounced antisemitism during the Spanish Civil War, exploring both its internal and external influences. The fourth and final part addresses the fervently antisemitic stance of the Falange during the decisive years of the Second World War, navigating the tensions between Nazi antisemitic racism and Catholic anti-racist antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]